(ion, for entrance into tfce society. He
declared Kc was a farmer. ii,
Dufourny commended what Ifore liad vc
done as an example to other formers. A
Collet D'Heibois rofi, and {zrd,— w
That being fellow commilTioner wish Ifore, cc
1 lodged with him in a thatched house that m
was on his far (A. The wife ot Ifore itind- tl
ly received me, and I partook of the bed tl
of this eftimabie wile." P
(The jeiters. who every where inifcon- p
ftrue words, set up a laugh, and applauded tl
Collet.) Collet refused his difcoarfe, and ft
said, " You have put a. meaning on my g
wbrds, which I did not mean to convey, i o
meant to express, that fier bed was com- p
posed of two mattrefles, and (lie gave me r
one of them." 1
Simon announced that the two reports c
of Robespierre, one on the toleration of re- a
ligions, the other on the preservation of 1
the treaties with the allies of France, have d
excited a happy difpolition, so that the g
Swiss arc wholly ditpofed to adopt our go- r
veru merit amongli themfeivca, with the ne- j
ceffary local modiiications- i
Simon also read a memorial of the z
English court to the Helvetic cantons, i
to engage them to break with l'rance.— j
That court invites the Swiss to call to mind f
the former friendlhip and treaties which
have always united France to the thirteen i
Cantons. In the memorial was also read (
— 1 " Call to mind that France is covered i
with the blood of your brethren maflacred i
the lOth of Augufl, for defending Louis <
16th, the friend of the Swiss. Will you ftrll ]
longer hold alliance with robbers and as- i
faiins. Tliey except you from other na- ]
ti()ns —hut this predilection is an injury.— i
The French at prefer.: with to secure all
property. Be doubtful of a nation who ,
has no longer either a God or laws." I
[n lpite of George 3d the Swiss remain I
up'haken in their neutrality. _ >
The Committee of Public Safety said 1
lit the convention, " Will you baffle thema
noevivris of the connter-revolutionilts em
ployed to excite religions quarrels ? Will
you make refpecHd the decree of the lix
teentli of Frimaire, for permitting the quiet
toleration of religion r Then forbid the ope
' ra theatre, and all others to represent the
piece entitled the Fall of Importers, and
the Inauguration of the Temple of f ruth,
together with all other pieces which may
have the fame tendency, to ridicule religi-
ous vrorlhip.
For the Gazsttk of the United States.
MR. Fsnno,
The American people have formed their
just and.equal government, and have hi
therto condu&ed their national interests,
with such prudence, firmnefs and sense of
the blefiings which real liberty confers, as
to he a fair example to the whole world.
The principles which have been cheri(hed,
and the measures generally pursued by
the mass of the people, and those whom
they have entrusted with the management
of their affairs, clearly evince that they are
an enlightened people. They are not very
fit fubje&s therefore, for designing and
ambitious demagogues to practise upon
with success : they understand their prin
ciples too well, and are too firmly persuad
ed of the advantages of a government by
fair and full representation, to barter them
away upon the suggestions of felf-created
centinels of liberty, who attempt to ac
quire an improper influence, by a pom
pous display of wordy patriotism. 1 trust
it is in "vain, that certain turbulent indivi
duals organize themselves into Democrati
cal societies as they are called, act in am
bitious concert, and attempt to usurp an
influence over the public mind, which they
cannot hope to obtain if the people are left
to their own reflections and unbiassed de
cisions with regard to men and measures.
An undifcerning multitude, just emanci
pated from a cruel despotism and aristo
cracy, may require perhaps such' inltitu-
before they are matured in the .prin
ciples of rational liberty ; but they suit
not a people acquainted with those princi
ples from their birth, and by long experi
ence eltablifhed in a predilection for a Re
publican government by representation.
However, as the most unfair means and
themqft forward pretentions are exeicifed
and displayed at present to mislead the
public mihd, it is the duty of those who
feel an attachment ta real liberty and genn
int repullicanifm, to strip off the malk from'
pretended patriots, to avow thair senti
ments freely, and withstand the ufuipa
tions of a combination of men not delega
ted by the people, who pretend to speak
fn their name and assume their rights.
