They magnify every hazard aiifing
from a change in the direition of their
employment, into certain and politive
lets. Although, therefore, their opinions
ought to have weight and pioduce cau
tion ; yet, they ought no" to command a
decision from others unattended with con
viction. For if those of the committee,
not of this description, be compelled to
decide upon the present queition, f.om
extraneous mercantile indications, with
out requiting conviction# from their rea
sonings ; there are indications t>f the mer
cantile scene 011 the other fide the Atlan
tic, operating in commendation of the
proportions, with as much force, as those
on this fide the atlantic, in oppolition to
them. It is remarkable that this whole
description of men are actively opposed
to the p iflage of the proposed measures :
Their sensations upon this fubjeii have
been evidenced by their anxious attendance
upon the progress of the buiincfs. If
the proportions should eventuate in a na
tional commercial conflict, the inference
in general might be made, that what it
is their intereit to prevent it is our interell
to *».?<?. The British court are equally
fenGtive upon this subject. They have
at several periods manififtcd their alarms.
It may be concluded that thele sensations
hive arisen from the opinion, that the ef
fects of the proportions will be such as
are calculated upon by the favorers of
them. He was unwilling, however, to
hazard a vote upon any extraneou9 eir
cumftances and should look into the me
rits of the queflion.
He felt that some apology was due to
the state and diftriit whofc immediate re
presentative he was. Virginia is an ex
porting ilate, without vessels, and with
out a mercantile capital, equal to the
employment afforded to capital. The
town of Petersburg exports much in va
lue and much in bulk; the surrounding
country grows liiefe articles •, vessels and
capital are wanting for the exportation of
this produce. Hence the proposed mea
sures will be particularly felt for some
time by this part of the United States.
He relied however With confidence on
the virtue and patriotism of the people,
and fhoulJ ast from a belief,, that they
would even rejoice in a temporary incon
venience with a view to pcrmamcnt good;
and that their joy would not be diminish
ed by the recolle£tion, that the tempora
ry ill which they may sustain, would pro
duce a temporary advantage to their eas
tern brethren, without excluding them
from a full participation in the permanent
good to be expedted.
He remarked, that he felt the more
diffidence upon this fubjeft: since he
frankly acknowledged, that he did not
po.Tefs an accurate knowledge of the de
tails of commerce, and (lid not propose to
make any material addition to the Hock
of mercantile information, now before the
committee. He proposed to use the fails
furnilhcd by other gentlemen, and acknow
ledged an obligation, for the information
they contain. He proposed to consider
the fubjeft, in the various shapes it had
a (Turned since the commencement of the
discussion ; and to state the results, which
had been formed, in his own mind.—ln
making the attempt, general principles
will be resorted to, and minute arithmetical
calculations as much as possible, avoided.
The gentleman, who firft favored the
committee with his remarks (Mr. Smith
of S. C.) admonilhed them of the propri
ety of separating political, from commer
cial confideration# in the course of discus
sion. If this rule had been rigidly enforc
ed, he remarked that perhaps, three fourths
of the impressions made upon his mind fa
vorable to the propositions, wculd have
been lopped off without consideration. He
could not conceive, for what cause, the
political (hould be separated from the com
mercial part of the fubjedt. The propo
sitions may eventuate in a change in the
direction of the business of one whole oc
cupation in society—a change of the dis
position of the nation, in so important a
point, mull have a very interesting politi
cal afpeft, as it relates to government
internally : the present fubjeft exhibits an
important political feature, as it relates to
the external connections of the govern
ment, with foreign nations. If therefore,
it should be observed as a rule, to pass up
on this fubjeft, by excluding from view,
all the political considerations connected
with it, the rule woirfd include an effen
tijl omission of duty. The gentleman
himfelf, however, in the next sentence,
furnifhed an example of the violation of
the precept he had just prcfcribed, by
calling the attention of the contmittee to
the political fituatiofi of the United States,
at this dtlicate crisis, and urging this cir
cumtlance, as one reason againlt the adop
tion of the proportions. The gentleman
then proceeded to present the fubjeft in
two points of view. The one, the rela
tive conduct of Franyc, and Great-Bri
tain, towards the United States: the
other, the conduit of Great-Britain to
wards the United States, comparatively
with other foreign nations. To present
the fubjeft in the firft point of view, the
gentleman furnirtied an anonymous table,
calculated to a date anterior to the com
mencement of the late revolution in France.
As the only history of this table, with
which the committee have been favored,
was, that it was the compilation of a gen
tleman of considerable mercantile informa
tion, it is presumed the gentleman will
not be surprised, if it should be deemed to
be of doubtful authority ; the rather as it
was the ground of a severe and unmerited
crimination of the gentleman, whose re
port is now under consideration, and who,
it is believed, would not fufferin a compa
rison, in point of intelligence, accuracy,
or pa;riotifm, either with the laborious
compiler of the table, or with the gentle
man, who has been judiciously fele&ed,
for its interpreter.
He remarked, that the table bore upon
the face of it, evident marks of partiality,
and inflead of having them effaced, they
were aggravated by the commentator.
