Ordered, T)iat this bill pass to tlie fe
coud reading.
The Senate resumed the consideration
of lh<. motion m.:de the 22d iuftant on the
repoit of the committee, on the petition
ot Conrad I,aul> and others, relpeiSing
th. elect 011 of Mr. Gallatin to be Senator
ot the United States, and after piogrefs,
On motion,
Ordered, That the further confidera
tioii thereof be postponed until to morrow.
It was agreed that the fccond leading
of the b:il " in addition to the adV for the
puijiflimcnt of certain climes against the
United Silted," aliigncd as the ordct of
thii day, be further poltponed.
The Senatf adjourned to 11 o'clock to
morrow morning,
Wcdnefdav, February 26th, 1794.
A message from the House of Repre
sentatives by Mr. Becklev their clerk :
" Mr. President—The House of Re
pref.ntat Ives have pafled the bill, sent from
the Senate, for concurrence, entitled," An
adt in alteration of the act eltabhihing a
mint, and regulating the coins of the U
nitei 1 States."—And he withdrew.
The Senate_ resumed the conlideration
of the motion made the 22d instant, on
the report of the committee, on the peti
tion f Co;:rad Laub and others, refpett
ing the election of Mr. Gallatin to be a
Senator of the United States; and after
proiTcfs,
On motion,
Ordered, That the further considera
tion thereof, Lc poltponed until to-mor-
The following written meflage was re
ceived from the President of the United
States, by Mr. Dandridge, his Secreta-
Urited States, 26th February, 1794.
Gentlemen of the Senate,
I have caused the correspondence,
which is the l"ubje£t of your resolution of
tiv? 2.; th day of January last, to be laid
before me. After an examination of it,
I directed copies and translations to be
made ; except in those particulars, which,
in my judgment, for public considera
tions, ought notfo be communicated.
Tikile copies and translations are now
transmitted to the Senate; but the na
ture ot them manifefts the propriety of
their being received as confidential.
G. WASHINGTON.
The m.:flage was read,
Ordered, That the mefTageand papers
therein referred to, lie for confidcration
The Vice-Prefideot communicated a
letter from the Secretary for the depart
ment of Treasury, explaining the causes
of delay in reporting on the petition of
Arthur Hu jhes, referred to his conside
ration—which was read.
Ordered, That it lie on the table.
The bill, sent from the House of Re
presentatives for concurrence, entitled "an
act making appropriations for the support
of government, for the year one thousand
seven hundred and ninety-four," was read
the second time.
On motion,
Ordered, That the further considera
tion of this bill be postponed.
The Senate adjourned until 11 o'clock
to-morrow morning.
Thursday, February 27th, 1794.
O.i motion,
Ordered, That the bill, sent from the
House of Representatives for concur
rence, entitled, " an ast making appro
priations for the support of government,
for the year one thousand seven hundred
and ninety-four," be referred to Mr. Ca
bot, Mr. Frelinghuyfen, and Mr. Lang
don, to consider and report thereon to
the Senate.
The Senate resumed the consideration
of the motion made the 2zd inilant, on
the report of the committee, on the pe
tition of Conrad Laub and others, re
fpe&ing the election of Mr. Gallatin to
be a Senator of the United States, and
after progress,
On motion,
Ordered, That the further considera
tion thereof, be poltponed until to mor-
row.
The Senate adjourned uutil 11 o'clock
to-morrow morning.
» CONGRESS.
House of Reprefentaiivu
January 30.
In committee of the ivbole on Mr. MaJifon't
refolulions.
SPEECH or Mr. FOSTER,
of Maflachufetts.
UPON the firft statement of the pro
portions which have been so long under
the coafideTation of the committee, I wa*
one of the individuals who had to examiiu
the iubjeit in the- various lights under
whicli it ought to be viewed, in order to
form an opiTiion upon the ucceflity, the
expediency, and the probable consequen
ces of the adoption of the system which
the resolutions contemplate. I have litt
ened with unremitted attention to the de
bates, and have endeavoured that a liugle
obfeivation of importance (hould not el
cape unnoticed. The resolutions, at filit
view, appeared important—oil a critical
and attentive examination they do not ap
pear less so—they confefledly involve a
"great variety of interests—interests of the
highest magnitude, and> if adopted, will
eiTentiallyalterthecircumftances,the views,
the commercial profpe&s, and the civil
policy of the National government.
The candour and ingenuity with which
the fubjcct has been difculfed, have given
me great fatisfaclion. The arguments
against and in support of the resolutions,
have been displayed in a manner highly
gratifying to an enquiring mind. The
variety of view's in which the fubjeft has
been examined—its relative connection
with our agriculture, our manufafhircs,
and the whole civil polity of the United
States—the influence which the system
would have upon our intercourse with fo
reign nations, and the probable effe&s re
•fulting to them, more especially to France
and Great-Britain, have afforded much
information ; and I am happy in acknow
ledging my obligations to the gentlemen,
who have, with so much ability and pre
cision, favored us with their sentiments.
