Mr. Boudinot then observing on tbe patriotic conduct of our merchants, with regard to their obedience to the revenue laws, which he thought did them.greater honor than could be claimed by (hose of any other country, warned the committee againit carrying the matter too far, he warned them not to make it t}»«;beil trade on lair calculation, that one merchant ciHild p'irfue, to defraud the government oT the duties. When once fmnggling be came-f biili'fiefs which the rnei chants ge nerally thought themielves jullilicd in, it V'ould be like powerful aflailants getting poflFeition of a It rang fortrefs, it woutd not be ealy to diilodge them. It was out of the power oi laws to pi event finuggling, if ale merchants once determined to a- duj't it, Mr. Boudinot fai-I, he bad carefully a ♦oided faying any thing about the Algc rines, because although in his private opi nion l»o thought circumstances bore hard againll Great Britain; yet as a legislator he could rot lay his C lger on the evidence ?nd fay this or that proves the fact, and as he bdieted some fadtshad been miltak en, he was afraid of acting without ade quate proof. Bciides, although lie was at firtl uHcAfd by the fuggeflion, yet on carefully investigating she prccefs of the b'ifinefs, he thought he could fee reasons which might render it poflible that Great Britain had it good excuse for her couduft independent of American confederations. Every gentleman knows that Holland had a confiderabk trade with Portugal, which ilie was obliged to carry on with a convoy of men of war on account of the Algcrines. Portugal had three or four ships continu ally cruizing 011 the failre account. Great Britain (with these states) was engaged In a was* with Trance, whose fleet not withltauding all her difficulties was rather fuperiof to that of Great Britain, It be came then a coniiderable objedt vvilh Great Britain to emancipate these (hips of her allies from other ferviccs, so ao to operate with her in the common cSufe. Again it v.at pofliMe that Great Britain by pro moting t hia truce with Holland and Por tugal might find it ealier to persuade the Algerines to declare war agsinft France the common enemy ; this we are told has been accompli (lied, and if so, must have been a coniiderable obje£t with Great Bri tain. If then these rcafons might have o perated with Great Britain without ref pedt to America, we ought at kaft to wait till we are better acquainted with facts, and this we may soon reasonably expett from our foreign ministers, efpeci aliy when we are officially told, that the British agent who accomplished this truce, had not heard from his court for eighteen months. On the whole Mr. Boudinot observed, that, while the duties already laid on the farmer, mechanic, laborer and other citi zens of the United. States, were fufficient ly high for the support of government and the protection and encouragement of our home manufadtures, while higher duties must in the end fall on those who are al ready opprelfed with those duties that are neCcflarv ; wliile our citizens cannot avoid the duties by a supply from home manu fathires or those of foreign nations in alli ance with us ; while he was of opinion that nations not in alliance, cannot be af fected by duties paid by our citizens, he did not think this the time to encreafe the duties on articles which must be consumed in the United States, for purposes which it cannot clearly Sc. indubitably be proved, will answer very eflential and important ends to our government and its citizens. As to the fecund object of the resolu tion, he had been always of opinion that it is the trde way of accomplishing the ends proposed. He had ever joined the gentleman who brought this fonvard, in considering the regulating of foreign (hip ping, a principle of great importance to the interest of the United States, and whenever an answer (hiH be obtained from our minister abroad, by which the state of the prefenl negociation (hall ap pear to be unfavorable to the United !{tatcs, lie would be ready to enter fully into the measure, and hoped then there would be a perfect unanimity in that committer, which Would greatlv ensure the efficacy of the measure. But as there was reason to expert the iflue of the negotiation in a short time, he should be unwilling to agree to any measure of this nature having a principle of retalia tion for its obiedi, till the real grievance could be known, and of conrfe the com mittee better capable of judging of the adequate remedy. He was averse from forcing any nation into a commercial trea ty with us. It ought to b6 a voluntary att„and he was for allowing the fame freedom of action to other nations, we claimed for ourselves. But when \ve could not obtain a reciprocity of benefits, he tl«ought we had the undoubted right of sonferiing a reciprocity of rfcltrictions. Ilis idea was, when we did proceed on this principle, we (hould make old and wife nations our example, and copy their aits. This could give no reasonable of fence;, birt if offence was taken, the an swer would be obvious and convincing.