Mr. Guflrt reported from the managers
appointed to confer with those of the
House of Representatives, on the amend
ments propoi'ed by the Senate, bill,
entitled, " An ast to provide for the erec
ting and repairing of arlenals and maga
zines, and for other purposes " That they
have agreed that it would be proper, in
stead of the amendments proposed to the
firfl fedtion, to amend the fame by fink
ing out from the word " Stores" in the 2d
line, to the wortl " Provided" in the Bth
line, and infeit^
" There ihall be established under the
liredHori of the President of the United
Jtates three or four arsenals with maga
zines, he (hall judge moll expedient,
in such places as will bell accomodate the
different parts of the United States—ei
ther or both of the arsenals heretofore used
at Springfield and Carliflc to be continued
as part of the said number at his discre
tion.
" And that it would be proper for the
House of Reprefentauves to agree to the
other amendments proposed, except the
last, and for the Senate to recede from
that." And it was agreed to adopt the
report.
A meflage from the House of Repre
sentatives by Mr. Beckley their clerk :
" Mr. President—The President of the
United States hath notified the House of
Representatives, that he did on the 26th
instant, approve 'and sign a resolve laying
an embargo on the vessels in the ports of
the United States ; and that he hath this
day, approved and signed "An adt to
provide a naval armament."
*' The House of Representatives ad
here to their disagreement to some, and
recede from their disagreement to other a
nlendments, to the bill, entitled, " An
ast to provide for the ere&ing of arsenals
and magazines, and for othei" purposes"—
And he withdrew.
The senate took into confederation the
bill hit mentioned—
Whereupon,
Riifolved, That they recede from their
amendments to the firft fedlion and adopt
the amendment reported by the managers
at the conference thereon.
Refolvedj That they recede from their
amendment to the sixth feftion—and
That they infill on their amendment to
the third feftion of the said bill.
Ordered, That the Secretary commu
nicate these resolutions to the House of
Representatives.
On motion,
It was agreed tW the order of the day,
.rhich was to ke into consideration the
state of the nation, be postponed until to
morrow.
The Senate adjourned until 11 o'Clock
to-morrow morning.
For the Gazette of the United States.
Mr. Fenno,
BY a wtiter in Oswald's paper of this
tnorning, signing himfelf " A friend to re
publican societies" you ire personally addres
sed, as the editor of a piece called " a hint
to Democratic Societies If I fuppofedyou
the author of that speculation, I would leave
you to defend yourfelf; but as the editor
of a free press you ought to be defended in
every exercise of rights and discharge of du
ties which such a character enjoins. One of
your rights it undoubtedly was, to give a
place 111 your Gazette to the " hint." One
of the foremofl of your duties to make pub
lic a communication tending to discounte
nance Democratic Societies. Who are these
Societies ? Does any body know them ? Do
the people of the United States, or those of
any individual state, know them ? Are they
legally elected to enquire into the conduit of
public officers, or to regulate elections ? No
Mr. Fcnno, they are neither known, acknow
ledged, or refpefted, by any class ofcitizens—
They are felf-created, daring and impudent
usurpers—Not one of them have any legal
authority to aflemble themselves together,
and it is not going too far to fay, that it might
well be as a queltion whether they are not
fubjedts of criminal prosecution; as indivi
duals each member may have a right of giv
ing bis opinion upon public measures and
public men ; and even colleitively it may be
tolerated if decency is preserved ; but that
a trifling aflembly of people whom nobody
knows, Ihould pretend to be the organ to
express the sense of many thousands of peo
ple, at once lhows their arrogance and pub
liflies their contempt for those very rules,
they would prescribe to others. Where then
is the mighty error Mr. Printer, you are said
tc have committed when you published the
" hint" in question—l defend not this spe
culation ?n particul i-, but every word that
can be uttered against these daring invaders
of my country's rights. This attempt to
intimidate you Mr. Fenno, is not the firft of
the kind, and you will pardon me when I
fay that it has sometimes produced its effect.
What! in this land of pretended freedom
lha.ll only one fide of a qUeftfon -belleard:
Has it already reached such a-pal's, that no
thing but mifchref is popular; and are all
the prefies of th's city h much under the
influence of popular breath, that their con
du<stors are obliged .o swim with the current
or be drowned by the tlood of antifederalifm ?
