CONGRESS
Hcufe of Rrprtfenkitivtt*
January 24.
In committee of the whole on Mr. MaJjfon**
njulut'ion.
.
that many gentlemen,
It is oble
when they 11ie upon laLjcCt, apolo
gise, tor want of a clear comprcheniion
o»' it; and the indefinite fitnition of the
prcjiofition now before the ccc'iniltee,
;..id indefinite reasoning upon it, have I ac
knowledge afforded one It rang ground of
argument, in mv mind, agair.ft the lcfo
lution. I think the maxim deferable,
tiiat no rcfolution, until its principles arc
clearly defined and its consequences well
linderltood, (hould be adopted by a legif
-1 uiv# body, especially on a commercial
fubjeft, since it is a given point, that
commerce has generally bid deriance to
! giflative intelligence, and in event,' tri
i mphed over Jegiflative reftriftions.
The difcuftiou of this fubjecf, has af
firmed an appearance, which must be fur
j ifin>( to a ft'rtngcr, and painful in the
extreme to outfelve*.
The Supreme Legislature of the Uni
ted States is' ferioully dclibt-i atinjj, not
upon the welfaVe of our citizens, but up
«,n the relative circumstances of two Eu
ropean nations, and this deliberation, has
not for its object, the relative benefits of
their markets', to us, but which form of
»<ivei iimei.t is bett, and moll like cur oVn,
which people feel the greateit affection for
US) a'i.(! what measures we can adopt,
which will bell hun.ble one, and exalt the
other
The primary motive of thfcfe resolu
tions, as acknowledged by the defenders
of them, was not the increase of our a-
j; "icultiir#, manufactures, or navigation,
but to humble Great Britain, and to build
i, * France: And although it is fa id our
ma.iufatturcs and liavii atioi', may receive
Uiivautagb, it is only mentioned, a* a iub
ftiti'.te in cafe of failure as to tie great
ob V&, of humbling Great -Britain.
The diftufiitai in iavbr of these regu
laticns, has hreathed nothing but hottili
tT ard revenge again!! the English j and
\< a t the*' thi' o;> Ok' r
d re«. lor
wavs
I
certainly be
V I'.Cll 'JIC GO '..MC'.Tl.'K!'
fct about it with tempe'rnnc
but in tliij ck-batewe
1 o'.ci ol ilr incxecu
tc • v.v.: ;:i. :,i,,uiis of a
haughty people ; that through the agen
cy <-i Great Ivritain, the savages arc up-
tun ot a tonne
en us on one fide, and the Algevinet on
the other ; the fr.iud is roirfed by such a
group of evils, ahd then called upen to
emiider a ftatcment of duties on goods
in;por:ed from foieign nations. If the
fubi: ct is commercial, why n'ottreat it up
ou the basis e;f a cotnthircial fubjeft, and
with coolnels attend to it ? If it is a ques
tion ot political hollility or war, a firm
er tone might be adopted. When a na-.
tion is opprcfTed on ail fides, by injuries
which cali loudly to be avenged, there is
an impel ioufneft i.i their cireuriiflai.ces,
which often precludes delibeilition, and
fomctimcs, at lead denies its propriety j
piemplitude of action, in the fiiil foim
that pvefents itfclf, is frequently a virtue.
But when all this national preiiuit, is to
obt lin redress, from laying a duty on a
few articles of commerce, one would hard
lv think the violent introduction, mucil
less an impkfTioned mode of debate, could
ft rik.e any man with propriety. I think
this mode of treating the fubjett tends to
confute, and contains in it no aptitude to
devclope either principle? or consequences.
After making these observations, permit
ms, fir, to consider the question before
the committee merely as a commercial
one. and for a moment lay aside Indians,
Algerines, and all such initating objects.
