CONGRESS
House of ReprtfinJalivet.
Friday, March 14.
In ccMnuttic of tlx whole cm Mr. MaJifon"
'V reflations.
[continued.]
Mr. Hartley firft rose a .id spoke.
I am exceedingly sorry that this refo-
Itition has been pressed upon us at this
time—as I hold it would be improper now
to adopt it. It we iiave a war, which is
highly probable, the trade will be cut uii
between thele Hates and Great Britain—
and no regulations will be necelTary—l
am Aire that no one will lay that this r-fo
luiion i.i cafe of war would be a uletul or
necelTary ingredient for our defence.
The aggi effions have been so far totally
ou the part of Great Britain.
As a nation we may have a light to
pass the resolution, but as its consequen
ces arc uncertain, and as this may be coa
fHered as an ait tending to meet Great
Britain in hollility, lam not sot puffing
it at prefect.
The enormities of the Britilh lately
upon the high seas, in seizing the veflels
and citizens of America amount to piracy
and robbery, and are agais.t the law of
nations. Th;y would juftify an immedi
ate declaration of war. Prudence may
liMWi'ver iorbid it for the moment.
We {hould go cn with our preparations
for war, fall upon effectual meafurcs for
our protection—these ought to draw our
attention
There is still a poflibility of preserving
p.acc : we (hould adhere to a neutrality
until war is inevitable—let the cailfes of
war arifefrom Great Britain—let us do no
act which will throw an imputation upon
us.
If the aggreflions on the part of Great
Britain Ihould be continued, or fatisfac
tion not be made for the past—we may be
necefferily involved in war, and we ought
to be thinking of the mod effectual means
to carry it on.
The French republic exprefles herfelf
fricndlr to the United States—we Ihould
notbe backward in making returns for any
of her good offices towards us, provided
our acts dct net infringe the principles of
neutrality—l believe it to be the desire of
this country, to preserve the neutrality,
and so far as I can learn even the French
republic docs not wilh us to be involved in
war.
We have been infultcd and injured by
Great Britain in almost every part of the
glebe generolls minds; would be willing to
forget former injuries, but the late con
duct of that nation will force us to hate
her.
I still would with to avoid a war, but
if we are forced into one, and Ihould be
unanimous, Great Britain may find us
in a better iituation than she at present
imagines.
To the ea ft ward there is an armed mili
tia of 170,600, and ill geneial through
out the states men will be found to act
against a common enemy.
Nay if we are unanimous (from our
lituation) we have little to fear from Eu
ropean combinations.
This resolution, if past by a small ma
jority, would (hew a diviiion in this coun
try. Whereas, in measures at this time,
we ought to be as unanimous as pofiible.
There is no necessity for the resolution.
My vote by some may be considered as
unpopular ; but I (hall do my duty, and
am well convinced that ray immediate
condituents will approve of my condu£t.
Mr. Smith (S. C.) next rose. He
had felt as keenly, he said, the injuries
which Great Britain had inflitted on us,
as any one on the floor of congress ; but
had hitherto been Glent, as the minds both
in and out doors, were fufficiently inflam
ed, and required rather to be allayed than
further irritated. When the committee
were last on the fubjeft of these resoluti
ons, the country, he observed, was in a
very different situation from what it is
now ; the commercial relation of the two
nations did not call for them; he then
and Hill held the opinon that commercial
and political grievances (hould not be con
founded ; on that occasion, therefore he
had avoided adverting to the political con
duit of the Britilh, he considered only
their conduct in a commercial point of
view, and in this light judged the propo
sitions by no means advifeab'.e. As opera
tive on our commercial intereourfe with
that country in time of peace, they wilj
only be an injury to ourselves, and wfl.
a(Fe& matei .ally thofc Rateswhcramanufac
tures '.;crve not m ide any great progress,
and who have tire more balky articles for
exports. This was his opinion of their
tendency, when th.y were fir Ik brought
forward, and it had not changed lince.
Viewing the subject in a political point
ot lijht, the resolutions are by no means
futfieiently energetic ; both as a peace
mealure or as a war meaiure they are e
qually improper.
When the resolutions were firft before
the committee, he had entertained hopes
t.iat negoeiations with Great Britain, or
the events of the European war, would
have worked some changv in the political
condutt of that country, whicli would
enable us to prefei ve aU; ict neutrality and
avert the horrors of war from our peaceful
(liores. For war is a great evil, the peo
ple, from one end of the continent to the
other (hewed that they prized neutrality,
and the unanimous approbation of the
pacific measures, adopted by the Presi
dent (hewed that peace was the wish of
the reprcfentatives of the nation. As
long, therefore, as a gleam of hope cxiit
ed, of our being able by means of nego
ciation to keep up a good understanding
with Great Britain, so long he was op
pofsd to every measure which might tend
to interrupt the tranquility. But he was
sorry to find th-.t far from receiving the
expected {atisfaftion, aggressions have
been heaped on us with tenfold aggravati
on. We Ihould then reflect 071 measures
proper to guai d us against them ; —the
resolutions before the committee are not
calculated, he conceived, to produce this
effect; other much more efficient means
can certainly be devised, the legislature
should turn their attention to measures of
greater energy.