— Great Britain by her commercial regula tions had role to power and opulence ;— This gave us a right to copy her exam ple, anil whenever the executive jjave us information that .negociation was ineffec tual, Mr. Boudmot was ready to pursue this remedy, as the only salutary and ef fectual one, but as this period had rot yet arrived, he (hould wait with some de gree ot patience for the iffiie, which as a friend to both countries he hoped would be a favorable one, and (hould according ly vote for the present, againll the reso lution now before the committee. After Mr. Boudinot had spoken, Mr. Ames role, and remarked that it had been repeatedly asserted in a vagae manner that our commerce is unfavorably (ituated, he irilhcd the fpecific grievances dated and the facts on which they are said to be founded vouched for. One fadt is worth a dozen theories. Mr. Nicholas was aftonifited that the gentleman poffelled-fo little American feel ing, as so often to repeat the enquiry he had just made, or that he (hould attempt to divert the attention of the committee by a frivolous diftinftion between com mercial and political considerations. The friends of the resolutions had supposed it unnecessary to enumerate, they conceived that every American must feel the wrongs we fuffer, and they offered the resolution ao a counter-terror. It appeared, howe ver, that they were mistaken and must be under the necessity of enumerating grievances; it is necessary to tell the gentleman of the hostilities of the sava ges on our frontieis, of the murder of our citizens & plunder of our settlements —he must be told of the commercial ad vantages wrested from onr hands, by that mean policy which lets loose the Algcrincs upon our defencclefs merchantmen. He hoped it would be allowed that this is a commercial as well as political injury. He enumerated ths other injuri ous reftri&ions imposed on our trade by Great Britain, contrary to the law of na tions and every colour of right, and then said, that finee we fuffer in blood and trenfure, it becomes proper to enquire whether we can bed refill, with arms or by making regulations in the ipirit of those proposed, the effects of which will be felt by them in the diftrefles of their fubjedls. The committee had been told by gentlemen who opposed the resolutions how incapable we are of supporting any but a defenfive war, our only alternative then is something like the resolutions, is to withdraw from them at lead the sus tenance they receive from us. Some gentlemen, had, to be sure, redu ced ths question to very narrow ground, when they chose to throw on one fide as inapplicable the injuries wc fuffer from Indians and Algerines and the injuries our commerce endures from pointed com mercial regulations, and when all these are put out of the question they triumphantly ask, where are your grievances ! They go further and attempt to (hew that America is as favored in a commercial point of view as (he has a right to expect. The regu lations against us in the Weft-Indies are not grievances because they are of an an cient date, that they are part of an uni form system and that there is nothing in them particularly pointed at Americans. This, he believed, is a mistake ; there is an express law since the year 1780 ex cluding all articles from the Weft-Indies unless carried there under particular cir cumstances and in Briti(h veflell. This is an injury ftriftly commercial. In answer to a remark, that British credit in Virginia does not appear to have generated British influence he observed, that the natural jealousy of and aversion to foreigners, who do almost all the com mercial business in that state, naturally couuterafts the influence of that credit, hut where no such countera&ing cause ex ills, where mercantile tranfa&ioni are car ried on by natives a (Tided by foreign cre dit, there he believed the natural depen dance of borrower on lender gare deep root to that influence: But the measures prspofed do not go to the deftrilttion of credit, but only tend to present its abuse. It has been (aid, that and Portu gal could supply Great-Britain and her dependencies with grain and flour. Fie wondered at the argument being brought forward as it is notorious that those coun tries are among our beli markets for those commodities. A commercial treaty with Great Bri tain, it is said, is nil desirable, because, that we have with France is not benefici al. Gentlemen Ihould recolleift the date of that treaty, that when it was made we had not much to give, and therefore not a right to expect much, The committee had been told that France had cheated us when they made the treaty with us» be cause it imposes some hardships now (he is at war. This is owing to a contingency unforefeen at the time of making the trea ty, and if we had been involved in war firtl, it with as much propriety might have been said that we had cheated them. Much had been said on the propriety of permitting trade to regulate itfelf.— He approved of the position, but when re(lri£lions are laid on one fide, to restore the equilibrium contrary reftriclions mult be laid. We have no reasonable hope of a repeal of those injurious reft ritt ions or a redress of grievances from Great Britain. At 3 time when these were a fubjetl of negociation {he has let loose the Algerines upon us ; what then are we to expect as the iflue of those negociations ? Would an individual in similar circumstances ex pect an amicable settlement ! In the ex iting state and nature of the grievances we complain of, it is extravagance in the extreme to expe£l tbey can be fettled by negociation. When matters are doubt ful, recourse is had to amicable settlement —but if a man stabs my wife or child will I call on him to explain himfelf ? No, I will have recourse to my power over him and procure fatisfaftion. The extent and nature of the injuries we experience, put all negociation out of the qucflion. He dwelt on the propriety of the re gulations, as the best weapons in our pow er, to obtain fatisfa&ion. He then took notice of the allusion Mr. Dexter had made to the body politic comparing it with the natural body, and contended that our body politic, cramp ed by Britilh trammels, will not acquire the strength it it calculated to acquire, a» speedily as if they were removed. He adverted to the unnatural state of our commerce with the Bri'tifh Weft-In dies, which, though dependant on us for neceflaries, give us laws, and fay we (hall not carry those neceflaries in our own bot tom®, except when they are in fear of fa- mine. He then went into a comparative view of the ability of the United States, to sup port a commercial conflict with Great Bri tain, and bring her to reasonable terms, and (hewed how sensibly a