1 hope this is only a surmise of my own, but
A candid confeflion from the editors them
selves would I firmly believe confirm its
truth. Mr. Fenno, you are accused of'pub
lifhing an " outrageous, insolent, attack on
the Republic of France" I deny it—or that
any thing can be outrageous, more than the
fubjedt deserves—What obligation have I, or
any one else to speak or write well of France,
England, or any other country under Hea
ven, if I dislike the proceedings of their peo
ple—l am not obliged to love and adore,
what any other perlon chooses to tell me is
lovely and adorable —1 believe if people would
give themselves time to reflefl, they woulS
discover something mofe admirable in their
own country thart in any foreign one ; and
giving themselves the opportunity of con
templating the charms of their lawful wife,
they nev£r would be decoyed by the falfe
blandilhments of a rival mistress.—But Mr.
Printer, I will confine myfelf hereafter to
the writer of your reprimand—l hope you
will believe me as much at least as you do
him, in his afi*ertions, when I fay, that Soci
eties calling themselves Democratic, are high
ly improper m a representative republican
government, that they ought to be discoun
tenanced, and every honest Printer will con
tribute his mite towards it; that the stile in
which you are addrefled is menacing, inso
lent, and such as a freeman would not receive
from the mouth of any one without resent
ing it —Further I aflert that the present De
mocratic Societies are not influenced by simi
lar motives to those which actuated the meet
ings of people, protesting against British ty
ranny & oppreflion—The one, were in oppo
fitioir to a government, acknowledged and
approved by their country —The others are
laying the foundation of a wall of separation
never to be broken through—They opposed
the arbitrary government of a foreign nation,
whose claim to rule, was founded at firft in
law and right, but which unnumbered abuses
had destroyed. The Demo. Societies are
quarrelling with their own broth, or what
ought to be such, and the government instead
of being improved by their fcnitiny, would
become contemptible if their system Ihould
prevail.
The writer is wrong in his calculation when
he fays opposition will multiply these Soci- ,
eties—lf opposition can expose to the people,
the evil tendency and infamous designs of
such alTociations, I believe they will hardly
increase much in number or refpecftability.
In short, Mr. Fenno, to use a trite expression,
these Societies are in love with therafciv*»<
and without a rival.
A Friend to Republican Freedom.
Philad. April 9, 1794.
Cotigrefs of the United States
Hottje of Reprefentativot
Mr. Giles's reply to Mr. W. Smith's ob
servations on the passing of the naval
armament bill.
Mr. Giles in reply to Mr. W. Smith
upon the bill providing the naval arma
ment, remarked, That having just pre
sented the outlines of his opinion upon this
fubjeft to the House. He intended not
to have troubled the House with any fur
ther observations; bat the gentleman last
up had thrown a/i imputation upon the
humanity of the oppofersof the bill, which
required an answer. The gentleman has
triumphantly asked, " Who can read the
reprelentations of the unfortunate captives
at Algiers without giving their aflent to
the bill ?"—This question is answered by
another :—Who can read the representa
tions of the unfortnnate catives at Algiers
and can give an ajfent to the bill!— The
bill contains eflentially a declaration of
war. The means it provides are for resist
ance not for conquest. The gentleman
calls upon our humanity to ameliorate the
condition of s the captives, by a declaration
of war against a barbarian, without fur
ni(hing any means which could operate
upon his personal fears ; or perhaps the
gentleman conceives, that after the frigates
ft all have performed wonders upon the
water, they would leave the element, bold
ly march upon the land and break the
chains of the prisoners. This is aligning
a new office to the frigates, and if Mr.
Giles thought they pofleffed the ability to
execute it, he would give his heartv afTent
to the bill.
But'might it not with more reason and
probability be concluded, that a declara
tion of war under such circumstances,
would irritate the barbarians and furnifh
additional misery to the unfortunate pri
soners ? In the expedient of purchasing a
peace, which is the substitute he relied up
on, the redemption of the will
almoit constitute a pait of the
negociation. Mr. G. laid the gentleman
on this fubjeft, appeared to have forgot
ten the whole connection betwten cause
and effrS, and to have disdained all com
parison of the means to the end. He be
lieved if ever there was a measure involv
ing great political consequences, which
owed its existence to paffior., without one
effort of calculation as far at leait as it re
lated to its ostensible object, it was the
measure contemplated by the bill now be
fore the House.