The legifiature should attend to the
immediate defence of the sea coast, the
organization of troops, and the means of
procuring a revenue to nerve the sinews
of war. At present our commerce yields
almolt all the revenue that flows into our
public coffers; if that commerce is inter,
rupted by a war we should devise a fub
flitute. And a lar.d tax or stamps must be
recurred to, a revenue from some source
other than commerce must be secured.
It was his vv.lh to forbear entering in
to any measures that had an hostile ap
pearance until the country is placed in a
state of defence and the means of revenue
are so organized as to put as out of ganger.
When the lubjeft of the resolutions
were firft before the house he forbore, he
said, miking any mention of the detention
of our pods, the depredations on our com
merce in the European fcas and the pira
cies of the Algerines, because negociations
were then pending of which he hoped a
favorable issue, but he owned he was dis
appointed in his anticipations. With rcf
peft however, to the Algerines, though
the annoyance we fuffer from that quar
ter is an effe£t of the unfriendly difpolition
of the British towards us, yet their con
duit in that cannot be conllrued into di
rsft hostility and we Ihould therefore con
tent ourselves with prote&ing our com
merce against those pirates by a naval ar
mament or purchase a peace.
The resolutions before the committee,
considering the critical (late of affaire, are
not only too inefficient but too tardy in
their operation- They cannot be intend
ed to operate on this spring's importation
nor indeed upon the importations of the
fall, for before this time orders are given,
and they cannot be meant to operate so
early, because they would have an ex poji
fa£to tendency. They are then to operate
upon the importations this time twelve
months. So feeble and remote an opera
tion cannot answer any good purpose.
Why proceed in regnlating our commerce,
he aflced, when the commerce is to be sav
ed from annihilation ? He was sorry the
house did not think proper to go firft into
the qucrftion of embargo. No doubt this
was a question of primary importance, but
he believed it would not produce that
(hock to the commercial interest that some
gentlemen feared, as the question was not
to lay an embargo but to empower the
President to adopt such a measure when
he thought the exigency of affaii-s required
it.
He took a view of the operation of the
resolutions as manufactures are concerned,
and endeavored to (hew that either we,
but especially the southern dates, mull do
without many articles of necessity, we are
accuflomed to receive from Great Britain,
or pay an exorbitantly encreafed price.
He wished to know what rate of increase
oa the present duties was contemplated,
by the Friends of the resolutions, and whe
ther it was intemJjd to encreafe the du
ties laid the other day, when on the sub
ject of ways and meags, on certain articles
Jtill higher. The mover of these propo
sitions, he observed, when he firft brought
them forward, openly declared, that he
did not wilh the duties very high at lirlt,
but to raise them gradually. He was de
iirous of knowing whether the gentleman
was of the faftie mind still, or whether he
now contemplated prohibitory duties.
Some gentlemen thought they had dis
covered an inconsistency in the arguments
of those opposed to the refolulions ; be
cause they maintained, that they might
accelerate war and at the fame time are
not fuiKeiently energetic. The observa
tions he believed just. The resolutions will
have an irritating and therefore holt lie
tendency and yet they are perfectly im
potent in effect in cafe of hostility. We
have reason to contemplate a state of war,
we fliould therefore exert all our means to
prepare for such a llate, we fliould fortify
our harbours, raise a revenue, organize
troops, and put ourselves in complete rea
diness, yet at the fame time we fliould Dot
hold irritating language; let us hold out
that we wilh peace as long as peace can be
prefcrved, and when war is unavoidable
not meet the event unprepared. He hoped
the resolution would be negatived as a
measure inefficient in the present critical
situation of affairs and only tending to ir
ritate unnecessarily.
Mr. Giles conceived that gentlemen
built their opinions on an idea, that if we
adopt this refutation it is to prevent other
measures from being taken. These reso
lutions he considered as powerful auxil
liaiies to any other measure which it might
be thought prudent to pursue. He pro
ceeded to point out that the resolutions
contemplated mull have a ufeful tendency
in the event of a war. If a war takes place
a termination to it mull be expected;
then this fyllem will form the best ground
of negociation. Great Britain in a ne
gociation for peace would certainly be
willing to give an equivalent for any re
laxation of the regulations meant to be
eftablilhed by the resolutions. In this
finglc point of view they undoubtedly are
a very important engine. The executive
are by the constitution empowered to
make treaties, but the legislature should
put the nation in the best possible state to
negociate them on advantageous terms. If
we are to have war, the resolutions can,
at any rate, do no harm, and at its termi
nation must produce a great good. If we
remain in a state of peace, he believed the
firft operation of the resolutions would be
to encreafe the revenue : by degrees only
the importation would be difcouragedand
then a spur would be given to our manu
factures. He enlarged on this idea and
dwelt further upon the peace operation of
the resolutions. Here we (hall not at
tempt to follow the gentleman, because it
would involve a repetition of ideas expres
sed in former debates on these resolutions.
