was under the obligation of honor, and ap
c iih o\ kcrccy, which be might. be led
to violate." hut «n a reprefentatiori from
tiie committee, by their chairman, Dr.
Drown declared he was puflcfled of the
i iid paper for about one month.
Your committee therefore recommend,
tl»at the report be amended according
ly. The report being amended, the qtlei
tion was put to agree to tlie lame. It was
refolvcd in the aiiirmative.
J'or the G.iZi-Tff of the UmTKD Sj -iTr.S,
Mr. Fenko,
Among the many astonishing concomi
tants of the French Revolution, it is cer
tainly not the leatt, that though all en
lightened perlons unite in pronouncing it,
the hfblinwlt effort of human wisdom and
virtue, yet we do not find, among; tlie
characters which have been engaged in it,
any one, to whom we can attach alafting
elteem. Numbers it is true, have had
their day, and each in histurn, has been the
fugitive theifie newspaper panegyric :
but h'g t H has ftcvef been marked with
Z.iy fymptonw of regret or commiseration.
Thirt Fayette, Mirabeau,. Luckner, Du
mourier, retion, Morvtefquicu* KUler
r.an, Bnffot, Condoicet, jigalite, Pclle
tier, Marat, Santerre, Byron, Culline &
Hoi,chard, have successively figured as Pa
triots and-Heroes; and yet, we consign
tliem to t'verr fate, (whether ♦merited or
not) with as little remorse, as, in the
p'lrafe of FJitafl, u we drown blind pup
pies fifteen o' the litter."
Tiiis fngular phenomenon, however it
maybe milcunftrued by the (hort sighted,
is appreciated by the discerning, as the
fliongcll poflible pr6of et tlie purity of
the prevailing principles, Cac'e the judg
ment is in no danger of being daziled by
(lie virtues and impof/rig qualities of iHui
triouJ ehara&era ; ancj it a?lo evinces the
propriety of the new idea, of toasting sen
timents instead of men, in our civic enter
tainments. It exhibits a!fo. one striking
diutKncebetween the Aineriean& French
Revolution. For as, in the dlie, the names
of Waftington, Montgomery, arid others,
threw a lull re upon a cause, which at that
comparatively dark period, was generally
Called a Rebc/jon, so in the upiverfnlly
acknowledged sroodnefs of the latter cause,
we find an ample reiource for any deficien
cies that may he found in th?aftor3, and
detedl the fall r.cy of that old, ivorm-eaten
maxim, of there being " no public with
out private virtue," /-
In other countries without doubt, some
patiiotifm ir.sy be found in the breads of
individual, but the patriotism of France,
appears to be a pure, etherial, fiibtile
principle, too volatile so be fiifceptible of
long appropriation, and'fo liltie attached
to persons, as to be in no danger oftiying
with them. Like joint tenancy, (" tic
ertferit fuperjlilitmtit accrues to the
fnrvivor; and exterminate as many patriots
as you please, the principle only revives
with additional vigor in the successor.—
A"d hcnce O dillce Nome* Libertatis f
Thy reigning advocates are always right,
and though the King himfelf Was once a
patriot, and Fayette, .~nd Petion and Ro
land and Bri(Tot and Condorcet, &c. &c.
yet Roberfpferre is now the belt patriot
of them all, and whether he (hall continue
to be the belt in France, fecms really to
depend more upon the operations of the
Guillotine, th-an upon any other principle,
moral or phyfscal, chat is yet discovera
ble.
CONGRESS
House of Rcprefcntati-des,
Janua.y 25.
In committee of the whole on Mr. Ma J fin's
refdutions.
Mr. Hili.house's speech concluded.
