rundti& of France was very different from what was to have been wished, as well as f:um v '.at was contemplated by the mar qua, la Fayette, *ho had patronized tiie iuteieii oi tl.de hlbennrn, yet that the prujeft of tempting tht ro to emigrate had origina ed in Gtvat-I'.ritain, and was a counUr-prujcC on the part of France. How ttw happened to omit the an tecedent attempt of Great-Britain, and thereby exaggerate that of France, Mr. M. did not undertake to explain : but it wjs the more extiaoidir.ary, at. the whole acixmnt of the tranfaclion was contained in the fame page of the report, nay in the fame paragraph, from which the gentle man hrfd extracted "his information. Hero lie read thepaflage m that report, am! produced the British llatute, inviting the whale lithe.man, by an offer of tcr ta a privileges to emigrate to Great Bri- A further charge again (I the Secretaiy of St*te is, that in his flattmeut of the tonnage of the United States employed in tn. A trade with the French and Bntilh dominions, he founded it,net on the aSual number of Jbift, but on the number of en tries. This charge was as lingular as it was uncandid. The re-port Hated the fad, that the A mencan ton nage mitring our ports from the several nations with which the United loded, was so and so; and in this ilaumcat, it pursued the official returns made or. the fubjeft. What more was to be required ? In giving the tact, the secretary irr.pof ed «.;i no one, because he Hated the ton ua 0 to be entry tonnage, as it really He followed the best guide that ex - illrd, an official icturn from the proper No return of the aftuai tonnage, as dif- from the entry tonnage, had at the time, ever been made from any of fice, or ca'ied tor by any act of Con gress. The firft return ever made In the latter form, was called for tince the refolutious on the table were proposed. TKeleconfideratichsmigh? have re ft rain ed the gentleman from this unwarrant ed attack on the accuracy of ths report. Bui he ought at leatf to have been lure, th \ whftft h * was charging the Secretary \*;':i following an erroneous guide, he \ t him ft If following one that was noter -1 ' ous. The examination of this point i" Ived facts which iperited the particu- .1 atie.ition of the committse, he statement of the ettby tonnage of the V M.'ted States in foreign trade for I 792 lately called for and reported, 15415,331 t. -'W. for the fame year is 289,394 toHs. On comparing t'nefe two quantities, it was evident that both could not be right. If the entry tonnage was no more than was (lated, it was inconceivable that the afiual tonnage could be as much as was ftp.ud. It would allow the veflels in the Kuropean and Weft India trades together but (omcwhat more than one voyage and a third a year. It could never l»e suppos ed, thai this corresponded with the fa&. liow then was the inconsistency in the two ftatemcnts to be explained ? Mr. M. said, as he did not know by what rule the achial tonnage was made up, he would form no cor.jedhire on the fhl ject. He hoped,and wished that some gcn'leman more conversant with it, Would {llvc the phenonenoon. He did not call 011 the gentleman from South Carolina,be cause he moll of all, must he puzzled to account for it ; having stated that onr ves sels in the trade to Europe make two voy ages, and in the Weft India trade four voyages a year. Betides the evidence contained in this companion of the aggregate tonnage in the two different forms, in which it had heen reported,the exiitence of error some where, and probably in the acconnt of the a&ual tonnage resulted from a compa rative view of our exports to the British dominions, for the two years of 1790 and 1792, and of the whole tonnage A rr - itHn and British employed in convey % ing titCßi* In the former year the exports were f,363,416 dollars. Intlirlatter 8,269,495 dollars; the txceft for 1790, 1,093,921 iuflars. Tlie entry tonnage, British and Ame rican for 1790, was 272,580 tons. The British miry tonnage for 1792. was 206, $84 tons. The aßual American to->n"V T < for 1792, was according to t the Britilh and American together for 1792, amounts to 301,384 tons ; which exceeds the ton nage of 1790 no lcfs thai> 27,804 tons. According to this calculation, which embraces the actual tonnr.gc as ltated to die house, there would be 27,804 tons more,employed in tranfpoiting 1,193,921 dollars Ids; making our tonnage to in crease in that proportion as the employ ment of itdecrcafed. There was a pollibflity, Mr. M. ob fened, that the course of trade in the two years, might be such that more of the vessels employed in the expertations to Great Britain might be entered in 1790 as coming from some other country, than in 1792 i but as there was no knov.n cir cumftar.ee which authorized this folutior, and as it seemed denionltiable in general, that error existed