diminution in our consumption of their manufa&ures would effect her, and excite a rivalfhip here and in France, to afford a fufficient supply. The distress we (hould occasion, it had been said, would induce Great Bri tain to go to war with us. The mifchief would spring from them, from their obsti nate adherence to the measures (he had a dopted, to our injury. Some members of the committee had infilled that the resolutions are a dishonor able mode of refitting, and a mean mode of making an attack, that is, that we are to give out of our own hands the weapons with which we can fight, and take up those which we cannot wield, He concluded with some observations on Great Britain's present backwardness to make a treaty of commerce with us; indeed, he wondered how we could expe A a treaty, from a nation that trampled on our prostrate rights, and how we could wi(h one, with a nation which persisted in not executing some of the raoft important points in the last. Mr. Dayton remarked, that the inju ries we have received from Great Britain, had been painted in very strong colours, and when a remedy is proposed, it turns out to be only a set of regulations on pa per ; the insolence of Britain, is contrast ed with American weaknefi. If we real ly labor under wrongs, something more effe&ual than the measures proposed should be contemplated ; but firft it is our duty, to endeavor to obtain redress by pacific means, and before irritating measures are adopted, we should be well affureU that redress has been refufed. Mr. Madison few fio ground to hope for redress from negociation, we r.uift he fatisfied that that resource has failed. Ke could not fee, admitting we are injured, that we are bound by honor or prudence, to resent the injury, by the last appeal, ttf arms. It is bed, he conceived, to try whether a more pacific weapon may not prove even more effe&ual. We can make use of none against Great-Britain, more effectual than commercial weapons, in that part, their commerce, that country is mod vulnerable. He thought this the most eligible time for the exercise of those means moll clearly in our power. (Delate to be continue J.) From the General Advertiser. AT a meeting of the paper Noblemen of the United States and the emijfaries of the Britijh government, to take into confi deratiou the resolves of the Democratic Society, irredeemable public debt in the chair —the following resolutions were unanil - adopted. ift. Resolved, that.it is the una Tunable right of flocl-holden, flock-jnhbers, lank direSors, and /peculators to d'fcufs with freedom, all fuljeSs f public concern, and that as no other person or persons are seiz ed with this right, as they alone have the genuine interell of the public debt at heart, it being the paramount interest of America, to which all other interefls ought to submit. 2d. Resolved, that the high profeffioiis of dilmtereffed patriotism, held out by those persons who are not •within the vortex of the funding fiflem, are very equivocal proofs of their public virtue; and that e very man may be fufpe&ed of treason, who dares question the republican tendency or virtue of that system. ' 3d. Resolved, that it is highly politic and generous, for any citizen of America publicly in Congress and out of Congress, to pour forth illiberal abuse against the French nation, merely because they are I the enemies of Great-Britain, and the combined powers : We fay politic, becaufcr powerful nations may thereby be conciliat ed to lend a helping hand to our views, and assimilate our government to theirs ; we fay generous, because France assisted the rabble of this country, to a [fume their station in government, and thereby fruf trated the good intentions of our beloved mother country. And because France may by her influence and example, deflroy those feeds of aristocracy and monarchy, which have been sown with so much secre cy and care, and which we have so sedu lously cheri (hed. 4th. Resolved 1 , that although-the public faith has been pledged to France, to gua rantee her Weft India pofTeffions, and to admit her to certain privileges, to the ex clusion of the Briti (li nation, all person* or societies, who dirctllym indirealy ftiall endeavourto preserve out national engage ments, are guilty of a breach of our fund ing intcrrjl, and ought to be confidcred as enemies to America. sth. Resolved, that the determination expressed by the Democratic Society, to abide by our national engagements, and pre- Jerve our national friend/hips, is a flagrant inttance of inconsistency ; for " Pacifi cus" afTerts, that interell and not honour or gratitude ought to be the bond of na tions, and he is our bible. Tliat any in sinuation against him or the President, is a proof of impudence and presumption, as experience teftifies that a man who has once done right, can never do wrong. 6th. Resolved, that although we have not had the spirit to resent the outrage* committed upon our trade by the British, nation, and that although we .have not fulfilled the terms and spirit of our treatr with France, we ought to resent with all our strength, the attempts of France to retaliate upon her enemies, and oblige her by all the energy in our power, to observe a scrupulous exactneis in her engagements with us. 7th. Refolv-ed, that the oirtrages of fered to our trade, or citizens bv Great- Britain,. will probably be podded in a much more proper manner, or with more grace and compajpon, much more easily ob tained by the ftitmij/ive conduct of our national Congress, and the long tried for bearance of our Executive, than by the intemperate suggestions, and noisy decla mation* of any ragamuffin society, or of the people, wishing to bawl itfelf into po litical confcquence, or to latvl the govern* mept into honor and jujlice. Bth. Resolved, that rhc trade of Ame rica has been the means of proftratinjj her
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