The Senate relumed tHe second reading •f the bill " is addition to the ast for the punifbmrnt of certain crimes against the United States," and after progrria, Ordered, That the 'further coufidera tion thereof be podponed. Mr. Vining reported from the commit tee for enrolled bills, that they had ex amined the bill, entitled " an a£l making appropriations for the support of govern ment, for the year one thousand seven hund/ed and ninety four," and that it wax duly enrolled. A mefTage from the House of Repre {entatives, by Mr. B eckley, their Clerk : " M . President—The Speaker of the HouCc of Representatives having signed an enrolled bill, and an enrolled rcfolu tion, I am directed to bring them to the Senate, for the fignatureof the Vice-Pre fideut."—And he withdrew. The Vice-President ligned the enrolled bill, entitled " an a£t making appropria tions for the support of government, for the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety four/' also the enrolled " resolu tion propofmg to the several States an a ■nendment to the constitution of the Uni ted States, refpe<fting the judicial power," and the bill was delivered to the commit tee to be laid before the President of the United States, for his approbation. The Senate adjourned until 11 o'clock to morrow morning. Wednesday, March 12th, 1794. On motion, Ordered, That Mr. Burr, have leave of absence. On motion, Refolded, That the President of the United States be rtquelled to transmit to the executives of the several States, co pies of the amendment proposed by Con gress, to be added to the constitution of the United States, refpefting thejudicial power. Ordered, That the Secretary desire the concurrence of the House of Repre sentatives in this tefolution. Mr. Vining reported from the commit tee on enrolled bills, that they did this day, lay before the President of the U nited States, for his approbation, the bill, entitled " an ast making appropriations for the lupport of government for the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety four." A mefiage from the House of Repre sentatives, by Mr. Beckley, their Clerk : . " Mr. President—The House of Re presentatives have parted a bill, entitled, " an ast to provide for the defence of certain ports and harbors in the United States," in which they desire the con currence of the Senate. " They have concurred with the Se nate, in the resolution of this day, re queuing the President of the United States to transmit to the refpeftive States, copies of the " Resolution proposing to the several States, an amendment to the constitution of the United States, refpeft ing the judicial power."—And he with drew. Sixteen enrolled copies of the last men tioned resolution, were delivered to the committee for enrolled bills to be laid be fore the President of the United States for transmission. Mr. Vining reported from the committee for enrolled bills, that they had accord ingly laid the laid enrolled copies before the President of the United States. The Senate resumed the second reading of the bill " in addition to the ast for the punithment of certain crimes against the United States." On motion To strike out the 7th feftion of the bill, as follows: jlnd be it further c*aßed, That it shall not be Sawful to fell within the United States any veflel or goods captured from a prince or ttate or from the fubje&s or ci tizen* of a prince or Hate with which the United States are at peace, which veflel or goods lhall have been captured by any other foreign prince or state or by the fub jc&t or citizens of such prince or state, rnlefe fnch veflel and goods (hall have been fitft carried iotoa pori or place within the territory of the prince or state to which the captors belong, but &ch veflels and guods stall be carried out of the United States by thole who &aU have brought then in. And the falc of any veflel or roods prohibited as aforefaid ftiall be ut terly void. kpn&d 10 the Mptiic. Yeas as—Nays li. The yeat asd a ays being required by onfcfirfe of d»- Seoaton prrfcal. Those who voted in the affirmative, are. Messrs. Bradley, Brown Butler, Ed wards, Gunn, Hawkins, Jackfua, Lang don, Martin, MonrOc, Robinson And Tay lor. Those who voted in the negative, are, MefTrs. Bradford, Cabot, Ellfworth, Foster, Izard, King, Livermore, Mit chel, Morris, Potts, Strong and Vining; The Vice-President determined the question in the negative. On motion, To adopt this 7th feftion, It pafled in the affirmative—Yeas 12 —Nays 12. The yeas and nays being required by one fifth of the Senators present, Those who votod in the affirmative, are Meflrs. Bradford, Cabot, Ellfworth, Foster, Izard, King, Livermore, Mitchel, Morris, Potts, Strong, and Vining. Those who voted in the negative, arc Messrs. Bradley, Brown, Butler, Ed wards, Gunn, Hawkins, Jackson, Lang don, Martin, Monroe, Robinson, and Tay lor. The Vice-President determined the question in the affirmative. On motion, To adopt the following as an addition al feftion to the bill, viz. " And be it further enabled, That this ast (hall continue and be in force for and during the term of fix months, and from thence to the end of the next feflion of Congress, and no longer." It palled in the negative—Yeas 11— Nays 13. The yeas and nays beieg required by one fifth of the Senarors present, Those who voted in the affirmative, are Mefirs. Bradley, Brown, Butler, Ed