somewhere in the flate ments, and molt probably in thofc of the actual tonnage, he concluded that it ought to be referred to that source ; and confe qnently, that the guide followed by the Secretary- of State, to wit, the entry tonnage, the only one he had to follow, was not more inaccurate, than the aorted. Rice. To obtain the proportion of rice re-exported, we may take the medi um quantity imported for three years, immediately preceding the revolution, which, accordingly to a table in Ander fon's Hiflory of Commerce, was 486,543 cwt. By another table for the fame pe riod, the medium quantity exported was 349,653 cwt. Tbe difference marks the confamption, and is 136,890 cwt. The quantity exported to Great Britain from the United States in 1792, was 58,978 barrels, equal to 294,890 cwt. Compar ing the quantity consumed with this quan tity, it appears that more than half, tho' less than two thirds, is re-exported—call the re-exportation one half only qf the present importation. Indigo. According to a statement in Anderi'on, the medium importations into Greal-Britain, for three years immedi diately preceding the revolution, were a bout thrice the medium quantity re-ex portei'. Call the proportion re-exported now, however, one-fifth only, which it probably below the faA. From these proportions, and the data furnilhed by the gentleman's own state ments, results the following juftification of the report of the Secretary on this point. Dollars. Exports to Great Britain 6,651,429 Dollars. Tobacco 2,754,493 Consumed 1-5 550,898 Re-exported 2,205,395 R!ce 773> 8 5* Cunfumed 1-2 386,926 Re-exported 386,926 Indigo 473» 8 3° Conlumed4-5 379,064 Re-exported Wheat and flour, per haps the whole re-ex ported :—And more was carried to Great- Britain, in the two succeeding years, tho' the aggregate exports thither were left than in the year here ta ken : Say, however, that one fourth was consumed, and let the amount Hand accord ingtothegentleman's ftatenjent —at 94.766 1,087,840 Confumcd 1-4 271,960 Re-exported 815,880 Here, then, it appears, that the re-ex portations of the four articles alone, of Tobacco, Rice, Indigo and Wheat, are greater than the wlu>le confuroption in Great Britain, of the articles imported from the United States, although the most unfavorable year has been taken, for the enquiry ; and, consequently, that the position of the Secretary of State, was well founded. ( Speech to ie continued.) Mr. Fenno, You are requested to give the inclosed remarks made by Mr. Giles, a place in your paper as soon as may consist with the arrangements of your prefj—it is the ra ther requested, beeaufe the manner in which you have dated the tranlaflion, to which they relate, was not calculated to convey the truth of the cafe. * From the General Arlvert'tfer. Substance of the remarks made by Mr. Giles, in the House of Representatives, on the 24th of February, 1794 ; —upon a motion for entering into the coniidera tion of the resolutions proposed in the early part of the fefiion ; requiring an ex amination into the (late of the Treasury Department, by committee. Mr. Giles observed that very shortly af ter the meeting of Cengrefs, he had laid this resolution on the table, under a con viction of the propriety of the meaftire, and the hope of a speedy decision upon it. An occurrence took plate a few days af terwards, which produced a temporary delay. An individual pre&nted a memori al to Congress, containing some suggesti ons again (I the official conduct of the gen tleman at the head of the Department; and to have pressed the enquiry into the general state of the Treasury, during the pendency ofthofe suggestions, might have been deemed a violation of delicacy and propriety: Very soon after the imputa tions from that source, were done away, by report of a committee ; lie" had called up the resolution ; but the House acting under the impreflions produced by the de licate crisis of our external affairs, refufed to enter into the coufideration of the fub jeft at that time. Mr. Giles remarked, that whilfl on the one hand, he was desirous of looking into a fubjeft which he deemed important to the public welfare, as well as to gratify an officer in a requcfl, which he conceiv ed, had been impelled by the delicacy of his situation ; he was not unwilling on the other hand, to yield to the opinion of the House, which induced an immediate at tention to our affairs with foreign nations. The fubjefts of commercial regulations, and the naval armament, being now out of the view of the House, at leall for some days, he hoped the chasm would be filled by the consideration of the resolution he had proposed. He could not help re marking, that at an early period of the feflion, this resolution had been termed the torch of discord. He thought if it could be viewed with impartiality, and according to