Kellerman who so long kept himfelf in
command in despite of a formal decree
(as did Polvcrel and Santhonax at St. Do
mingo) can no longer hope to save him
felf, since the attempt in which he failed.
With a design to get in favor with the Ja
cobins he Vtrote them a letter, full of his
devotion to their will, wherein he demand
ed of thejn the title of Gtrural bf the Ja
cobins, but this meanness did not succeed,
and the Jacobins crazed him from the lilt
of their members.
Another general, some time since de
poled, and who had the happiness of be
ing forgotten, viz. Luckner, has had the
foolilhnefs to recall his exigence, by re
claiming some pension. He was soon af
ter arretted in the environs of Metz and
con j. cted to Paris.
Congress of the United States.
Houfc of Representatives.
January 30.
In committee of the whole on Mr. Madison's
refutations.
Speech of Mr. Madison.
[continued.]
HE then went into a review of the
a&ual Hate of our commerce, particular
ly in relation to Great Britain ; and of
the several injuries of another fort, which
that nation had fuperadded to her com
mercial reftri&ions.
He repeated w'.iat hp had formerly
maiutaihed, that there was more of reci
procity in the footing of commerce be
tween Great Britain and other countries,
and between other countries and the Uni
ted States. To prove the firft point he
remarked that in some instances G. Bri
tain had treaties with other countries
which defined and stipulated reciprocal
privileges ; in other instances, her restric
tions were counter-vailed by laws impos
ing reftri&ions on her. To prove the se
cond point, he remarked that no other na
tion, with which the United States carried
on commerce, had a navigation adl limi
lar to that of Great Britain.
With refpeft to the intercourfc be
tween the United States and Great Bri
tain, there was, he infilled, a want of re
ciprocity throughout, that mult strike
the mod fuperfieial observer.
In the article of navigation this had
been fufficiently pointed out, and being
admitted on all lides, need not be repeat
ed.
In the trade between the two countries,
our belt llaples, wheat and flour, fi(h and
oil, & salted provisions, whichamo unt to
considerably more than one third of our
exports, were (hut out of her markets ;
whilst all her staples, her woolens, her
cotton-., her manufactures of the metals,
of leather, and of silk, were admitted on
moderate duties, and enjoyed in a man
ner a monopoly of our market.
In the articles of fuperfluity mutually
admitted, there was nothing to compen
sate the inequality in other cases. Our
tobacco paid a tax of 4or 500 per cent,
our rice 53 or 60 per cent, and our manu
factures of every fort would not be admit
ted if we were ever so able to fend them.
On the other hind, her fuperfluities were
received under duties, which in general
did not exceed from leven and an half to
fifteen per eent.
In the Well India trade, besides the
exclusion of our veflels, whild her own
were left free, there were a number of our
productions which were not admitted in
to the market there, whilit our laws re
fufed nothing that wasbrought to the mar
ket here.
He next turned his attention to the in
juries and losses we fuffered in other ref
peits.
As he had not poflefled himfelf of the
evidence, he should, he said, leave it to
those who had, to shew how far the Indi
ans were or were not spurred on to war a
gainll us, by the agents or partisans of G.
Britain. It was a fufficient ground of
complaint, that the polls were wrongful
ly detained ; that the detention had a
baneful influence on the sentiments and
conduft,of the Indians ; and that the sup
plies for their warfare, were derived from
a trade, authorised by the British govern
ment, and protected by the polls which of
right were ours, and ought to be used for
our defence.
He combined this proceeding of G.
Britain, with the lawless feizuie of our
▼effek under her inftru&ioni of the Bth
of June last, observing, that whilst on
one fide (he violated the laws of rations,"
by cairying on a trade in contraband arti
cles with those at war with us j (he was
on another fide, violating the laws of na
tions, by intercepting our trade with those
at war with her, in articles not contra
band.
The Indian war he observed, co.l us
annually a sum, exceeding by one million,
the sum that would probably be fufficient
for the defence of our frontier, if the
ports were in our hands. The fur trade
Spending on the poits might, he tho't,
be fairly valued at two hundred thousand
dollars mote.
The Algerine depreditions appeared to
have proceeded from the steps taken in pur
suance of the views of the British govern
ment. If they were not immediately
pointed againtt us, it must have been
known that our trade would be the vic
tim. The evil therefore may at lead be
charged to an unfriendly dil'regard of our
interests, if not a poiitive hollility to
them. The pecuniary amount of this
eTil, cannot be rated at less than the ex
pence of the armament proposed as a re
medy. This is itated at 600,000 dollars
for the outfit ; and he did not expect that
the annual expence would average much
less; to which may be added, at a very
low computation, for insurance remaining
after the armament, 200,000 dollars.