These pemocrate whilst they retail prin
ciples as excUifively theirs, Vrhith are uni»
verfally adopted by the free citizens of
America, arrogantly claim a superiority
which is bv no means allowed, or even ,
compatible with their pretentions to de- 1
mocracy, and insidiously call in queltion
the republiGanifm of those who' differ from
them in certain political measures, and el
pecially with thole, who "have acquired the.
public confidence, and are employed in
those important trulls so which they them
ielves aspire. Hence those repeated char
ges of aristocracy, and repeated complaints
of " the amazing wantof Republican
principles and co;iuu£t of our official cha
racters. Hence all those political affecta
tions that are forming under foreign auspi
ces, in various parts of United States,
and those political machinations which are
ierioufly moved to drfturb that fettled or
der of things in which the virtuous citizens
generally hud the repose and sweet enjoy
ment of liberty, after the toils and drag
gles endured in its edablifhment. It is
not liberty, but faction which organizes
and dire&s such democratic combinations ;
it is not virtue, but felf-intereil which
prompts the ambitions directors of these
fuparnumerary machines of freedom.
fn the General Advertiser of yetterday
morning, a writer who aflumes the ridi
culous and unmeaniug title of an Ameri
can Sans Culottes, pompously asserts what
no freeman denies, that " the government
of a republic, is the government of the
people, and tins government which is to
represent their interests and feelings is to
have no other rule of conduct than the ge
neral will."
refutations of the Democratic
Society of Charleltorj, published also yef
ertlay morning in the fame paper, we
ind the following feiJtiißsatfs stated with
is much warmth as if they were actually
:ontroverte<3 and threatened with arinihila
:ion : " the people of America know, that
rovernment was made only for them, they
inow that all power in the legislative and
;xecutiue j>jrt of government proceeded
from them ; that th y have not parted with
fheir freedom, by entrusting a portion of
power to a few individuals, and a right to
investigate the conduit of < hose whom they
have authorued, &o. This dodtrine 13 all
very true, and all the question is, who are
the people ? Are they a few felf-ereatedv
felf-interefted members of certain poFitical
clubs, or the mass of citizens throughout
the United States, who hare chosen by a
fair and free election,. Representatives to
appear in their behalf, and a£t in their
name? If the latter statement be the truth,
who are the former ? And what must we
think of the candor, the modesty, the
truth of those who declaim against " s
want of republicanism in characters com
poling the highelt offices in the Federal
Government; ariftocratical pride and mis
taken ambition or of those who afTert,
that " it is' discordant to the sentiments
of some of our politicians, that the peoph
ought to regulate the proceedings of go
vernment and that measures in which
the people of America are universally a
greed, meet with opposition from some oi
their Representatives ?
When these men can (hew that a part
is greater than the >vhole, or that a few
individuals combined in party circles thro
the continent, are better entitled to re
gard, as the organs of the people, than the
men elected by that very people, we may
admire their, dexterity, but we ought to
fufpedt their ingegrity. I think they mult
have imbibed the spirit of the SansCulottes
at Paris, mentioned in Moore's Journal,
who said, "The National AfTcmbly ought
o obey our dictates','* (meaning the mob
)f Paiis) " since they are only the Repre
entatives of the people, whereas tve are
he people ourselves." On the contra-
I, and many thousands of my fellow-citi
zens fully agree with the following decla
ration, recorded by Dr. Moore, whict
the President of the National AfTembl]
made to a democrat, who took upon him
felf to ast in behalf of the people ; " Un
doubtedly the people is sovereign, but tlii
Fovereignty is in the whole people, and not
n any separate part, and cannot be exerci
cd, but by the Representatives of the
vhole nation.
A Friend to a Representative
Government.
* Seethe No-breeches-writer in the Ge-
neral Adven'ifer of April 3.
For tie Gazette of
A Hint to the Demo. Societies.