Subjlance of the remarks made by Mr. Giles
on Mr. Dayton's resolution for the fe
quejlration of all debts due to Britifhfub
jefis.
Mr. Criles commenced his remarks by
observing, that he had intended to have
given a silent vote upon the question be
fore the committee, and probably should
not have altered that intention, if it had
not been from the solicitous requests ex
prefled yesterday by several gentlemen in
the opposition—That the favorers of the
proposed measure should furnifh the com
mittee with the reasons upon which it was
founded. Although it appeared to him
to be rather unreafoiiable, that some gen
tlemen should be expe&ed not only to
possess reasons for their own opinions, but
to furnifh reasons for others ; and altho'
he did not conceive that the favorers of
the measure were under any obligation to
difelofe the reasons inducing it, provided
they thought proper to hazard its fate up
on a silent vote ; yet he was willing to in
dulge the gentlemen with presenting to
them, the general couife of reflection,
which the fubjedt had produced in his
mind, and, which strongly suggested its
propriety. He had however a more pow
erful inducement to difclsfing his opinion
since the fubjett has become matter of dif
cuflion and its propriety doubted.
The measure is deemed a bold one, and
pregnant with serious coiifequences: In all
such cases he was desirous that his respon
sibility to the United States in general,
and to his immediate constituents in parti
cular, should at all times be attested by
the real motives which influenced his con
du£t.
Several gentlemen in the opposition,
had earnestly admonished the committee
agaiwft the indulgence of their pafiions
upon this fubjedl, and recommended the
exercise of cool and deliberate reasoning.
He fliould not pretend to fay how far such
an *dmonition was necessary or juftified by
the temper of the committee : But he be
lieved it applied as strongly to the gentle
men who fuggeited the caution, as to
those to whom it was addrefledj and he
hoped in the course of the fvture discus
sion the gentlemen would shew an exam
ple in themselves of the precepts they had
prescribed to others.
As to himfelf Mr. G. declared, that
imprefled with the awfulnefs of the pre
sent crisis, he had never reflected upon a
fubjeft with more coolness, and if he un
derstood his own situation, his mind was
never in a state more susceptible of convic
tion.
The proposed measure is expected to
eventuate in a final explanation of the re
lative state of things between the United
States and Great Britain. It will pro
bably result, therefore, in open bojlilily with
the usual appeal to arms ; or, in a peace
with all the rights of Neutrality attached to
it: For this purpose the resolution propo
ses a sequestration of the debts due to the
fubjedts of Great Britain, to be held as
a pledge for the indemnification of the
lofles sustained by American citizens un
der the orders of the British king, in con
travention of the laws of nations, and in
violation of every rule of morality and
juitice. In the course of debate this fub
jeft seems to have resolved itfelf into two
questions—First, as it refpe&s the right x
of one nation to fequeiter the property of
the individuals of another in any pofiible
cafe. 2d. The policy of exercising this
right at this time under the existing cir
cumstances of the United States. °
He presumed that a slate of things
might exist between two nations, in which
reprisal would not only become the right,
but the duty to the nation, sustaining the
wiong. This happens where ose nation
without cause, forcibly seizes upon the ef.
feds of another, or of its citizens, and
withholds them without restitution, or
compensation, and when the nation whose
effects shall be t feized and detained, (hall
possess no other means of indemnification.
The right of reprisal in tl* injured n:u
tion in luch a cafe grow?, out of the inju
ry sustained and its inability to redress it
felf in any other way. The duty of the
injured nation to make reprisals, is found
ed upon felf-prefervation; and in cafe of
the losses of us citizens, upon the pro
mise of the protection of property, fk
credly made by the nation to its individu
al members.
This he believed to be the doctrine of
the laws of morality and reason, and he
knew it to be the do&rine of the laws of
nations, which were in fa& nothing more
than the laws of morality and reason fvf
tematized and reduced to writing.
(To be continued.)
Poft-Office, April 8, 1794.
(Cj" Letters to go by the opportunity
expected for Halifax, in the courfc of
next week, in order to be conveyed by
the British Packet, from that place to
England, will be received at this Office,
until Saturday at 12 o'Clock noon.