The Indian \v,?r is also charged upon
Great-Britain, and that is urged as a rea
son for adopting these refolutionp—has
any member produced any evidence, are
we p,,flWTed of any proof to support this
charge ? It is an hnportant principle of a
free government, that no man (hall be
condemned imhtvrd ; i 7 we admit this
principle in regard to an individual, why
not allow it to a nation ? Have we ever
chargcd Great-Britain as being the initi
ator of those injuries we have experienc
ed from the depredations committed on the
inhabitants of our Western frontiers bvthe
savages ? It has been supposed by some,
that a part at least v.as chargeable upon
our own inhabit anti on the frontiers ; (hall
we without having remondrated, wage
war with Great-Britain ? surely we ought
to demand fatisfaftkni, before we attempt
to retaliate, or make reptilals.
The Algerint war he laid, was another
ground of complaint against Greit-Bri
ta.n, it ij said to have been brought about
by her .ices; he was aware he said,
it would be unpopular to divert the resent
ment that had been excited on this ac
count ; but his ftluatiou made it his duty
to examine the lubject, which he had done,
and could discover nothing in the condutf
of Great-Britain in this buiinefs, which
was inconliitant with the law of nations—-
and altho" the United States may feel a
present smart, yet we ought not to let our
momentary feelings lead us to a decilion
which may be attended with ftridus con
sequences ? Great-Britain is, and for a
long time has been in close alliance' and
friendOnp with Portugal and Holland ;
they are in some meafme dependant on
her, they are now combined rn one com
mon cause again (I Fiance—Great-Britain
therefore in making a truce with the Al
gerincs, £>r Portugal and Holland, has
done no more than to let her allies free
front the depredations of pirates, in order
that the whole force of thofejaations might
be in a better Ik uation to be called into
action, if necefiary against their common
enemy—were either of t'nefe nations un
der Any obligation to block up the Al
gcrines fur us ; it is true,, we fuffer by it,
,but have we any right to complain ? there
is no evidence that Great-Britain was in
fluenced by motives hostile to us; other
reasons can be afligned for her conduct—
and (hall we without pretty strong evi
dence, adopt r.ieafurcs- by way of retali
ation ? and that too, before we have called
on Great-Britain for air explanation of her
conduA.—When the representatives of
the people ef the United States, are
called upon to decide a question of such
importance to the peace and happiness of
this country, they ought to divest them
selves of all refentful feelings ; and even
supposing Great-Britain has violated the
treaty, and done us all the injuries com
plained of, ought we not to exercise mo
deration, and begin by remonstrating ?—
then if flie would not do us justice, and
redress our wrongs, he would be as ready
as any member to vindicate the honor of
his country, bYrt was not for precipitating
meafurcs in such' a manner, as would be
condemned by the impartial world.
Another complaint hac been Hated, ref
pefting the depredations committed on
our commerce by British privateers : It is
doubtlefe true, that those excesses Ikul
been carried to great lengths; it was also
in evidence, that some of the British fcourts
of law, had offered redress, and given am
ple damages : perlKips other instances may
be attended with like fuceefs—But on
this head, as well as the former items of
complaint, there had beeh no proper de
mand made by the Executive of the United
States, and there had not yet been time
for us reasonably to expect either an an
swer or fatisfaftion—Privateering he laid,
was a fort of piracy, and he wished it was
abolished iu all wars, among civilized na
tions ; but as long as it is permitted, neu
tral powers mud expect to fuffer more or
less inconvenience and injury—there have
been depredations committed by the fub
jefts of every nation, on particular occa
sions, that could not be juftified, and which
it was not m their power to restrain
France, as well as Great-Britain, may be
charged with like injuries ; and the United
States would not be exempted from such
a charge—our privateers frequently did
the fame thing, when we were in a ft'at'e
of war—indeed we have found it difficult
in all instances, to restrain even our fron
tier inhabitants from committing depreda
tions upon the Indians ; and yet we have
not been disposed to have those excesses
charged upon the United States.
Our flour trade to France is also inter
rupted, this he said he believed to be in
violation of the law of nations—but what
csn we do when so many of the powers of
Europe are combined in this measure if
we (hould Judge it prudent to seek redress,
ought we not to follow the example set us
more than a century ago by Denmark and
Sweden,, quoted for our imitation by the
gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Giles)
which was, as will be found in the firft
article of their convention, to fend a spi
rited remanftrance, and if that did not a*-
fwer the purpol'e, then it would be time
enough to take other meafttres to do our
felresjuftice—he ttcpreffed it as his decid
ed opinion, that titter meaturrs migfet
be adopted for obtaining redress than were
contained in the resolutions on the table.
