Value of exports from the United State*
to Fiance and Great-Britain and their
colonies, in the year ending with Sep-
tember 1750.
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The aggregate of exports in this year
he made to amount:
Dollars Dollars
Fiancc, 1,393,286 Gr. Brit. 6,651.429
Fr. 111. 3,031,050 Br. W. 111.1,805,744
Fr. tot. 4,424,336 Br. tot. 8,457,173
From this view of the subject which is
favorable to France, for in the year taken,
much flour was sent to their I (lands, tho'
prohibited in ordinary times it yet appears
that our experts to France are very littL
more than half those to the dominions of
Grrat Britain.
He next proceeded to compare the
years 1790, '91 and '92 —year ending
with
Sep.) Britain France Dif.infav.B.
'90 9,246,606 4,668,902 4,577,704
'9' 7.953.4'S 4> 2, 9>75 2 3.733> 666
•92.8,269,495 5,243,543 3,025,922
The Average of these three years' exports
in favor of Great Britain is 3,752,760.
If a judgment is to be founded on fafls
in relation to exports, it will appear that
Great Britain is a better customer than
France, under her permanent regulations,
in the ratio, of two to one.
But the Secretary of State, to do a
way the force of this undoubted (late of
facts, fays, that a great part of the com
modities, Great Britain receives from us
{he exports to other countries under the
disadvantage of charges of intermediary dc
polit and of double voyage. The Secretary
he believed, founded his aflertion upon a
statement made by Lord Sheffield, prior
to our revolution, which is, in the prc
fent Hate ef things, surely no standard-
Before the revolution, Great Britain had
almoil the monopoly of our trade j we
had but little diretk foreign commerce;
Great Britain was the intermediary : But
since our declaration of independence mat
ters have very materially changed ; Great
Britain acts no longer in that capacity to
such *n extent, and our foreign commerce
with other nations is extensive. He en
larged upon this part of the fubjeft to
(hew that Mr. Jefferfon's expectation, and
that those observations could not not ap
ply in the present state of things.
But even supposing that one third of
the articles exported to Great Britain,
from this country, were thence exported,
(and this he conceived a great proportion
indeed) even then Great Britain would
be a greater a&ual consumer than France,
by a great difference.
He offered a calculation to (hew, that
even in this cafe Great Britain was a grea
ter consumer, upon an average, in the sum
of about 2,000,000 of dollars, allowing
not a dollars' worth to be re-exported
from France.
He made another observation on the
remarks of the Secretary, relative to re
exportation It might not-be always the
interest of thi» country to carry her pro
du&ions to a favorable market if they
could not there obtain commodities in ex
change and a freight back. In such •
state of things it might be more advanta
geous to have an intermediate market, as
England, which in this relation rather
tends to extend than abridge our com
mercial advantages, and it ai ufeful alrr.oil
as if (he aftuiHy consumed that produce.
The exiilence of such a fyffem, not for
ced, is a proof that it is not injurious.
From this view of the subject there was
little weight in the assertion of the Secre
tary of State in his report, that the quan
tity of our commodities re-exported by
Great Britain is greater than comports
with our interell.
But even supposing that Great Britain
re-exjiorts one third of the whole of her
imports from this country, even then Ihe
woyld (till be a greater consumer of our
produce than France.
With refpeft to imports, the great a
mount of importations from Great Bri
tain is by some confulered as a grievance,
he conceived it only demonstrates the uti
lity of the trade. The object of the re
solutions is to diminilh it. If we did
thi» for the encouragement of manufac
tures here, an object not contemplated by
the resolutions, there might be ground for
argument in favour of them on this score;
but the object avowed is to turn the tide
of trade at present enjoyed by one nation
in favor of another, and that by subjec
ting our citizens to an inconvenience.
There are several obvious reasons why
our intercourse with Great Britain is so
great. Great Britain is thefirft manufac
turing country in the world, and is bed
able to ftipply us with an assortment of
tl.e articles we want: die also obtains a
preference by the length of credit (he al
lows. It is of great advantage, he said,
that a country wanting capital as this does
(hould be able to flourifh by aid of foreign
capital. No circumstance has so much
nourished the industry of this country as
the use of foreign capital. Our own ca
pital, we have thereby been able to apply
to the improvement of (hip building, ma
nufa&ures, and other objects.
France, the advocates for trade with
that country, afiert, can supply us on bet
ter terms than Great Britain. To do this
they must not only furni(h us with articles
of equal quality at a lower price, but
must allow us a credit ; and it is well
known that her merchants either will not
or cannot do this.
He (hould not dwell, he said, upon the
deranged date of French manufactures.—
It could not be aflerted that, though they
can fiirnifli some few articles on more ad
vantageous terms than the Britiih, they
can offer so great a number and such an
aflortment. TradV left to regulate itfelf,
will always flow in those channels where
its best interests lead.