Those Gentlemen will pleale to recollejft
that the good people of this country (whom
they wilh to awe into measures which would
bring on the of all property, and
a dSfolution of every moral obligation,) have
got the example of France before their eyes;
the* knqw that France owes all her diftiac
tions to the too lenient measures pursued by
that class bf citizens wh6, whiHt tlicy yet re
tained fufficient influence and authority to
Item the torrent of wickedness, lpared the
men who had plotted the deltru&ion of thfin
felves and property, in hopes tune might
throw up some change which would open
the eyes of thit hardened let —tne event
proved the fallacy of their hopes ; the unre
lenting villains thirsted for their blood, and u '
under the pretence of treaion, every man ot co
worth and property has fallen there ; wirnels fi<
Lyons, witness Bourdeaux and Marseilles. tr
Ye know that if ye had timely difpoled of pj
j your internal enemies, you had exilted yet; K
l none but the wicked are now found in your
places. They may be fuffered for a feat'on
for the wife ends of Providence, but he will «
in a moment speak them into eternity—all as
nature demands a riddance of. them, and the fh
period is not far distant, when France fliall r y
be tranquil. You who have fallen the un- . J
happy vifti-ns of their infernal rage, (hall
give a profitable example to mankind. A- I
mericzL is upoiiher guardy she will bewure "111 j
time, she will not neglea the critical mo- ai
ment. C
LAW OF THE UNION.
THIRD CONGRESS OF THE
UNITED STATES, a]
AT THE FIRST SESSION, 01
Begun and held at the city of Philadelphia, p
in the State of Pennsylvania, on Monday V i
the second of December,one thousand f:
feve!n hundred and ninety-three. b
An ACT making appropriations for tie
support of the Military EJiabliJbment of the 0
United States, for the year one thousand
seven hundred and ninety four.
T> Eit enaded by the Senate and °
Sec. I. J3 tioufe of Beprefentatiix.s of the n
United States of America, in Cougrefs affem- o
bltd, That for the support of the military f,
eftablifhrAent of the United States, for the
year one thousand seven hundred and hinety t
four ; for repairs and articles directed to be
made and purchased by the Prtr.dent of the £
United States; for invalid peufioners ; for *
fortifying, certain ports and harbours ; f
and for tlie,purc>afe of cannon,, implements f
and (hoti there be appropriated a turn of mo- c
uey not exceeding one m llion, fix hundred a
and twenty nine thousand, nine hundred and j
thirty fix dollars, and one cent ; .hat is to
fay ; For the pay of the legion of the United '
States, three hundred and three thousand, fix *
hundred and eighty four dollars : For sub- c
fiftance, three hundred and twelve thousand i
five hundred and sixty fevsn dollar? and fe- ,
I ventv jive cents : For So. age, thirty one thou- .
sand, fix hundred and thirty two dollars: (
For clothing, one hundred and twelve thou
sand dollars: For equipments for the caval- '
rv, f ven thousand, three hundred and iour- 1
teen dollars, and five cents : For horses for
the cavalry, sixteen thousand dollars: For
bounty to the soldiers, five thousand dollars:
For the hospital department, twenty thousand
dollars: For the ordnance department, fix
thousand seven hundred and fifteen dollars,
and thirty two cents : For defenfive protec
tion of the frontiers, one hundred and thirty
thousand dollars : For the Indian department,
fifty thousand dollars : For the quarter mas
ter s department, one hundred and fifty thou
sand dollars: For contingencies of the war
department, thirty thousand dollars : For re
pairs and articles direaed to be made and
h purchased by the President of the United
i- States, two hundred and two thousand, seven
)f hundred and eighty three dollars, and thirty
iour cents: For invalid pensioners, eighty
thousand, two hundred, and thirty nine dol
lars, and fifty five cents : For fortifying cer
v tain ports and harbours of the United States,
and purchasing the lands neceflary for the
e- ereaion of the fame, seventy fix thousand
ie dollars : For the purchase of cannon, imple
v ments and (hot, ninety fix thousand dollars.
0 Sec. z. And be it further enabled, That
,i the several appropriations herein before
1 made, (hall bf paid and' discharged out of
e8 the funds following, to wit; Firll, the surplus
il, of the sum of fix hundred thousand dollars,
tit reserved by the aa '' making provision for
>b the debt of the United States," and which
e . will accrue during the year one thousand fe
re ven hundred and ninety four : Secondly, the
surplus of revenue and income, beyond the
"7 appropriations heretofore charged thereupon,
;i " to the end of the year one thoaland and se
a- ven hundred and ninety four : And thirdly,
;h the surplus which may remain unexpended,
]y of the monies appropriated for the life of
n _ the war department, in the year one thou
fanp seven hundred and ninety three.
Frederick Augustus Muhlenberg,
IIR Speaker of the House of
ot i Representatives.
ct- John Adams, Vice-President of the
he United States, and President
of the Senate.
Appro ved—March the )
twenty firft, 1794 5
Go. Washington, President of the
re- United States.