One irrefiftable evidence of the partia
lity of the table confide, in aflcrting that
American flour is free, to the British Weft
Indies, and'excluding from view, the abfo
lutc monopoly of the carriage, and the
monopoly of contrasts for returns.
It is presumed that the gentleman at
lead cannot except to this criticism on
the table, because one of his chief cen
sures against the gentleman whose report
is before the committee, which was even
carried so far as to infer improper motives,
arose from a suggested omifiion in the re
port, which will be found upon examina
tion to be wholly immaterial. An evi
dent partiality is cbfervable in the inter
preter of the table in an earnest attempt
to eftabliih this principle—That prohibi
tory duties on flour in Great-Britain af
forded an equal encouragement of the ar
ticle by commercial regulations, with a
free importation into France, or at least
with a duty admitted by the gentleman to
be too trifling to be counted. The com
mercial arrangements of France in this
particular, leave this article upon the true
ground of competition in the growth of
the article—this ground of competition
is destroyed in Great-Britain by commer
cial rellriaionti. In the one cafe, compe
tition in the market is all that could be
reasonably expe&ed, and that is granted—
in the other cafe competition would be
alike desirable, anil there it is provifion
arily excluded.
Another evidence of the partiality of
the interpreter of the table consists in the
zealous attempt to establish it as a princi
ple, that is. 3d. sterling duty upon to
bacco per lb. is no discouragement to the
growth of that article this idea was
grounded upon the suggestion, that the
consumption is not thereby lessened, no
substitute being afforded for it in Great Bri
tain—Tobacco does not average to the ex
porter 2 pence sterling per pound: The
duty is at lead seven times as great as the
prime cost of the article ; —the great con
sumption of this article is by the poorer
order of the people—the Hate of society
is fuck in Britain at present, that hard la-,
bor during a whole year will hardly afford
a scanty fubfiftance to the laborer, hence
necessity compels this description of per
sons to economize in the use of the article,
or to avoid the use of it altogother—of
course the consumption is materially les
sened, and the growth of the article is dis
couraged from the operation of the duty.
The gentleman founded his fierce attack
againll the gentleman whose report is now
uuder consideration, for omitting to insert
in his report, that there was a higher du
ty imposed by Great Britain upon all o
ther foreign tobacco than that of the U
nited States, and hence infeiTed a friendly
disposition from Great Britain to the U
nited States. The insertion of the fact
would have added to the bulk of the re
port, but could convey no additional ufe
ful information.
It is known that the high duties impos
ed upon all foreign tobaccoes, took its rife
during the colonial exittence of these dates;
it is known that it has not been altered
since their independence ; it is known that
the tobaccoes of the United States are
furnilhed at so much cheaper rates, than
those of any other country, that there
would be no danger of competition if the
duties in Britain were the fame on each.
It is likewise known that the United
States furnilhed a fufficient, a redundant
fupplyforthe consumption of all Europe';
hence Great Britain has not thought pro
per lince the revolution to destroy this re
list of colonial regulations, not because
(he wilhed to favor lis, but because (he
would not theriby have benefited herfelf;
hence too, the omillion of this information
could not be material, and the insertion of
it would only liave served to contradict
the inference endeavored to be established,
of the favorable disposition of Great Bri
tain towards the United States.
There is one manifeft impropriety in
confining our enquiries to the date pre
ferred by the gentleman for this table: it
would involve the absurd consequence of
adjulling our laws to a retrofpeftive, in
stead of a progreflive state of things. It
would be as ridiculous as an attempt by
law to prefcribc rules for the proper de
portment of the ghosts of our forefathers.
It is to be hoped that the date could not
have been fixed upon from a wi(h that the
United States (hould indirectly furnifh a
countenance for the restoration of despot
ism ; and it was matter of regret that the
gentleman (hould openly avow a distrust of
the permanency of the French revolution
as one motive for the conduct.
Mr. G. remarked, that he hoped the
permanency of the revolution of France
was as much greater than the permanency
of the ancient despotism of France—as the
great fabric of nature, than the petty plas
tic productions of art.
Here Mr. S. rose to explain—he said
he had pursued a principle, adopted by
Mr. Jefferfon in his report : he read a
paflage from the report, from which it
appeared, that the report had been calcu
lated to the summer of 1792.
Mr. G. replied, that the principle was
just reversed, the one had reference to a
state of things posterior to the revolution;
the other, anterior to the commencement
of it during the existence of the ancient
despotism.
If the table were to have any influence,
it mull arise from stating, the real relative
dispositions of France, and Great Britain
towards the United Stales ; but if the e
poch to which it relates is to govern, it
will exclude some of the strongest testimo
nies of the inimical temper of Great Bri
tain,and of the friendly temper of France.
Are these confideraticns to have less
weight, or to be wholly excluded from
the view, because they are more recent ?
Is it because we are now laboring under
these aggreflions, and from some late dis
patches likely to continue so, that a reme
dy is to be with-held ? He thought not ;
and therefore (hould proceed to (late some
of the evidences of the dispositions of the
two nations, displayed since the epoch al
luded to.