wards, Gunn, Hawkins, Jackson, Mar tin, Monroe, Robinson, and Taylor. Those who voted in the negative, are Messrs. Bradford, Cabot, Ellfwoith, Foster, Izard, King, Langdon, Livermore, Mitchel, Morris, Potts, Strong, and Vi ning. On motion, To adopt the following, as an addition al feftion to the bill, to wit: " And be it further enaSed, That this ast (hall continue and be m force, for and during the term of two years, and from thence to end of the next feflion of Con gress, and no longer. It palled in the affirmative—Yeas 17 —Nays 7. The yeas and nays being required by one fifth of the Senators present, Those whose voted in the affirmative, are Meflrs. Bradford, Brown, Cabot, Ellf worth, Foster, Gunn, Hawkins, Jackson, Izard, King, Livermore, Martin, Mitchel, Morris, Potts, Srong and Vining. Those who voted in the negative, are, Messrs. Brai'ey, Butler, Edwards, Lang don, Monroe, Robinson and Taylor. On motion, That this bill pass to the third reading It palled in the affirmative ; Yeas 12 —Nays 12. The yeas and nays being required by one fifth of the Senators pi efent. Those who voted in the affirmative, are, Meflrs. Bradford, Cabot, Ellfworth, Foster, Izard, King, Livermore, Mitchel, Morris, Potts, Strong, and Vining. Those who voted in the negative, are, Messrs. Bradley, Brown, Butler, Ed wards, Gunn, Hawkins, Jackson, Lang don, Martin, Monroe, Robinson and Tay lor. The Vice President determined the question in the affirmative. (To be continued.) Daily's Hotel. GIFFORD DALLY, Formerly Keeper of the City Tavern, and of the Merchants Coffee-Houfe of tb'u City :— Respectfully inform* Ms Frimd* and the Public ic general, that he has THIS DAY oDened a HOTEL in Shippcn-Strett, be tween Third and Fourth-Sirens, at thr House formerly ocafpi«d by Mr. Timmons, which has Lately been greatly improved* and is now commodious ; where he has turaiflied him- Iclt with «he befl of LIQUORS, and wiil fur a.fk a TABLE for Parties, w«h the best provi iioat the Market* aiioi<L, at any hour, on the Jborteft notice, from hia Wng experience in this tine of bufinefi, he fldUrrs Jviuifclf fliall be able to give faltcfa&ioato all who may plraXe tofavoetoim with their company. FkiUidffaia, Jaxuus-y ss, #794. CONGRESS House of Rcprefentativcr. Friday, March 14. Jn committee of the whole on Mr. MaJifon's resolutions. [continued.] Mr. SEDGWICK'S SPEECH Mr. S- laid that although he had been absent during the discussion of this im portant subjeCt, yet he could not consent to give a silent vote, though he had not the vanity to suppose he could give new light; yethavingon a queftionof m gnitude accultomed himfelf to speak as well as vote his sentiments, he would not n(iw omit it; he felt the propriety of apologifiug on this occalion :—lt was said that the measure was popular, and that the opppfition was reprobated by the people, if so, it would be mean and base in him to ill rink from a participation with the gentlemen, with whom he J>ad so long acted, with perfect fatisfaftion to his own mind. The question was now presented, as doubtless it ought to be, dire&ed only to G- B. and propofmg a- discrimination a gainst her. The object was, to compel that couHtry to relax the severity of h«r commercial regulations, and to put her intercourse with this country, on a more favourable footing to us. That all this was to be effected by lefTening our trade with G. B. and diverting it to other chan nels. When to all this it was replied, that the present conduct of G. B. put such re gulations at defiance—that so far from shewing a dread of such a iyflem, (he was pursuing measures, which as far as in her power, threatened our commerce with an nihilation : that at such a time to attempt by the proposed measures, to bend her views to our wiihes was absurd. That at this time, if there was a ray of hope, to avoid the calamities of war, every mea sure which was at the fame time irritating and ineffectual fliould be avoided. To these objection, it was answered, was war inevitable, the proposition ought now to be adopted, as a commercial system to come into operation, at the conclusion of the war.—Gentlemen who made this answer, did not seem to remember that to render it just, we mult poflefs a certain knowledge of the events of the war :— That the relative circumstances of the two countries, might be mutually altcrel by thole events, and that which might be proper now, would be wholly improper then. As this question was merely of a com mercial i a ure, he had regretted to fee political considerations intermingled in the debate. The antipathy that was mani fefted to cne cou.,t y, and the friendly re. gard to another, ought not to influence the decision, Passion (hould he banished, and just and c'ol calculations, on the foundation of national interest alone di rest our determination. It wasnot nowa question, whetherG. B. had infli&ed political injuries on this coun try, whether {he aided the savages of the wildemefs, in the murder of our citizens, whether (he had let loose upon us the more barbarous savages of Africa, or whether (he had committed piratical t'epredations on our commerce—if th *fe farts were so, and justice could not be obtained by nego ciation, though he should deprecate war a 6 an evil of great magnitude, yet (hould justice be denyed us, he should then seek redress with as much firmn.