An ACT to prohibit the carrying on the
Slave trade from the United States ts any
foreign place or country.
Sec. I. T) Eit enaP.ed by the $eifate and
Jj Houfi of Reprefenlaiives of
the United Statet of America, in Cer.grefs
'tjtss.
'nit so
ajjemhhdi, That no cit:zea or citizens of
the United States, or foreigner, or any
other person coming into, or residing
within the fame, (hall, for himfelf or anv
other Person whatsoever, either as master,
fa£tor or owner, build, lit, equip, load ur
otherwise prepare any (hip or vclTel, with,
in any port or place of the ftid United
States, nor (hall cause any fh'p or vetfel
to fail from any port or place within the
fame, for the purpose of carrying on any
trade or-traffic in slaves, to any foreign
country ; or for the purpose of procuring,
from any foreign kingdom, place or coun
try, the inhabitants of fisch kingdom,
place or country, to be trafported to any
foreign country, port or place whatever,
to be fold or disposed of, as (laves : And
if any (hip orvefTel (hall be so fitted out,
as aforefaid, for the said purposes, or
shall becaufed to fail, so as aforefaid, eve
ry such (hip or vessel, her tackle, furui
ture, apparel and other appurtenances,
(hall be forfeited to the United States ;
and shall be liable to be seized, prosecuted
Ind condemned, in any of the circui
:->urts or di drift eudrt for the diftritft,
vhere the said ship or vefTel may be found
ind seized.
Sec. 2. And (>:■ it further cnaclcd, That
ill and every person, so building, fitting
>ut, equipping, loading, or otlierwiie
>reparing, or fending away, any (hip or
I'fTcl, knowing, or intending, that the
me shall be employed in iuch trade or
:Arfinefs, contrary to the true intent and
neaning of this ast, or any aiding
ar abetting therein, (hail severally forfeit!
ind pay the sum of two thousand dollars,
one moiety thereof, to the use of the Li
nked States, and the other moiety there
of, to {he use of him or her, who (hull sue
for and prr.fecute the fame.
Sec. 3. And be it further evaSel, That
the owner, mailer or factor of each and
every foreign (hip or vefTel, clearing out
for any of the coafls or kingdoms of A
friea, or fufpefted to be intended for the
Have-trade, and the nifjvcion being de
clared to the officer of the customs, by
any citizen, on onth rr affirmation, and
such information being to the fztisfsftiou
of the said officer, fhaU fir ft give bond
with fnfficient sureties, to the Treasurer
of the United States, that ncne of the
natives of Africa, or any other foreign
country or plauct*, ilual! tu: o? bu^rd
the said (hip or veffei, to be tra ifported,
or fold as (laves, in any other foreign port
or place whatever, Wtlhiti nine months
thereafter.
Sec. 4. A die it further enaSed, That
if any citizen or citizens of the United
States shall, contrary to the true intent
and meaning of this ast, take on b.>ard,
receive or transport any such f erf ins, as
above deferibed, in this ast, for the pur
pose of filing them as slaves, as afo efaid,
he or they shall forfeit and pay, for each
and every person, so received on beard,
transported, or fold as aforefaid, the sum
of two hundred dollars, to be recovered
in any court of the United States proper
to try. the fame : the one moiety thereof,
to the use of the United States, and the
othe moiety to the use of such person or
persons, who (liall sue for and prosecute
■ the fame.
Frederick Aug ustusMuhles berg,
Speaker of tlie House of
Representatives.
• vv r -
John Adams, Vice-President of the
United States, and President
of the Senate.
Approved—March the |
twenty-second, 1794. j
Go. Washington, President of the
United States.
■■ f f'lf'lll* 1 "
Congress of the United States.
Houje of Reprefentaiivet
Thuobfervations of Mr. Smith of South-
Carolina, on the palling of the bill for
the naval armament.
Mr. Smith remarked that though it
was not probable any proselytes were to
-be expected at this late period of the bu
siness and after so ample a difcuflion as the
question had received in its different Itages,
yet he coniidercd it neceflary to make a
reply to feme of the various objections
which had been just made to the paffinj*
of the bill. Many of those objections
appeared to him totally inapplicable to
the subject ; thole he thould pas» over in
lilence. If it were the design of the
houte to incur a v»ft 'eKpence in the eita
blifhinent of a navy, merely for the Mie
purposes of vain parade, there would be
m