Much time, Mr. Chairman, has been
already spent in the discussion. The fub
jeft is momentous and required it. The
affirmative and the negative of the ques
tion have been ably advocated and ably
supported.
A general review of the arguments may
not perhaps be without its life.
111 support of the resolutions it has been
urged,
That the measures of the tendency
hereby contemplated have been long ex
pected by the citizens of the United States.
That the regulation of our commerce
was the principle which fir'A induced the
formation and ellablifhment of our present
constitution,
That the adoption of the resolutions will
probably excite a competition in foreign
countries, as well as among our own citi
zens, operating to produce fuppliea of
such articles as we may with, from other
nations than those who now furnifh us,
and as an encouragement to the domestic
manufacture of the fame articles.
That they will tend to the increase of
our navigation, enable 11s to obtain our
proper {hare of the carrying trade and en
joy those benefits and advantages to which
from our relative situation and existing
circumstances we are entitled.
That, by a pursuit of this system, we
may injure the individuals, particularly
the manufacturers, and consequently the
governments of other countries, and make
our anemies feel the extent of our power,
our abilities to injure them, and thenc*
induce a proper refpeft for our rights and
interests, and our government.
That the probable diminution of our
revenues, from the poflible diminution of
our imports, would, iu some degree, be
counter-balanced by the increase of the
duties contemplated by the resolutions.
That wt are bound to obtain repara
tion for the injustice done to individuals
of our own country, by regulations con
travening the Laws of Nations, made by
some of the belligerent Powers ; or, in
default of obtaining such reparation, we
are bound to compensate the damages
which such individuals have sustained.
That provision is hereby proposed to
be made, for raising monies to compen
sate, in the firlt instance, the individuals
thus injured.
That leaving dur trade to regulate it
felf, is, in fad, leaving it to be regulated
by foreign nationt.
That jealousy and ill-will have always
marked the line of conduct of Great-Bri
tain toward America. She has never ex
ecuted the treaty of peace, (he carried
away our Negroes, (he detained our weft
era posts, (he excited and encourages the
Indian war, (he has let loose the Alge
rines, (he has violated our neutrality and
committed spoliation on our (hips at sea.
That the balance of our trade with
Great-Britain is now much against us—
this has produced on her part an extensive
credit, operating as a grievance, creating
a foreign influence, which pervades the
mercantile and trading part of the corn
munity, may extend into our public coun
cils, and have au undue e(fe£l on our go-
vernment
That we have all the necessaries of life
produced in our own country, and conle
quently have greater advantages in esta
blishing such regulations, beyond what
are enjoyed by a populous and manufac
turing nation-
That (hould the proposed system be a
dopted, and carried into effect, there is
no piobability of retaliation on the part
of Great-Britain ; (hould (be be disposed
(he cannot effect it. If the iflue require
felf-denial, we can endure the evil with
the greater advantage, and may fafcly
calculate upon a complete triumph.
That Britain it now at war againll re
publican principles, and our commerce
enables her to prosecute that war.
That the balance of our trade with
France has always been in our favor. That
friendlliip and dilinterefted benevolence
have ever marked her conduct towards
the United States.
That gratitude to the French natioq
requires us to turn the current of our
trade from Britain to them.
That the system contemplated by these
resolutions will induce France to confer
on us additional favors ; and finally, that
by with holding our commerce from G.
Britain, we .'hall aid the cause of the
French, who are at war against despotism
draggling for liberty, and the rights of
freemen.
In oppoCtion to the resolutions it is
said,
That though measures similar to those
now contemplated, may have been here
tofore expe&ed, a necefiity for their adop
tion does not now exist.
That regulations have already been
made, which have had a happy influence
in increasing our commerce, our manufac
tures and our navigation.
That our commercial advantages, our
filheries, our seamen, and our ships, have
been progrcflively increasing since the a
doption of our present happy constitution
—that their numbers and growth are {till
increasing, and under the influence of the
existing system, will continue to do so as
rapidly as will be beneficial to the com
munity.
That although additional duties on fo
reign tonnage might encourage our navi
gation, yet the increase ought to be made
with caution ; a very great or undue pro
partion of American capital being veiled
in navigation would be hazardous, and in
cafe of a war the loss would distress us ex
tremely.
That an increafement of our shipping
beyond what is necessary for our importa
tions, would be injurious ; the surplus ne
ceflarily deduiSs from a capital which is
wanted for other purposes, and may be
more beneficially improved in the increase
of our manufactures and agriculture
Anexcefsof zeal to promote our com
merce and navigation, is more dangerous
than a deficiency.
That it is the interest of the landholder
that our trade should be free, and that fo
reign, as well as domestic vessels, should
be admitted to our wliarves, and permit
ted to receive our produce, for exporta
tion without reflraint.