Great Britain has fubje&ed our vefTels
upon the high sea, to seizure and search,
and exempted those of Sweden and Den
mark. He wiihed to press this fadl, up
on the gentleman who preceded him, be
cause he had denied that Great Britain,
had made any discriminations amongst fo
reign nations, injurious to the United
States.
Great Britain has invaded our velfels
on the high seas, and refufed them the
protection of French property—This is
an acknowledged violation of the laws of
nations ; at lead of the last convention of
nations upon the fuhjeft.
Great Britain has prevented our veflels
from conveying to our friend and ally,
goods not contiaband,and compelled then*
to make sales to btrfelf, or some of her al
lies.
Great Britain has compelled our vefiels
to deviate their courses, and to their great
hazard and loss, detained them for trial
upon frivolous pretences.
Our vefTels have been fubjefted in her
courts, to the danger of subornation ; to
precarious and uncertain testimony.
Great Britain has been the inftrumrnt
of letting loose the pirates of the Barbary
slates, upon our commerce. This fact
however doubted upon the firft report, is
placed beyond doubt, by the late conduct
of Portugal, towards our vessels in her
ports.
Are these fa&s denied ? If not, dft
they not operate directly and fpecifically
upon our commerce. Is it not astonish
ing, after all these fadts are known, and
often repeated, that gentlemen should be
heard to enquire, what injuries have we
received from Great Brit;l:n ? And to in
fer that the United State i are equally fa
voured with othef nations. In addition
to these things, Great Britain has observ
ed the most rigid silence upon the fubjeft
of friendly commercial arrangements. —
The gentleman who preceded him,doubt
ed her indilpo'fition for a treaty ; silence
is a refufal to ast ; a refufil to ast is a
denial. The late dispatches do not fiir
nifh the most distant hope, of a change of
disposition in this refpeft.
France on the other hand has o ITered a
renewal of the existing commercial treaty
upon the moll liberal policy.
(To be continued.)
LEGISLATURE of NEW-YORK.
HOUSE oj ASSEMBLY.
SatmJay, J.in. 18, 1794.
A resolution of the houle, " That in
all suits in which this Hate is a parry, it i»
the duty of the attorney-general, ex of.
ficio, to defend the rights and interelt of
this state," —paflcd in consequence of a
letter fiom the attorney-general, request
ing inlltudtions telative to the suit
brought against this Hate, in ti»e Su
preme Federal Court, by Eleazcr Os
wald—having been non-concurred by the
Senate ; the following resolution trans
mitted by the Twnate foi concurrence,
was taken up, and is in the words fol
lowing—" Resolved, if the hem. the
AfTembly concur, therein, that the at
torney-general appear for this state, in
the Supreme Court of the United States,
to the iuit brought by Eleazer Oswald,
admiftrator of the goods, chatties and
credits of John Holt, deceased, and that
he make the belt defence therein the na
ture of the cafe will admit."—And af
ter some time spent thereon, the houle
divided on the question for concurrence,
ayes 1 2—noes 44.
The house adopted the following re
solution—
" Resolved, as the sense of this house,
that it is e duty of the attorney-gene
lal, ex officio, in all controvetfies in
which this ftara is, or may be a party to
appear and defend the inteteft of this
state."
Friday, Jan. 24, 1794.
Mr. Havens froin the committee ap
pointed on the part of this house—to
meet a committee appointed on the pait
of the Senate, to take into consideration
that part of the Governor's Speech,
which relates to the communications re
ceived from the Hates of Maflachufetts
and Virginia, relative to the suability of
a state, and, also relative to a suit brought
against this state : Reported, That the
committee had met the committee ap
pointed on the part of the Senate, and
that they had concurred in'a resolution
which he was direSed to report to this
house.—He read the resolution in his
place and" delivered the fame in at the
table, where it was again read, and is in
the words following, viz. Resolved, That
the power of compelling a state to be made
defendant in any couit of the United
States, at the suit of an individual or in
dividuals is in the opinion of thi? Legis
lature unneceflary and inexpedient—and
in its exercise may be dangerous to the
peace —the fafety and independence of
the several states. Therefore resolved,
that the senators representing this state
in the Senate_of the United States, be
and they are hereby inftrti&ed, and the
Representatives requested to adopt the
mod speedy and effeflual raeaftircs in
their power to obtain such amendments
in the Constitution of the United States,
as will remove any clause op article of
the said Constitution, which can be con
strued to imply or juftify a decision that
a state is compelable to anfiver to any
suit by an individual or individuals in a
ny court of the United States—and the
Governor is heteby requtfted to com
municate the foregoing resolution to the
fuprenie executive of the several states,
to be f.ibmitted to their refpeftive legis
latures.
Ordered, That the said resolution be
committed, to a committee of the whole
house,
NEW-YORK, Feb. 3.
We hear from Albany, that th<- Ne
gro man and Wenches, who weie to
have been executed there on Friday the
14th inft. have beep granted a iefpite for
fix weeks.