The spoliations committed on our neu
tral commerce by Great Britain, mull be
of considerable. though very uncertain a
mount ; and the consequential detriment
to our trade in general from these inter
ruptions and dangers, of a very great,
though equally uncertain amount.
In order to bring both within a fafe es
timate, he said he would state the former
at the limited film of 150,000 dollars,and
the latter at no more than 400,000 dol
lars.
In addition to the foregoing ellimates,
he said there was another item, which,
though of a different chara&er, fell under
a comprehensive view of our situation ;
and being reducible to an amount tolera
bly definite, ought to find a place here.
He referred to the flatement before quot
ed from a report of the Secretary of (late
which (hewed that the loss to the United
States from a dependence on Briti(h bot
toms for the carriage of their produce
was no less annually, in time of war than
3,250,000 dollars, and in war and peace
averaged, no less than 1,392,857 dollars.
Allowing about one tht'rd of this carriage
for the reasonable (hare of Great Britain
(and for reasons formerly derived from
the character of our exports this was a
full (hare) the annual loss from the depen
dence might be called about one million
of dollars.
These calculations he recapitulated
thus : Dollars.
Indian war 1,000,000
Fuit trade
Algerine depredations
Insurance not reduced by the
naval armament
British spoliations
Consequential detriment to
our trade
Dependence on British bot
tom» 0 1,000,000
Total 3,550,000
From this view of things, it was impos
sible to deny, that however prosperous the
United States might be in some refpe&s..
they were in others laboring under viola
tions of their rights and interests, which
demanded the serious attention of the Le
gislature. Besides the unreciprocal foot
ing of their commerce, and the indignities
offered them, it was seen that they were
burdened with an enormous extra expence,
and involved in unjust lodes, amounting to
more than three and a half millions of dol
lars in a year ; a tax nearly equal to the
heavy one they had been obliged to im
pose on themselves.
Having taken this view of our situation,
he proceeded to consider how far a reme
dy wascomprifed in the resolutions before
the committee, by tracing the probable
operation of them, if parted into a law.
[In this stage of his observations, the hour
of adjournment being nearly arrived, he fat
down, with an intimation that the fubjecft
would be renewed.]
( Speech to be continued.)
PRICE of STOCKS.
6 per cents, i >jf
3 ditto, §/*
Deferred, g/5
U. S. Bank, per {ent. adv.
Pennsylvania do. 6 ditto ditto.
LAW OF THE UNION.
THIRD CONGRESS OF THE
UNITED STATES,
AT THE FIRST SESSION',
Begun and held at the city of Philadelphia,
in the State of Pennsylvania, on Monday
the lecond of December, one thousand
fevert hundred and ninety-three*
An ACT in alteration of the A3 ejlabljh
ing a Mint and regulating ({t Coins of
the United States.
Sec. I. T)E it enaSed ly the Senate and
1 J House of Reprefentati-ves of
the United States of America, in Cengrefs
ajfembled, That from and after the passing
this ast, it shall be the duty of the Trca
furer of the Mint, to receive and give re
ceipts for all metals which may lawfully be
brought to the mint to be coined ; and
for th« purpose of ascertaining their re
fpeftive qualities, (hall deliver from every
paicel so received, a fufficient number of
grains to the Allayer, who (hall allay all
such of them as may require it. And
the said Treasurer (hall from time to time
deliver the said metals to the Chief Coiner
to be coined in such quantities as the Di
rector of the Mint may prescribe.
Sec. 2. And le it further enaHed, That
the AlTayer and Chief Coiner of the Mint,
previous to entering upon the execution
of their refpe&ive offices, shall each be
come bound to the United States of A
merica, with one or more sureties to the
fatisfa&ion of the Secretary of the Trea
sury, the said Allayer in the sum of one
thousand dollars, and the said Chief Coi
ner in the sum of five thousand dollars,
with condition for the faithful and dilli
gent performance of the duties of his of
fice.
Sec. 3. And le it further enaßed, That
so much of the att, entitled " An ast ef
tahlifhing a Mint and regulating the Coins
of the United States," as comes within
the purview of this act, be and the fame
is hereby repealed.
Frederick Augustus Muhlenperc,
Speaker of the House of
Representatives.
John Adams, Vice-President of the
United States and President
of the Senate.
Approved March the 1
third, 1794. j
G". Washington, President of the
United States.
Deposited among the Rolls in the Office
of the Secretary of State,
Edm. Randolph, -
Secretary of State.
For the Gazette of the United States■
200,000
600,000
THE danger of our being drawn into
the war, has not pafled over. The cloud
is ft ill black, and agitated with the strug
gles of an imprifoncd whirlwind. It may,
in spite of all the efforts we can make to
shun it, burst upon our unsheltered heads.
God forbid ! War would set us afloat
once more—it would sweep away, like a
torrent, all that ten years ®f peace have
gathered j yet, dreadful as it would be,
perhaps we ftiall be compelled to face it.