] engage it (hail be for a moment, they
certainly shall have a full confideratien, in
a fu' i tie part of my argument. To per
form this tafic, with propriety, the state
of our commerce, naturally prcfents lt
felf as the firft object of enquiry. In
this 1 arr anticipated by the gentleman
from MaiTachufetts, (Mr. Dexter,) and
by a number of inconteftible fails, con
tained in the official document before the
in", ami i>ur navigation rapidly incrca
fing.
com!" it t -r.
I, fir, wat bred a farmer, I liv; a
mcng farmers, , much further removed
from a view of commerce, than any of
my colleagues, and when these resolu
tions wire brought forward, 1 expe&ed
the painful detail, that our commerce was
languilhing and our tonnage decreasing,
and that oili mercantile intereit was ear
neltly calling for the aid and prote&ion of
government. But in this expectation I
a.u agreeably disappointed ; no merchant
is complaining, nor any fact existing, to
juftiff ' :ch complaints. It is worthy of
remark, and mult induce serious enquiry,
if our trade is deranged and (hackled to
the degree pretended, why the merchants
in this home (hould t:e totally ignorant of
it i And why, to a man, they (hould be
opposed to these regulations which put
on the specious appearance, of affording
diteft relief to them ? This circumstance
alone, would go far in my mind, towards
negativing the proportions, much farther
than the clofrt (peculations of a phifo
pher in their favor, which nine times in
ten, cannot be reduced to pra&ice.
And here, Sir, I feel a confidence in
repeating, that upon a fubjeft of forcing
fade from one nation to another, which
i;. of necefiity so complicated in principle,
so various and invifiblc in consequences ;
the committee will never ad, but with
the ufmoft caution, and will constantly
keep in view, that trade will seek its own
markets, d its own level and regulate
itfelf much better than we can do ; and
although we may embarrass it, and injure
our own citizens and even other nations
for a while, it will eventually rife above
all the regulations we can make.
The gentleman who introduced these
resolves, aware of our tlourifhing (late of
commerce, has adknowleged thatby their
adoption, certain evils will be incurred.—
What are these evils ? If we allow full o
peration to his positions, without an im
mediate overture in Great Britain, there
will he a ifagnation of trade, a damp to
agi :culture, its labourers thrown out of
employment ; the present surplus ps pro
duce, rauft perish on the hands of tK'
farmer, &c. &c. But these evils, he
fays, ought to be che arfullv borne, to ob
tain, in event, a much £pLter good:—
Thispofition is a found one, to bear pre
sent small evils, to e(Teft future great be
nefits : But to make the reasoning com
plete, (hould not the gentleman (hew, that
the promised gaoj, is not only great e
nough to juftify a trial of the present e
vil, but that it is certain ?
ice of
I.tgiflatures, al
ptinsf to force
els and habits,
iiarly cautious
Are the benefits promised by these re
gulations, in any mcafure certain, or even
probable ? The great benefits promised,
are a treaty with Great Britain, a repeal
of her navigation aift, as it refpedis the
United States,and in fatt a univerfalfree
dom of trade, and if t'nefe fail, an increase
of our manufactures, and a conrfe of trade
with France, free, as they please to give
:nds, to
ci coolntfa;
I know Indians, &c. are talked of, but
I mean, these arc the promised benefits,
of a commercial kind. Are those events
so probable that we (hall be jullified, in
trying an experiment at the certain ex
pence of our prefeat tranquility anil hap
p.'nefs ? Itisfaid, our citizens are virtu
ous, this I have the pleasure to believe,
but to convince the whole mass of the
people, that a system of fclf-denial, of
any great extent in its operation, is to be
borne by them, for a future benefit, you
must hold up that benefit, in a more strik
ing and certain point of view, than can
be pretended in this cafe. They will be
(low in underltanding, that trade is to be
made free, by imposing more and greater
(hackles upon it. But if "our commercc
is flourilhing, fay the gentlemen, why
should it not be more so ? If Great Bri
tain imposes pointed restraints upon our
trade, and is exprefiing her jealousy and
hatred to us an every practicable occasion,
why not free ourselves ? What has Great
Britain done, Sir ? Has (he made a single
law, reft ricling the commerce of Inde
pendent America ! All her reftiiftions
that now a Rett us, were in exiflence while
we were her colonies, and are part of her
colonial cftabb'lhment.