We will now consider whst is to be the
operation of these proposed measures, and
if there is not a great degree of probabili
ty, and indeed almtill a ccrtainty that
they will produce the effect that is intend
ed, they ought not to be adopted—it is
fuppofrd they will operate in three ways
upon Great Britain—firft by leflening our
imports from Great Britain, and by that
means throwing her manufacturers out of
employ—secondly, by withholding our
exports, and thereby starving her into a
compliance, and thirdly, by injuring her
navigation.
As to the firft, this above all others,
was the moll improper time for attempt
ing a thing of the kind. Properly tim
ing public measures, was of great impor
tance towards ensuring success. It was
not from the manufacturers but the mer
chants that we received our supplies in the
firft instance—it was a thing of no im
portance to the manufacturer whether the
manufactures were imported into this
country, or whether'they were buried in
the ocean, or whether they were sent to
other nations
As to our obtaining supplies from
France, there was no probability of that,
they have prohibited the exportation of
their woolen cloths to enable them to sup
ply their domel'lic wants during the present
war. All we could cxpeci from them is
silks, ribbons, &c. which are by no means
neceflary the United States. It is
therefore altogether likely the British ma
manufactures would {till find their way
into this country, by a circuitous rout ;
but should this not be the cafe, would not
the British merchants be able to find other
markets at this time, equal to our con
sumption ?
The present convulsed ftatc of France,
and war in Europe, has taken off a mul
titude of hands from every occupation,
and has destroyed many flourifhing manu
factories, which will for the present open
a door for the manufactures of Great Bri
tain. And even France, will not hesitate
to use such as they want, if they cannot
otherwise get a supply—as the people of
the United States did during their revo
lution, who went so far in some instances
as to smuggle them in, in violation of the,
law—and there were some instances, in
which they were obtained for the use of
the army from within the British lines at
New-York, under the sanction of the go
vernment.
Germany, Spain, Holland, and other
powers at war, will also afford a market
for Biitifii goods, so that they will not
be at a loss for a market nor will their
manufacturers be either starved or mat e
rially injured—and would have no other
effect than to turn their trade into ano
ther channel. If the resolutions are to
have their intended effect in this way,
they muff much lelfen if not wholly pre
vent the importation of British manufac
tures ; it would therefore be much prefera
ble at once to adopt a non-importation
agreement.—Here he a/lced if it v,-as in
the power of the government to carry
such measures into execution ?
The experience of 1774 ought to pre
vent our hastily adopting measures that
might for a time Magnate if not wholly
interrupt our trrde. When our grain
could not be exported the consequence
would be, it would bear a very low price,
and the farmers would be left a prey to
domed ic speculation of those who might
expect such measures could not last long,
if we were to commence the conflict
which the adoption of thele Resolutions
would moll probobly bring on-—he was
apprehensive we should fall in the conflict,
and it would end to our difad vantage.
It is said our exports are the necefia
ries of life, and our imports are the fu
perfluities, and therefore we can dictate
our own terms, and Great Britain will be
forced into a compliance. One gentle
man from Virginia, (Mr. Moore) ground
ed his whole argument on fhis supposi
tion, which he finds to be fallacious
The opinion Mr. H. has of the candor
of that gentleman, induced him to hope
he would give a different vote. With re
gard to our exports being so neceffarv to
the existence of Great Britain, he obser
ved, that file exported flour, salted provi
sions, and almost every other article of
food that we did ; and it wiD not be pre
tended that tobacco was a neceffarv of
life—he had never found it so—never ha
ving made any use of it, he viewed it a
luxury. n
Our timber and naval-stores, are carri
ed to Great Britain under protecting du
ties :—Thcfe articles could be supplied
from Sw'eden and Ruflia. Oar rice was
used as a luxury—our pot and pearl-afixs
would also be had from other market:
In (hort, there did not appear to be one
article of our exports, that appeared to
be so much of a neceflary of life to them,
as their manufacture:*, especially th<*ir
coarser woollens, were to us in our cold
climate—to the northward, tho were ab
solutely a neceflary of lite. We were in
as much danger of perifliing with cold as
with hunger, and we can do as well with
out food as without raiment. We ma
nufactured all our wool, but that fell very
(hort of affording a supply.