N. B. The inland postage to New-York
must be paid.
i *% * All the letters that were intended to
go by the brig Nancy, Capt. Gavin, for Fal
mcuth, arefent to the Pojl-Office, in order
that they may be firwarde by the opportuni
ty going to Halifax, to go by the British Pac
ket from thence > it will however be neceflary
for lhofe who put letters i ■ the. Nancy's bag,
to call at the Pojl Ojpee, and pay the pcflage
to New York, before they can go forward.
Philad. April 9. J % f
scheme of a Lottery,
To raise 39,900 Dollars, on 266.000
Dollars, deducing 15 per Cent, from
the Prizes—this Lottery conjijls of
38,000 Tickets, in -which there are
H>539 Prizes and 23,461 Blanks,
being about one and an half Blanks to a
Prize.
I rt ® ors °f 'he Society for efiabiifhmg
Ufeful Manufa6tures, having refoSvcd to
ercft LOTTERIES for railing One Hundred
Thousand Doll a* s, agreeably 10 an Ast ol
the Lcgiuature ol the State of New-Jerfry, have
appointed the following persons to superintend
ind direct the drawing ol the fame, viz, Nicho
as Low, Rufus King, Herman Lc Roy, Jame
■Vatfon, Richard Harrifon, Abijah Hammond
nd Cornelius Ray, of the city of New-Yoik
rhotnas Willing, Joseph Ball, Matthew M'Cou
.el and Andrew Bayard,
lefphia—His Excellency Richard Ho " ~
.... mrcellericy k . wowell, Ei
ilias Boudinot, General Elias Dayton, Jame,
Parker, JoTin Bayard, Doctor I.ewis Douham,
Samuel W. Stockton, Joshua M. Wallace, Joseph
Bloomfield, and Elilha Boudinot, of New-ler
fey, who offer the following Scheme of a Lot
tery, and pledge themselves to the public, that
they will take erery a durance and precaution in
• their power to have the Monies paid by the
Managers, from tirae to time, as received, into
the Banks at New-York and Philadelphia, to
remain for the purpofeof paying Priecs, which
(hall be immediately discharged by a check
npon one of the Banks.
SCHEME:
1 Prize oi
80)000 Dollara i* 20,009
10,000 jp.- ■<«£>
s>ooo
5
io
20
ICO
300
1000
2000
3000
« 8100
2,000
1,000
500
100
5°
20
*5
12
10
J 4>539 Prizes.
23,461 Blanks,
262,000
First drawn number, 2,000
Last drawn number, 2,000
38,000 Tickets at 7 Dollars each is 266.000
The drawing will commence, under the in
fpc&ion of a Committee of theSupcrintendants, 4
as loon as the Tickets are folrf,ot which timely
notice will be given.
The Superintendants have appointed John N,
Gumming, of Newark, Jacob R. Hard en berg,
tff New-Brunfwick, and Jonathan Rhea, of
TTrenton, as immediate Managers thereof, who
have given ample security for discharging the
trust reposed in them.
In order to fecurethe puri6lu.il payment
of the Prizes, the Superintendantsof ttoe Lottery
have directed that the Managers (ball each enter
into bonds in 40,000 dollars, with four fufficient
fecuritics, to perform their inftiuftions, the fub
(tance of which is
I. That whenever either of ihe Manager*
(hall receive the sum of Three Hundred Dollars,
he (hall imnidiatcly place thefame in one of the
Banks of New-York or Philadelphia, 10 the
cicdit of the Governor of the Society, and such
of the Superintendents as live in the city where
the monies are placed, to remain there until the
Lottery is drawn, for the payment of the Prizes.
ll.* The Managers to take fuflicient (ecurity
for any Tickets they may trust, othcrwife to be
refponfiblc for them.
111. To keep regular books of Tickets fold,
Monies received and paid into the Bank, ab
ftrafls of which (hall be sent, monthly, to the
Governor of the Society.
Paterfon, January i, 17^,
On application to eithef of the above gentle,
men, information wiU be given where tickets
miv be Irad.
February 24.
yyOOO
10,000
>0,000
>0,000
i»,oco
>0,000
>5,000
20,c00
30,000
36,000
8.1 ,000
tu&ftf.