Her navigation ast, is as old as 1660,
and upon ft rift examination, the United
States are more favored in her Enropean,
East and Well India ports, than any o
ther nation. It is said our trade was at
firft forced there, (jut this re Its merely on
alfertion, it is not in proof bef6re the com-
mittee.
The markets of Great Britain being
the belt, our article! of commerce and
hers being reciprocally ufeful, and, a si
milarity of languag: ajd religion, with
many other natural causes, have carried
our trade to her ports, and will keep it
there, until better markets offer, or it is
forced away. It is said the credit given
by Britilh merchants is an evil, and that
the people of Virginia owe an immense
sum in Great Britain.
When a complaint is madd in direst
terms of reftri&ions'on ourtrade,one would
not readily imagine that another complaint
would be coupled with it, that the trade
was so free as to become an injury : Be
sides credit given to an industrious provi
dent man never can be an injury ; will it
place us in a f.tuation of fear ? If we may
argue from a great state, Virginia, to the
Union, this is not true, for although that
state owes immense debts, her representa
tives come forward with great spirit, to
bring Great Britain to her feet. This
circumstance of giving credit, is entirely
a municipal regulation wholly out of reach
of Congress.
The people at the Eastward, do not
owe the English mei chants, and are very
generally opposed to these regulations.—
These facts mult convince us, that the
credits given us by the trade of Great Bri
tain, do not operate a fear and a depen
dence, which can be alarming to govern
ment.
If the municipal regulations of Virginia,
or any other state, will place the whole of
each man's property, within the reach of
his creditor, and allow the creditor legal
cocrcion for payment of debts, when vo
luntary payment is denied, there will be no
danger from foreign or domestic credit.
The (lothful and idle, as well as the fpend
thrift and wicked, will readily attribute
to faults of omiflion and commission in go
vernment, those evils, necessarily connected
with their own imprudence.
It is said by a gentleman from Pcnnfyl
vania, (Mr. Findley) that the merchants in
this city, who poifefs capitals of their
own, wi(h these reftriftione on Britifli
trade, and that the poorer fort, who are
in want of credit, and must do business by
obtaining it, are opposed to them.
If this be a fact, which is yet 'to be as
certained, it affords another argument
a'rain ft the resolutions. If capitalists,
Nabobs in trade, would wish to (hut out
of competition, men who have not capi
tals, whose induflry, and knowledge of
bufinef6, if they can at firft obtain credit,
would promise them a living, and ufeful
nefs to community, whence i 6 this wi(h de
rived ? From nothing but a desire to ef
fc£t a monopoly of trade to thtmfelres,
the confequcnce of which would be a pro
fit of 25 or 50 per cent, and those men
who have not capitals, must serve them as
clerks or quit the country.
Liberty aud equality is not the fore
moll feature in this desire of our rich mer
chants, if the desire exists; and such a doc
trine favors more of Aristocracy and less of
Republicantfm than I expected to hear from
that honorable member.
(To be Continued.)
Congress of the United States.
IN SENATE,
Friday, January 31.
The Senate resumed the second reading
of the bill, sent from the House of Re
presentatives for concurrence, entitled,
" An ast for completing and better sup
porting the military eftabliihment of the
United States"—ancf after debate
Resolved, That this bill do not pass.
Ordered, That the Secretary notify
the House of Reprefentaties that the Se
nate do not concur in this bill.
The Senate adjourned to 11 o'clock on
Monday morning.
Monday, February 3
The Senate took into consideration the
meflage of the President of the United
States of the 30th of December last, ref
petting certain impediments in the coinage
of the precious metals, together with the
report of the Secretary for the department
of State thereon.
