bc-n in the conflant ast, under fan&ion
of this treaty of making prize of all pro
perty belonging to'citizens of the United
States, found mi Englifii Spanish, Poitu
guc'.r, Aullrian, Dutch and Pinflian ves
sels, I mean ii.ice thofc nations have been
at war with her; and what do we gain ?
It cannot operate in our favor any further
than to favc French property to them, ii
found in our veflels, it we had treaties of
a i-milar kind with the world. So thai
this kuid of treaty is uncommonly circum
itrmeed inctecd, wc can gain nothing but
a proteflion for our friend's property j
but loft directly our own : and we never
fca'n be in a filiation to gain unless we
pre-fuppofc war, which I hope we may
avoid ; certainly we are not as liable to
W»T, as the nations in Europe, who are
generally in war 3 or 4 years in every 7 :
of eourfe this trait in treaties is no very
inviting one to us. If treaties are formed
in the common stile, that is, place the na
tion treating', on the balls of the moll fa
vored nations, every one can diicern, it
amounts to little, it' any thing, more than
complimentary language of eourfe.
One gfcat object of these resolves is,
to effect a treaty with Great Britain, and
we arc told in the fame breath, that Great
Britain is in a habit of breaking, not on
ly the law of nations, but iolemu treaty.
But we are told a free trade or rather a
trade on principles of more reciprocity is
to be obtained by these regulations : And
that France gives us that reciprocity, and
of course, we ought to withdraw our
trad.- from the Englilh, and give it to
France. If the markets of France, and
the benefits of trade in her ports, exceed
those of any other nation,our trade will go
there of itfelf if not,why force it ? In this
part of the argument, I request the liber
ty of treating both Fiance and England
merely aa commercial nations, for if com
mercial benefits are not found in the trade
of tv.-o nations, I very much doubt the
Continuation of the trade, from princi
ples of fiier.dfhip.
What faVors d:> we receive from France,
which will juitify such an exertion to [fti
down her rival, and build her up t Our
trade is at present under no very auspi
cious circumllances with France; even in
the bell of times, a merchant having ef
tabhihed his correfpundence there on the
mod favored footing, when he sent his
cargo, could bills for one third of
the amount, and they would be honored ;
the remaining two thirds, after fold, the
American merchant would be advised he
might drew for, but no interest allowed
for the time the French merchant held
the property ; but if the amount of bills
diawn at tirft, exceeded the third part
of iaies, interest v.-as charged. The Eng
lilh merchant, would honor his American
correfpondant'i bills, when accompanied
by his bill of lading only, for the whole
amount, and cargoes have often been
purchaled and the iofuranct, wages, and
finding of the ship, been paid, out of the
avails of her cargo, thus anticipated by
bills, before the voyage. This course of
trade, as praclifcd by the two nations,
needs 110 comment. Are the fabrics of
the French better than tjjie English ? Is
this a proper time to depend upon France
for our articles of clothing, when (lie is
eonvulfed to her center by a war ? And
cnn any man suppose, the column elta
bl i(lied in Lyons, sacred to Libert}-, is
any more favorable to her manufacturers
than if no such column had been there,
and her manufactures were increasing in
fteadof diminishing ? Does the govern
ment of France admit us into her Weft-
Indies, with any favor peculiar to us ?—-
The ast opening her Weft-Indies, was
no more for us, than the Briti(h ast is
against us, the fact is, neither of them
cared for us, they each did what they
thought would best promote their own
interest.
■ If these regulations are to unshackle
p'.ir trade, why not leave it unfliackled ?
The fetters are only changed from one
fide to the other, and France stamped up
on them iuiiead of England.
'l'he cirenmlbnce of heavily taxing
cir trade to Great Britain, for the fake
of dri\ing it to France, is a proof that
it enjoy* more freedom where it is.
If it be true, that we injure ourselves
in the firft instance, by these reitrictions,
although Great Britain deftrves punifh
uient, I have said we Ihould be cautious
how we facrifice ourselves to a principle
of revenge : But it may be worth enqui
ry, how much it is probable we can in
jure Great Britain ?
It is said Great Britain depends upon
the United States, for the bread of her
manufacturers and therawmaterials which
employ them.
!t ought to be remarked here, that a
principal complaint against Great Britain
is, that (he prohibits our bread-ftuff, and
this is a fact, except in tim.-s of scarcity.
One would think to hear the declarations
in this house, that all men were fed at the
openings of our hand, and if we (hut
that hand, the nations (tarve, and if we
but (hake the fid after it is (hut, they die.
This language, to fay no more of it, will
prove ounorigin to be British and that
not long ago, for the fame gentlemen fay,
the British nation is proud in theextreme.
It is well known the Dutch are in titaty
with us, and of eourfe are to be favoured
by the third resolution, which places all
nations in treaty with us, on a footing of
lower tonnage : It is likewise known that
the English have as much ascendancy over
the Dutch as propriety would dictate
What would these reftri&ions do then, at
bed, but (liape the eourfe of our trade
through Holland ? Our trade might per
haps come more from the Texel than the
Thames, but the names would colillitute'
the chief difference.