its own design, it would no be found to poflefs that charaAer. The primary object of the resolution, is to af-* certain the boundaries of discretion and authority, between the Legidature, and the Trcafury Department. To effcft this * If there has been any nufreprrfentation of this fubjed, in this Gazette, it Is unlnvwn to the Editor. objeS, it becomes neteffary to have a knowledge of the state of iKe Treasury Department; This appeared to him, an obvious duty of the House of Representa tives, operating equally upon every indivi dual of whom it is compoltd j it therefore seemed strange to him, that an attempt to discharge an essential duty, (hould be con ftrucd into a design to interrupt the har mony of deliberation. If to require a full and comprehensive view of the public finances, and the modes in which they are contributed, and distri buted ; be conflrued into an effort at dis cord: it must arise either from the opini on, that Congress already poflelis this vie#, or from the principle that they ought not to poflefs it ; but that the whole know ledge of this fubjeft (hould be left to th« Treasury officers. If this doiSrine be con tended for, he thought it ought to (Simu late the exertions of those, who believed it to be fubterfive of the primary principle of the constitution. He icquclied the House to accompany him in making a few reflections upon this fubjeft. 3,-01,067 The debt of the United States, forms an important item of legislation : Its fyf- U-m is intricate; its extent unknown ; it embraces the interefls of a very sagacious and powerful class of citizens: It is made by the constitution, the peculiar province of the Representatives, immediately cho sen by the people, to superintend the con tributions, and the attributions of all public monies. This may be deemed the highest duty of the Representatives. It may be allied, how this mo!l important of duties, can be underltandinglyperform ed, but by a knowledge of the whole ma chinery of the Treasury Department ? There can be no prospect of ading -jjifely, where there are no means of judging rightly. The omiflion to discharge this important legislative fun&ion, by the Representatives, will neccflarily cause it to be performed by the Head of the Department. A spe cies of laws will grow out of an inatten tion to, and a consequent ignorance of this fubjeA, which may be called, the rules of office ; theforms of the Treasury ; the prac tical conJlruSiors 'f laws,contravening the legal conftru£lions. Iu all conflicts between this species of laws, and the laws pro nounced by the constitutional tribunal, the advantage would he in favor of the Treasury system : Because this would be the practical, that the theoretic system of legislation. An inattention to this fub jeft, which is an intricate and complicat ed one, and a confequertt ignorance of it,, might in a course of time, leave to the Le gislature, the mere right of regifttrinjj 'I'reafury edidb. It may be said, that this is not the cafe at prefetit: It is not pro posed to giye any opinion on this point; the remarks have been intended to (hew the probable tendency of intruding this important branch of legislation, to the Treasury Department; which would be the infallible confequeiice of the ignorance of the Legislature, of the Treasury pro ceedings. The propriety of placing confidence, in the Executive Officers, is an argument very familiar to this House. To a certain extent, it is in every refpeft proper. It is proper, so long as the officer confines himfelf to his legal aefignated functions : If in any cafe, he (hould exceed these, it becomes the duty of the Lcgiflature, to notice the proceeding. It is also the duty of the Legillrtuir to afcertoin his functions by law, and to limit his discretion. *9his argument of confidence in the executive officers, may easily be carried to a danger ous exctfs. The people have confidence in their Representatives ; they bellow on them certain trusts, and impose on them certain duties. The reprelentatitves have confidence in the executive officers. They transfer to them, these trusts and thele duties. What would be the result ? A complete and radical change in the mod essential chara&er of the government:. In Ilea J of the Legislature prcfcribing rules of conduit to the people, the execu tive officers would prescribe them ; and the Legislature would be of no other use than to legjdife executive proceedings. This would be a desertion of the trust re posed in the "representative. The consi deration of individaal ease, would always operate in fivor of this idea. The argu ment of individual interell might poflibly aid it in some inllances, and the argument of policy in others ; for there may be some individuals, who might poflibly prefer that, to the constitutional (late of things. These remarks had been made to flievr, in very