, He would not admit that the Weil In
dia pofieflions of Great Britain were who
ly dependant on us for a supply of flour;
if we withheld that article they will get a
supply from some other quarter, they did
get a supply during our war, and if our
flour should become neceflary for their ex
illence, it would find its way tlierc bv a
circuitous rout ; we should be obliged ty
fell to some other nation, to whom ihey
could go for it, and it would not be in our
power to prevent it.
It is said we can injure the navigation
of Great Britain—-is it not more effectu
ally in her power to injure ours ! Suppose
(he was to* do no more than we already
have, that is to put a greater tonnage on
our vessels entering her ports than (he does
upon her own, (hould we not be the fnf
ferers ; our exports being Valllv more bul
ky than V.<- imports : confequendy much
more (hipp-.r.g is neceiliiry to carry them
to market,
The fa£t is, we derive mutual advan
tages from the intei'couVfe, and it would
be impolitic to do any thing that ihcmld
cut off,or suddenly m any great change
in the course of trade betweeh the two
countries— great changes in our laws or
commercial systems ought,not to be adopt
ed, but i »afes of apparent and very ur
gent neceiilty.
The friendly disposition which the
French nationhave manifcfted towards the
United States, and their offer to enter in
to a more intimate and close connexion,
and to put our trade upon a more benefi
cial footing has been urged as a reason why
we (hould: adopt resolutions that will fa
vour the commerce and trade of Franie.
On this account he felt himfelf impelled
however painful might bt. the talk, to take!
some notice of the political situation and
proceedings of that nation—he had ad
mired the fervor of the French nation,
they had engaged in a glorious csufe, the
cause of Liberty, a catjf? to- which he be
came an early votary ; a cause in which lie
had rilked his-life, and would- molt cheer
fully do it again if necessary ; he most sin
cerely wiihed France might succeed in e
ftabKfiiing a free and happy government,
but he could not approve of some of -the
meafarcs they were pursuing to obtain this
end.
Jurtice,humanity, forbid that we (houli
approve of their leading to the block in
some inllances, and in others difgracinir
fomeof their be£f men,who stood foremoft
in the moll perilous times; not for taking
up arms againil their country, not for a
breach of duty, or betravimr the catife in
which they had embarked, but merely
for differing In opinion from others, as to
the means of accomplijhing the fame ob~
jest ; an op.nion which their duty to
their country and constituents, required
them to advance and support. Are we to
juftify that conduct, which h?,s brought
to an ignominious death thofepatriots who
have drawn their swords in defence of Li
berty, and have upon the high places of
the field fuccefsfully fo>ught hey battles ?—
Surely not. Many other exceptionable
measures might be pointed out,' but he
would proceed no farther—he equally dis
approved he said, of the combined pow
ers interfering in the internal affairs of
France.
Is it a proper time when things are in
fiich an unnatural con vu T £ed (late,to think
of fitting down and forming commercial
treaties or regulations with' t!iis nation?
he disapproved of the idea of forming a
closer alliance, than already exilted, with
a people who had so far tranfgrefifed the
bounds of humanity, and more specially
with those who had the power, and took
the lead in tijofe measures—this of all ci
thers is not the time in which we oup'ht
to vvifii to alter either our commercial or
political connexion with France, or indeed
with any of the European nations—for
this reason it was equally imprudent and
impolitic to embark in a commercial con
flict with Ore-it Britain ; our situation
being detached from the European nations