He believed there is as as yet no defici
ency in the revenue of the United States.
If a deficiency should take place, he (hould
be ready to make it up. If our importa
tions and consequently our impost revenue,
(hould decrease, our ability to pay taxes
in another (hape, will encreafe in the fame
proportion.
He next began to animadvert upon ob
servations which fell some days since, from
Mr. Lee, who, he said, had aliened ge
nerally, that there appeared within the
walls of Congress, a disposition in some,
to violate the rights of a certain kind of
property. He wished the gentleman to be
more explicit as to the pevfons he alluded
to,and the expressions that warranted the
belief he had exprefled. Mr. Giles was
interrupted, and declared to be out of or-i
der.
Mr. Dexter then rose. The lefj love
or hatred we bear to foreign nations, the
less fear of them will a&uate our councils.
We should legislate only for our own coun
try. He made this observation, he said,
to introduce his principal objection to the
resolutions, viz. That they difcrimate
between foreign countries, because we hate
the one, and love the other, and tax our
citizens to gratify those paflions. This
was his principal objection to the proposi
tions; an objection that no alteration of
circumstances could do away, an objection
which rells on the immutable interest of
this country, to be detached from foreign
politics as much aa possible.
It is true that though these resolutions
were adopted, we (hould be rble to adopt
any other energetic measure; but he object-
Ed to wafting time on this, when more
serious concerns call for our attei.tion. If
we were attacked by an assassin, (hou'.d
we, he aflced, spend our time in fixing
our sword knot or feather, should we not
rather think only of defending ourselves.
Should we now spend time in difcuiHug
commercial theories ?
The gentleman last up said these resolu
tions would be important at the termina
tion of a war, then furcly there is time e
nough to consider the ground we wish our
commerce to Hand on at the end of a war
which is not yet declared. If we are en
gaged in a war, our commerce will not re
quire to be regulated, and the palling thele
resolutions, will be an obstacle to peace
rather than tend to secure to us advanta
ges for their relaxation. Another consi
deration had weight on his mind : Why
(hould we discriminate ? Because one na
tion is hoftileandtheother friendly. Strong
as our partiality may be, where is the Eu
ropean nation that sonfers acts of kindnefj
on us at the prefetit time t He saw none
that merited a return of good offices.
If we are involved in a war with Great
Britain we {hall not remain at peace with
Spain, as it is the drift of the resolutions
to encourage the commerce of foreign na
tions and Spain among others, at the ex
pence of that of Great Britain; then at
the close of the war the weight which a
relaxation of those regulations may have,
as Great Britain is concerned, will have a
sontrary and proportional effeA as Spain
is interelted ; for every diminution of the
restraint on the British commerce will be a
diminution of the encouragement granted
by law to the Spanish.
Nature intended that we fholild be out
of the reach of the politics of Europe,
our interelt is loud again# the connexion ;
if the resolutions are paflfed, a basis will be
laid for a permanent fyftcm of commerce
with them, a link he never' >vithed to fee
eftabiifhed. If we meddle with European
pol tics, we may catch the contagion which
so unfortunateijpdcfolates one fine countr),
but which is perhaps there a necefThry,"or
at leall unavoidable evil. He feared the
efFect of dilfentions fcmong us; a reign of
anarchy would lead to despotism. This
he dreaded more than the efte&s of exter
nal aggrefiions. He wished all thoughts
were at present turned to felf-defence, to
devising and organizing the means.
It was faidthat the resolutions had not
a tendency to provoke war. If it is the
intention of the nation against which they
are meant to operate to make war, it is
immaterial in this refpeA,whether they do
or do not pass. But to spend time on
them is trifling at this critical jun&ure.
They may have an injurious tendency,he
believed. We had been told that the ma*
nufa&urers and merchants of Great Bri
tain would not fuffcr the government to
go to war with us. By patTmg the refo
lntions the friends of which fay are tr
perate against those very classes of people
we fhrll destroy that check and render a
war with us a popular measure. We have
much (hipping in the ports of our a&ual
tho' not yet declared enemies, will any
irritating measures tend to the security of
that property ? Will they not diminish
the chance of their being released ? By
pafling the resolutions we should {hew our
temper without retaliating, and we should
unjustly epprefs the mercantile interest.
It is fufficient to {hew that the resolutions
are inefficient to prove that they ought
not to pass. If there is no reason why
they should pass that is reason fufficient
against them.
He believed if the rcfolutions had not
been brought forward before this day, no
member would have thought this a time
fit to introduce them, then why now insist
upon a decision on them ? They are rob
bed of the object on which they were in
tended to operate. They cannot be
oufly intended to repel aggressions, tht-y
are only a shew of resentment without o
peration. This is not the time for such
feeble ireafures ; our commerce, our ve
ry exigence as an independent nation is
threatened. The present war is a war of
political principles; we mud secure our
fclves against attack, and avoid all con
nexion, as much as pofiible with Euro
pean politics. Let the ocean be a gulph
of partition between us and the eastern
hemilphere, at least till the present con
vulsions are at an end.
(To he conliuveJ.)
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