On motion,
Ordered, That Mr. Cabot, Mr. Izard
and Mr. EUfworth, be a committee to
take into conlideration and report, on that
part of the meffageofthe President of the
United States of the 30th of December
last, which refpe&s certain impediments
to the coinage of the precious metals, to
gether with the report'of the Secretary
for the department of Hate thereon.
The Senate proceeded to the considera
tion of the lad paragraph of the said mes
sage and the papers to which it refers, and
On taotiuji,
Ordered, Tint they be committed tu
the committee last mentioned, to consider
and report thereon to the Senate.
The Senate adjourned to 11 o'clock to
morrow morning.
Tuesday, February 4.
A raeflfage from the House of Repre
sentatives by Mr. Beckley their clerk—
" Mr. President—The House of Re
piefentatives have palled a bill, entitled,
" Ail act providing for the relief of such
of the inhabitants of Saint Domingo, re
sident within the United States, as may
be found in want of support," in which
they delired the concurrence of the Senate.
And he withdrew.
The bill was read the firft time.
Ordered, That this bill pass to the se
cond reading.
The Senate adjourned to 11 o'clock to
morrow morning.
Wednesday, February 5.
The bill, sent from the House of Re
presentatives for concurrence, entitled,
" An ast providing for the relief of such
of the inhabitants of Saint Domingo, re
sident within the United States, a« may
be found in want of support"—was read
the second time, and after debate, the
further coufideration thereof was postpon
ed until to-morrow.
Mr. Cabot reported from the commit
tee appointed to take into consideration
the last clause of the meflage of the Presi
dent of the United States of the 30th of
December, which report was read, and
after debate,
Ordered, That it lie on the table.
Agreeable to the order of the dav, the
Senate resumed the consideration of the
motion made the 16th January last, th't
the doors of the Senate remain open wl.ile
the Senate (hall be fitting in a legislative
and judirial capacity.
On motion,
Ordered, That the consideration there
of be postponed to this day fortnight.
The Senate adjourned to i j o'clock,
to-morrow morning
Thursday, February 6.
The hon. Mr. Potts from the state of
Maryland attended.
The petition of Jonathan Helton, late
a lieutenant in the militia of New-Hampj
(hire, was presented and read, dating that
he was wounded in the brittle of Benning
ton, and disabled from labor, and pravius*
to be re-instated in the lift of invalid pen
sioners.
Ordered, That this petition be referred
to the Secretary fcr the department of
war to consider and report thereon to the
Senate.
The Senate resumed the second reading
of the bill, lent from the House of Re
prefencatives for concurrence, entitled,
" An ast providing for the relief of such
of the inhabitants of Saint Domingo, re
lident within the United States as may be
found in want of support."
On morion,
That it be re-committcd for the pur
pole of further enquiry—
It pa fled in th e negative.
And after agreeing to an amendment,
Ordered, That this bill pais to the third
reading.
Agreeable to the order of the day, the
Senate proceeded to the consideration of
the report of the committee on the lalt
clause, of the meflage of the President of
the United States, of the 30th of De
cember.
On motion,
To re-commit the report, and that the
committee be inlltuftcd to bring in a bill
for the purposes therein mentioned.
It passed in the negative.
On motion,
It was agreed that the report of the
committee be adopted.
Whereupon,
A resolution pasTed, as is entered at
large, on the Executive records of this
date.
Ordered, That the Secretary desire the
concurrence of the lioufe of Representa
tives in this resolution.
The Senate adjourned to 11 o'clock
to-morrow morning.
PRICE of STOCKS.:
PHILADELPHIA.
6 per cents, i g\ji>
3 ditto, 10/3
Deferred, 11/4.
U. S. Bank, 13 per cent. adr.
N. A. ditto, 20 ditto ditto.
Pennsylvania do. 7 ditto ditta.