Appearances are to the last degree threat
ening. The sober citizens, the true pa
triots who love their country bell when
they tremble for its fafety, ftiould now
take their post.
200,000
150,000
400,000
The extreme danger to our peace is
obvious. What shall be done ? Nothing
ralh—nothing that will bring us a step
nearer to a war—nothing that will aggra
vate the danger without affording us any
aid to resist it—no angry measures to in
dulge our own resentments, and to exas
perate those of any foreign nation. Court
peace—maintain it as long as it can be
maintained. Even when it (hall be seen
that it must be finally loft, def»r war to
the last, because we may profit by such a
delay to prepare for war—we may be
gaining strength, while the nations of
Europe are wafting their resources and
their rage. The chance of events is thus
also on our fide. Time hurries on chan
ges of the most unexpected kind, and some
of them may favor our desire for peace,
or our measures for ajuft defence. The
combinations of nations may break to
pieces, and we may be able then to take
high ground for peace or war. Never was
there more need of prudence. It is a
crisis which rashness and intemperate paf
lions may turn to our ruin.
For the Gazette of the United States.
Mr. Fenno,
By publilhing the following, you will
oblige a constant reader.
THE gentleman (if I may be allowed
to call him so) who urged a sailor that fat
in the front of the gallery in the Play
house last evening, to insult a Lady who
fat in one of the fide-boxes, had better
desist from such practices in future
otherwise his name (hall appear in full
length.
Also, some others, who gave fnuff for
the purpose of having it thrown down
into the Pit. Such practices (ifrepeated)
will meet with the resentment due to their
merits, and the names of the party will
be held up to public view.
A Friend to good Order.
March 6, 1794.
From thi Poughkcepjic Journal.
To the Democratic Societies of Kentuc-
ky, Philadelphia and New-York.
I TOO belong to a Society, the hitlory
of which is this. In the year 1775, when
real dangers were at our doors, the free
people of North-America formed a society,
the a£ting committee of which, was called
the Continental Congress ; it did its duty ;
it was patriotically supported, and finilhed
its destination gloriously.
In the year 1788, it was deemed ex
pedient to new model the society ; and it
now consists, of a general, or national
committee, and fifteen fnbordinate ones.
Neither the one or the other, have as yet
betrayed their trulls; but vigilantly and
and properly, pursue measures, which have
secured to the people of this country, a
degree of felicity beyond what often falls
to the lot of humanity. The officers in
the several departments are men, and as
such, may sometimes be mistaken.—As
yet, no alarming marks of corruption have
been found: but should unwarrantable
ambition, or peculation, be discovered, ei
ther in the primary committee, or in the
smallest department in the remotest corner
of the nation : there is a spirit in the four
millions which would inflantly detest and
punish the tranfgrefior. We want no clubs,
or chimney corner combinations, to {land
centinels for us. Each American is in
himfelf a fortrefs and watchman ; and ill
betides the foe that doubts it.
It is really amusing, to hear little ob
fcnre spots of people, utterly unknown by
the law, talk of crimes and punifhm'nts ;
apeing the Jacobins of France, with whom,
suspicion is proof; and trial, conviflion
and death. If your finances are not too
punv, I would advise you to import a
complete guillotine, with cords for pinion
ing, and a baflcet to receive the heads.
But if this cannot be effe&ed, apply to
the mother [Society of Paris, and they
will undoubtedly with infinite fatisfa&ion,
furnifh you with a model, and ample di
rections how to ufetbat commodious state
machine. They will tell you perhaps,
that beheading Federalists is the present
reigning fafhton in France ; and that it is
too delightful a recreation, not to be
universally enjoyed.
For the Gazette of the United States.
Mr. Fenno,
The " Observer" in your paper of
lad evening, gives a whimsical account of
the remarks made by a gentleman to a la
dy on the performers in the Jealous Wife,
in which the vanity and prejudice of some
Europeans and travellers are well pictured.
This person whose ignorant criticisms the
Observer so justly exposes, is far from be
ing the only one in this City who holds
the fame language.
There are many persons who have been
in Europe or are natives of it, whole ri
diculous desire, to be thought to know and
have seen more than others, induces them
to depreciate every thing on this fide of
the Atlantic. They will tell you with a
wonderful degree of discernment, that
this country is incapable of producing a
finifhed or even a tolerable good A6l or ;
and that filch as aie biouglit here from
London arc the mere ouUaJls of the Com
panies there—nothing more than candle-
JnuJfers and Jlage-Jiverpers—(this expres
sion, I have very lately heard used more
than once.) I pretend not to a critical
discernment in these matters, nor by any
means to be a perfect judge of Theatrical'
abilites—vet I will hazard an obf:rva-
SENEX.
A CAUTION.
ORDER,