Spain and Portugal, in Europe, and
their other dominions, if once called up
on by necefiity, can raise bread ftuff to an
unlimited amount. And if werefufeour
provisions to the Weft Indies, would not
Great Britain thank us, for the bounty
we should give, in that very ast of denial
to the Canadian country, which file is so
rapidly filling, even with ourown citizens?
The provisions of every kind, which may
be raised there, no man can limit with any
kind of certainty. But cawiot Great Bri
tain retaliate, arid distress us in a commer
cial war ? I will not enlarge upon this, it
has already been shewn, that Great Bri
tain can retaliate with ten-fold advantages.
It is said although (he can injure us in
part, (he will fuffer in the greatest degree
and that our fufferings will be spread near
ly over the whole community, each will
bear a part, but Great Britain will fuffer
in one entire class of citizens, her manu
facturers. It will be but a poor consolation
to our farmers at large, when they find
themselves fufFcring, to inform them, that
a very innocent set of men, the manufac
turers of Great Britain are fuffering much
more than they do ; and if they (hould
clamour against government, it would be
an unfatisfaftory answer to them, that
there was a greater clamour, and even mob
in England.
(To be concluded in our next.J
For the Gazette if the United States,
THE •wordrabble gives offence to some
persons to whom it i'eems the atrocious
deeds of the French give none. Murder,
in the name and in mockery of justice, is
palliated, while any marks ofdifguft or fear
of the idleness, ignorance and wickedness
of those who are as ready to perpetrate as
to approve these horrors, is condemned.
The paragraph writer in the General Ad
vertiser of Friday last, should know that
the word rabble is used as properly and as
boldly in the cafe he alludes to, as the fort
of people described by it are now wickedly
and deftruftively employed in other coun
tries.
Lord George Gordon's mob was a
rabble. The murderers of Paris are a
rabble. Those whom vice, ignorance,
idleness, and the rod of despotism, have
driven from the just rank of men, are a
rabble. Europe is full of rabble, and the
overflowings of their multitudes have more
or less tainted the healthy mass of our
large towns. Such are the men who
were ready to mob for privateering.
The industrious and peaceable poor are
not rabble. Few, very few American
born, deserve that name. The means of
subsistence and the means of knowledge,
are too general to permit the degradation
of our native citizens to such a state.—
The paragraph writer may praise the prin
ciples of such persons as much as he may
choose—he may ttep in between them and
their proper description. But he will
find it no easy matter to set them on
Philadelphia is not Paris. It is more in
his power to puff the glories of distant as
sassinations, than to find a proper number
of pike-men to perpetrate them here
Ambitious knaves, men loaded with debts
and infamy, become formidable, when
they put theirtfelves at the' head of a rab
ble, whom they train to the practice of
vice by the hypocrisy of more virtue than
other men—whom they ripen for ar.irchv,
by making all government fufpefted, and
all rights but those of violence and licen
ciouluefs, odious. Not one of our great
towns is without such a party, and fucli
leadersi The body of our citizens, and
our country people, are of a very different
fort. Hippily the rabble of America is
infinitely out-numbered j but the Corps of
officers to lead them, and the principles
and objects to bring about a date of what
the Jacobins term sovereign infurretiion and
permanent revolution, are already a» com
plete in this country as in France.
A FARMER.
For the Gazette of the United States,
Some Oifervations on the S>u-Jiion —Have
Governments a right to deprive a Citizen
or Citizens of life ?
GOVERNMENTS are greater or les
ser bodies of people, united for their mu
tual security, and convenience—the pow
ers which those Governments poflefs, must
be formed from the powers or rights,
which individuals in their feperate capaci
ties pofiefTed, a part of which being given
up for the protection of the reft, form, or
compose all the powers which Govern
ments can rightly poflefs—No commuity
or body of people can poflefs rights, or
powers, which the individuals who com
pose that community did not, on entering
into the social compadt, poflefs individual
ly. A, cannot convey to B, the planta
tion of C, because it is not his—neither
can any man convey to Government, a
right in his own life, because that ligfct
is not at his disposal, much less can he
convey the life of his fellow-citizen j if
this principle can be established, it will be
clear, that communities cannot poflefs a
right to deprive its citizens of life.
Man has not a right in his own life (to
dispose of it) appears to me, for the fol
lowing reasons:
I ft. It is contrary to divine command,
as it is no where expressed in Sacred Writ,
but abundantly denied.
2d. From that natural fear of death,
and love of life, implanted in us, for the
belt of purpofcs.
3d. From that nnivevfaldifapprobation
which suicide has met with among civi
lized man, who have endeavored as much
as pofiible to suppress the practice, by stig
matizing the memory of the dead, and
cautioning the living.
It appears then that God, nature, and
man, have (few accepted) discouraged,
and denied man's power over his own life.
If therefore the powers which govern
ments poflefs, are formed of the powers
which individuals give up—
But individuals possessing no power to
give up, or throw their own lives into the
common flock.
Government can possess no power to dis
pose of the lives of its citizens.