-fs he hoped as most men. In such a warfare, he (hould hope for vi&ory ; there was he believed no foundation for such hope in the war &re, contemplated by the p,opofitions be fore the committee. He laid it down as a maxim that the go. Ycrnment of every country, in all its deli berations ftiould be influenced onlv by considerations of public good. To do juliice to all the world, religiously to per form its contra&s, these were to be scru pulously obfcrved, for they were always for the public good. A private man might indeed, practice disinterested benevolence to any extent, his humanity and generoli ty might di&ate—a public man, had no such authority. Did America he a (Iced, owe a debt of gratitude to France, whence derive we the authority to discharge it ? Is such debt due, who shall calculate thi amount? How much of the blood, of the treafwe, of the prosperity of onr country, will ease us of this load of obligation ! ' He said be did not wish to depreciate the merit of France, her efforts were glori ous to herfelf, and beneficial to this coun tiy. That he might, hoover, be per. mitted to recall the remembrance of the committee to her conduit. He then ex* hibited a view of that conduit, front which he concluded that every thing which was done, had its foundation in a cool and temperate calculation of national benefit. That this indeed, was the only legitimate motive to national measures. That other countries could always calcu late their measures upon national interest, and he ftneerely hoped the government of this conntry would do the fame. "To do otherwise" laid he, " is quixotism—it it is crusading for the salvation of otherß, and not ourselves." He hoped therefore,: that no part of our assent to the propositi on immediately under coniideration, would be expected either from gratitude on the one hand or refeutment on the other, He said he should proceed to consider whether it was for the interett of Ame rica, that this proposition (hould be a dopted. The objects are to leflen credit, to controul commerce by diverting it frcm its ancient channels, to encourage naviga tion and manufa&ures ; and the motive was that Great Britain poflefled a greater portion of our trade than (lie was entitled to from her disposition and ccndudt to- wards us, He could not help premising that the featuies of the system were strongly mark ed with a disposition to controul men in. the economy of private life and the ma nagement of their fortunes—why else not permit them to extend their credit when in their opinion it may be ufeful to them ? Such measures, for such purpose could on ly be juitified on a pretence that ourcoun-. trymen were deficient either in wisdom or in prudence—-A pretence which if not insolent, always had, and always would be found mischievous, because the great bulk of every community were more com petent to the management of their own private concerns than the government wo'd pretend to be. The whole fyftcm is dire&ed toward! Great Britain, and the obje<3 is declared ly coertion. The confluences molt be either, I it, that Great Britain would sub mit; 2d, that (he would withdraw her ca pital and relinquish a commercial connexi on with us; or 3d, that flie would coun teradl our regulations by legislative pro vilions. Suppose Great Britain should be com pelled to fubmiflion, it would not be ima gined (lie would do it immediately ; and in the mean we mud fuller much distress. It was true, he said, we had many other commercial connexions, but in these we did almost the whole of the carrying none of the nations to whom we are thu» allied having any considerable (hipping to spare for cur purposes ; nor was there any probability that they would immediately, if at all, furni(h us with any considerable supply. We mud therefore depend on ourselves. In a country circumstanced at this was, it was to be expected there would always be a deficiency of commercial ca pital ; because there were so many objeflt to which capital could be profitably ap plied. The object of the resolution under confederation, was to divert capital from branches in which it was at present gain fully employed to others. The branch wus at prefant overftccked; yet a diversi on mull take place, for (hips must be built or our produce % could rot go to market, but must perish on our hands. Manufac tures, too, must be eftablilhed, or our Ci tizens could not be supplied with the ne cessaries and conveniences for which they now depended on other countries; and they mull do without them until our na vigation is fufficiently encreaftd. What effects, he alked, were to be produced by a direrfion, and tfat immediately, of one half of our commerce from its ancient and natural channels ? Was there nothing to be feared for the preferrotion of the pub lic credit, wh:ch this commerce was to lupport ? Nothing for the prosperity and happiness of oar country > But what be (aid, appeared atmo& far. fical to him us this (yiUxa wat, it w» m* intended to fee prrmaumt. Gcr.tlrr.Kn said, Great IVitain »cuW not &n»d the iTiock—(he naojt (übmk; tfcerwy fcberrf, then, wsti to de whom we were to When our wrcfcnk *s4 «wr bsskki fafturei -efUfcliflaod, Grew Boßkw *s>de{ give over tJ« tWßteft. Tfce* 6*r might be laid up «* «sr do«kit> Md isstr manufafhiiiftg capites rejh&d m thofs branches from »+.tci k wxts m to br. i»V fiantly withdraw*; fwrtttfefistHatc-Mu',.y
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