That should additional duties be impof,
ed, difcriminatiort would be impolitic and
unjust ; the commerce of one nation
ought not to be encouraged to the detri
ment of another ; if there is no friendship
in trade, it does not follow there must be
enmity.
That in eftablilhing a commercial sys
tem and forming a decision on the fubjedt
now under the consideration of the com
mittee we should divert ourselves of poli
tical views, we ought not to fuffer our
resentments to influence us ; the feelings
excited by the consideration of the Indi
an war, the depredations of the Alge
rines, or the inexecution of the treaty of
peace, have nothing to do" with a fnbjeft
which refpe&s the regulation of our com
merce only- To obtain redress for any
political injuries we may have fuflained.re
courfe in the firft instance should be had
to peaceable negociations which would
probably prove effectual.
That the object of the present relblu
tions appears to be a commercial warfare,
which in all probability would be produc
tive of one far more serious.
That the expediency of forming any
commercial treaties may well be quettion
ed, they neceflarily connect us in the po
litics of Europe, a connexion which can
never be falutarv for America ; but if com
mercial treaties are formed, mutual tnttrcji
(hould be considered as the fundamental
principle.
That the refolutioni before us contain
only an affixation of aiding our naviga
tion, commerce, and manufa&urcs'; they
will in fact, prove detrimental to each of
them, by producing a temporary ftagna
tionatleaft, of the one, and unavoidable
embaraflments upon the other.
That high-duties, by augmenting the
prices of such goods as might be import
ed, would only operate as taxes and bur
thens against our own citizens, who are
theconfumers ; at the fame time answer
ing no valuable purposes to us with the
government of Great Britain, against
which they are profefledly pointed, nor of
fering any particular encouragement to
our own manufactures.
That the goodness of a market, i« to be
determined by the relative proportion of
the dearnefs or cheapness, of the articles
fold or purchased ; and that on a compa
rative view, the commercial system of G.
Britain is more favorable to us, than that
of any other foreign nation. With refpeft
to our exports (he is and ever has been,
a better cullomer than France, in the ra
tio of two to one.
That the reftriftionscomplained of were
in existence previous to our becoming an
independent nation ; they are in fa6i, a
part of her colonial establishment and Hill
operate only as they refpeft her colonial
dependencies.
That the industry of our citizens has
been, and is nourished by the aid of a fo
reign capital; for which credit is an ax
cellent substitute, so far from* being inju
rious it is highly beneficial, and, in the
present situation of our country, has a
happy effect in the promotion of (hip
building, manufactures, and agriculture :
admitting it was an evil, it is merely a
municipal regulation and altogether be
yond the controul of Congress.
That Great Britain is able to supply
us with such articles as we want, in great
abundance, and on better terms than any
other nation ; {he has it in her power, and
is willing to give us credit: the French,
cannot or will not do it.
That the influence of Britilh credit on
our public councils is chimerical j the fal
fity of the idea is apparent, by the part
taken and so ably supported by the rtf
pe&abie gentlemen, who rep-efent a part
of the United States, which has received
the molt extensive credit.
That (hould we be deprived of this ad
vantage, merchants of great capitals only
could trade. A monopoly by the wealthy,
would increase the prices of the articles
eonfumed, and the enterprize and induflry
of young men, who have need of credit,
would be checked and discouraged.
That the faith of the United States has
been heietofore pledged, appropriating
the monies raised by certain existing du
ties, to the discharging of public debt.' A.
system, like the one propofcd, tending to
the diminution of the amount of those du
ties, would be a breach of faith difgraceftil
as well as unjuftifiable.
That the conduct of France, as refpe&s
our commerce, our navigation and our
fiiheries, has uniformly evidenced a felfiih
policy ; and that we have no privileges to
boait of in consequence of our present ex
isting commercial treaty with that nation.
This, Mr. Chairman, is a summary view
of the principal arguments which have
been adduced on the one fide and on the
other of the important question before the
committee. Many ingenious calculation;,
observations, comparisons and documents,
fraught with information and tending to
elucidate the fubjee}, have been offered ;
I have listened with attention to the whole
of them, and, on a careful review it ap
pears to me that this is not the proper
time for us to introduce very eficntial al
terations in our commercial system—that,
be our wishes what they may respeCting
the issue of the present war in Europe,
neither duty or good policy will usf
to become parties. The ftricl principles
of neutrality ought to influence cur con
duit—that the measures proposed would
have a very bad tendency—that they would
produce great inconvenience to our reve
nues—a temporary to our'com
mcrce—a future augmentation of the (hac
kles under which it now labors—deprive
our fellow-citizens of enjoyments which
they have a right to poiTefs—rifrn indus
try from its natural channel, induce a ne
cefiity of land taxes'for the exigencies and
support of government, prove injurious to
public credit, be ruinous to our agricul
ture, and, in the present crisis might pre
cipitate us into a war : Evils which jus