The life of man is in a similar situation
in my view with the rights of conscience
—beyond the reach of any tiling but Ty
ranny.
From the American Daily Advertiser. s
Mejfrs. Dunlap iy Claypoole,
ONE of your Correspondents, who
had a great esteem for the late Speaker of
the State Senate, is extremely gratified
with every mirk of refpedt which is {hewn
to his Memory :—SSch he must consider
the formal visit of condolence which (he
hears) has been made to Mrs. P. by the
Gentlemen of that Body who fervcd with
him in Legislation—a circumstance as fa
vorable to his reputation as to theirs ; —
for what could better prove'the reality of
a liberal and generous mind, than the free
homage thus paid to the virtues of their
deceased Colleague, by men with whom
he was not unfrequently at variance in
important Legislative questions, and whose
tenor of political conduit differed materi
ally from his own.
From the Connecticut Courant.
Meflrs. Hudson and Goodwin
Mr. John Fen no, Editor of the " Ga
zette of the United States," ha 9 printed
in his News-paper, some verses, which he
pretends were presented by the carrier of
" the Connecticut Courant," to your
customers. It is not a little surprising,
that a Printer (hould profefs to reprint
the .writings of other people, and at the
fame time take upon himfelf the talk of
altering these writings at his pleasure.
Mr. Fenno in this in (lance, has not only
omitted several lines, without informing
mankind of the fact, but has made an al
teration totally fubverfire of the writer's
meaning, and in direct oppofkion to his
fentimcnti. Whatever Mr. John Ffnna
may think on the fubjeft, the writer of
the New-year verses, coniiders San)uel
Adams, as having little claim to the cha
racter of Patriot. He therefore is not
obliged by the alteration. Nor does he
view the trar.fafh'oil as affording any very
convincing proof of Mr. Fenno's modesty.
The bufineis of a critic, generally requites
greater talents, than commonly fall to the
share of the Editors of News-papers. This
is not the only inllance of similar condutt
in that gentleman, which has fallen within
my notice. I think he will do well to
omit republifhing entirely j or to omit in
serting his own impertinent and nonsensical
alterations, in the writings of perfon3,
with whom he is altogether unacquainted,
and of the merit of which he is an indif
ferent judge.
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
FRANCE.
NATIONAL CONVENTION.
October 22.
A citizen, deputed from the popular
society at Moulin, was admitted to the
bar, and said, " Citizen Legillators, I
come to announce the triumph of reason
over fanaticifm throughout the depart
ment of L'Allier. The Bilhop of Mou
lin now officiates with a a red
cap, instead of the mitre and croller. The
dying are comforted, and not frightened.
Upon the gate of the church-yard one
reads this infeription—" Death is but an
everlafling Jleep."
" The people are convinced, that if
the fall of Kings is the foundation of Re
publics, the fall of priests can alone com
pleat Liberty. Aristocracy is expiring
in our department ; the traitors, the male
volent and fufpefted ' persons, are under
arrest."
The orator concluded with depositing
upon the altar of the country a goldea
cross enriched with precious (tones, and
several marks of gold and silver extracted
from the statues of the ci-devant faints.—
Applauded, and the offering accepted.
Ban ere, in the name of the committee
of public welfare, made a report ret'peft
iug the supplies of provisions, at the con
clusion of which he proposed that the fol
lowing principles should be decreed.
1. That the territorial productions are
a national property.
2. That all real or immovable property
belongs to the state.
3. That the revolution and liberty are
the firft creditors of the citizens, and that
the Republic in all purchases ought to have
the preference.
October 24.
Tiie Procurator Syndic of the district
of Tonnerre acquainted the Convention,
that he had iflued an order, forbidding
the future celebration of religious ceremo
nies on Sundays, and commanding that
these ceremonies Ihould be celebrated on
the last day of each decade. He request
ed that this order (hould be communicat
ed to the other di&rifts.
The Convention passed to the order of
the day, on account of the article in the
confutation, allowing the free exuicife of
all the forms of religion.
The national commissioners at Bour
deaux informed the Convention, that the
city was at length firmly attached to the
Republic. The republican army made
their entry in the midst of the acclamati
ons of long live the Mountain, and the
forced congratulations of the Ariftocats.
The commissioners also dated, that as fooo
as they were informed of the troubles of
La Lozere and Aveyron, they sent a co
lumn of the republican army to Rhodes.
This column had received orders to adopt
the fame conduct as the republican a my
in La Vendee—to burn the woods, ca(llt"s
and other habitations of the rebellious
Royalists,
NoTember 15
Barrere announced, that the commis
sion of provisions had already given a
grand movement to all the parts of its ad
miniilration, and that it had already tak
en measures for saving provisions and for
supplying the fortrdfes.
He proposed 4 decrees
By the firft, Citizens {ire desired not to
refufe complying with requisitions, and to
make several fort 3 of paltry.
By the second, the fortrefies *tre to be
provided with fait meat ; no frefh meat
will be fuffered to ehter but for the fei '/ice
of the sick.
By the third, the miniflers of Marihe