The Senate relumed tHe second reading •f the bill " is addition to the ast for the punifbmrnt of certain crimes against the United States," and after progrria, Ordered, That the 'further coufidera tion thereof be podponed. Mr. Vining reported from the commit tee for enrolled bills, that they had ex amined the bill, entitled " an a£l making appropriations for the support of govern ment, for the year one thousand seven hund/ed and ninety four," and that it wax duly enrolled. A mefTage from the House of Repre {entatives, by Mr. B eckley, their Clerk : " M . President—The Speaker of the HouCc of Representatives having signed an enrolled bill, and an enrolled rcfolu tion, I am directed to bring them to the Senate, for the fignatureof the Vice-Pre fideut."—And he withdrew. The Vice-President ligned the enrolled bill, entitled " an a£t making appropria tions for the support of government, for the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety four/' also the enrolled " resolu tion propofmg to the several States an a ■nendment to the constitution of the Uni ted States, refpead so long acted, with perfect fatisfaftion to his own mind. The question was now presented, as doubtless it ought to be, dire&ed only to G- B. and propofmg a- discrimination a gainst her. The object was, to compel that couHtry to relax the severity of h«r commercial regulations, and to put her intercourse with this country, on a more favourable footing to us. That all this was to be effected by lefTening our trade with G. B. and diverting it to other chan nels. When to all this it was replied, that the present conduct of G. B. put such re gulations at defiance—that so far from shewing a dread of such a iyflem, (he was pursuing measures, which as far as in her power, threatened our commerce with an nihilation : that at such a time to attempt by the proposed measures, to bend her views to our wiihes was absurd. That at this time, if there was a ray of hope, to avoid the calamities of war, every mea sure which was at the fame time irritating and ineffectual fliould be avoided. To these objection, it was answered, was war inevitable, the proposition ought now to be adopted, as a commercial system to come into operation, at the conclusion of the war.—Gentlemen who made this answer, did not seem to remember that to render it just, we mult poflefs a certain knowledge of the events of the war :— That the relative circumstances of the two countries, might be mutually altcrel by thole events, and that which might be proper now, would be wholly improper then. As this question was merely of a com mercial i a ure, he had regretted to fee political considerations intermingled in the debate. The antipathy that was mani fefted to cne cou.,t y, and the friendly re. gard to another, ought not to influence the decision, Passion (hould he banished, and just and c'ol calculations, on the foundation of national interest alone di rest our determination. It wasnot nowa question, whetherG. B. had infli&ed political injuries on this coun try, whether {he aided the savages of the wildemefs, in the murder of our citizens, whether (he had let loose upon us the more barbarous savages of Africa, or whether (he had committed piratical t'epredations on our commerce—if th *fe farts were so, and justice could not be obtained by nego ciation, though he should deprecate war a 6 an evil of great magnitude, yet (hould justice be denyed us, he should then seek redress with as much firmn.-fs he hoped as most men. In such a warfare, he (hould hope for vi&ory ; there was he believed no foundation for such hope in the war &re, contemplated by the p,opofitions be fore the committee. He laid it down as a maxim that the go. Ycrnment of every country, in all its deli berations ftiould be influenced onlv by considerations of public good. To do juliice to all the world, religiously to per form its contra&s, these were to be scru pulously obfcrved, for they were always for the public good. A private man might indeed, practice disinterested benevolence to any extent, his humanity and generoli ty might di&ate—a public man, had no such authority. Did America he a (Iced, owe a debt of gratitude to France, whence derive we the authority to discharge it ? Is such debt due, who shall calculate thi amount? How much of the blood, of the treafwe, of the prosperity of onr country, will ease us of this load of obligation ! ' He said be did not wish to depreciate the merit of France, her efforts were glori ous to herfelf, and beneficial to this coun tiy. That he might, hoover, be per. mitted to recall the remembrance of the committee to her conduit. He then ex* hibited a view of that conduit, front which he concluded that every thing which was done, had its foundation in a cool and temperate calculation of national benefit. That this indeed, was the only legitimate motive to national measures. That other countries could always calcu late their measures upon national interest, and he ftneerely hoped the government of this conntry would do the fame. "To do otherwise" laid he, " is quixotism—it it is crusading for the salvation of otherß, and not ourselves." He hoped therefore,: that no part of our assent to the propositi on immediately under coniideration, would be expected either from gratitude on the one hand or refeutment on the other, He said he should proceed to consider whether it was for the interett of Ame rica, that this proposition (hould be a dopted. The objects are to leflen credit, to controul commerce by diverting it frcm its ancient channels, to encourage naviga tion and manufa&ures ; and the motive was that Great Britain poflefled a greater portion of our trade than (lie was entitled to from her disposition and ccndudt to- wards us, He could not help premising that the featuies of the system were strongly mark ed with a disposition to controul men in. the economy of private life and the ma nagement of their fortunes—why else not permit them to extend their credit when in their opinion it may be ufeful to them ? Such measures, for such purpose could on ly be juitified on a pretence that ourcoun-. trymen were deficient either in wisdom or in prudence—-A pretence which if not insolent, always had, and always would be found mischievous, because the great bulk of every community were more com petent to the management of their own private concerns than the government wo'd pretend to be. The whole fyftcm is dire&ed toward! Great Britain, and the obje<3 is declared ly coertion. The confluences molt be either, I it, that Great Britain would sub mit; 2d, that (he would withdraw her ca pital and relinquish a commercial connexi on with us; or 3d, that flie would coun teradl our regulations by legislative pro vilions. Suppose Great Britain should be com pelled to fubmiflion, it would not be ima gined (lie would do it immediately ; and in the mean we mud fuller much distress. It was true, he said, we had many other commercial connexions, but in these we did almost the whole of the carrying none of the nations to whom we are thu» allied having any considerable (hipping to spare for cur purposes ; nor was there any probability that they would immediately, if at all, furni(h us with any considerable supply. We mud therefore depend on ourselves. In a country circumstanced at this was, it was to be expected there would always be a deficiency of commercial ca pital ; because there were so many objeflt to which capital could be profitably ap plied. The object of the resolution under confederation, was to divert capital from branches in which it was at present gain fully employed to others. The branch wus at prefant overftccked; yet a diversi on mull take place, for (hips must be built or our produce % could rot go to market, but must perish on our hands. Manufac tures, too, must be eftablilhed, or our Ci tizens could not be supplied with the ne cessaries and conveniences for which they now depended on other countries; and they mull do without them until our na vigation is fufficiently encreaftd. What effects, he alked, were to be produced by a direrfion, and tfat immediately, of one half of our commerce from its ancient and natural channels ? Was there nothing to be feared for the preferrotion of the pub lic credit, wh:ch this commerce was to lupport ? Nothing for the prosperity and happiness of oar country > But what be (aid, appeared atmo& far. fical to him us this (yiUxa wat, it w» m* intended to fee prrmaumt. Gcr.tlrr.Kn said, Great IVitain »cuW not &n»d the iTiock—(he naojt (übmk; tfcerwy fcberrf, then, wsti to de whom we were to When our wrcfcnk *s4 «wr bsskki fafturei -efUfcliflaod, Grew Boßkw *s>de{ give over tJ« tWßteft. Tfce* 6*r might be laid up «* «sr do«kit> Md isstr manufafhiiiftg capites rejh&d m thofs branches from »+.tci k wxts m to br. i»V fiantly withdraw*; fwrtttfefistHatc-Mu',.y