He (hould not deny, that it is in a de
gree disadvantageous to ,a nation to depend
on one nation only, for a supply of the ar
ticles (he may Hand in need of ; this de
pendence is not to be (haken off by arti
ficial methods, and in facrificing our own
interests ; we are not to lessen the import
ation of Briti(h manufactures, by high du
ties, in order to counterbalance the dis
advantages other countries may labour
under, in their intercourse with us; that
is giving a bounty out of our own pockets
not for the encouragement of our manufac
tures, but for those of another country.
Such duties woidd have this effect, by e
nabling the importers of merchandize
from that country, to raise their price, to
the level of the price of the dutied arti
cles, and the price of Briti(h articles
would thereby only be rendered higher.
The very neceflity of laying a duty on
British manufa&uree, in order that other
manufactures (hould find a (ale among us,
is a proof that the firft can be afforded
more reafonablv or* suit us better.
The advantage of credit may be cried
down by some, who will assert that it is a
disadvantage in trade. It might as well be
said, that credit is an injury to the young
fettlrr of new land, or to the taylor who
purchases cloth, to make clothes of. It
certainly is one of those good things which
are liable to abuse j but it is an excellent
substitute for capital, and is an amazing
encouragerof trade and indultry. To the
indolent and (lothful only, it is pernici
ous.
He concluded this part of his observa
tions, by recapitulating what he had said,
to shew that Great Britain is as good a
fupplierto this country, as (he is a cus
tomer.
There was one more view of the fub
jeft, he said, as it relates to navigation.
Our trade with Great-Britain is as free
iu our own bottoms, as in theirs, for the
transportation of our produce, a few tri
fling port charges excepted, which is
not the cafe with other nations; in France
weenjoythe fame advantage* granted to the
molt favored nations, & rio more. So far the
eomparifon i» in favor of Great-Britain.
111 the Weft-Indies, it is true, a different
state of things exists j but the difference,
on a more elofe view, is not so material as
it at firft appears. Our bottoms are all
excluded from the Britilh Islands, except
Turk's Island : The French permanent
fyllem admits of all our vessels, of 60
ton 6 & upwards; but this advantage (he al
lows to all other nations. It was more
material however, he remarked, that our
trade in our own bottoms, should be free
with Great-Britain in Europe, than in her
Weft-India colonies, a« not more than 1-3
of our exports go to the last mentioned
quarter.
The effett of the difference in the regu
lations of the two rival nations, is not so
considerable as the Secretary of State re
presents it, especially as our tonnage is af
fected. The Secretary states the tonnage
we employ in our intercourse with France,
at 116,410 tons, and that employed in
our commerce with Great-Britain, at
43 >5 So tons ; this account is founded on
a mistaken calculation. The Secretary of
State i 6 guided by the actual entries of
American bottoms, from the dominions of
each country, in the year; which, owing
to our intercourse with the French Weft-
Indies, whither four voyages may be made
in the course of the year, will make our
tonnage employed in that quarter, be
counted four times, when the tonnage of
vessels trading with Europe, will appear
but twice in the fame period. Thus this
mode of calculation is deceptive, and there
fore the Secretary of the Treasury was
called upon, for an account of the actual
state of the tonnage employed in our trade
with foreign nations, for one year.
By this account of the actual tonnage,
it appears, that France employs no more
than 82,510 tons of our tonnage, and
Great-Britain 66,582 tons, leaving an ex
cess in favor of France, of not more than
15,928, infteadof 72,830, which the Se
cretary of State makes it. This (hews that
the report of that-gentleman is, not ground
ed upon that accuracy and extent of in
formation, which we might have expected.
He recapitulated, and from what he
had (hewn believed, he had a right to fay,
that the commercial system of Great-Bri
tain towards us, far from being hostile, is
friendly ; that (he makes a number of dis
criminations in our favor, and gives U6 the
preference, in many instances; and that
France, only in one solitary instance, the
article of fi(h-oil, not very important, pla
ces us in a better Gtuation than her rival
does.
If this is a true picture of the exiiling
state of things, and he could not fee where
it is deficient in truth, then, he aflced, is
it not time that the deception praftifed on
the people by the eulogills on the com
mercial system of France and revilers of
that of Great-Britain, thould be re
moved ?
If pafling from a consideration of the
state of fefts, a survey of the exiiling
motives is contemplated, he believed there
would be found as little room for cenfnre
on the one hand, as for eulogy on the
other; both nations were probably guided
by what they eonceived their interest. He
made feme obfervationi to prove this posi
tion, and concluded by a few remarks on
the propriety of avoiding, in the difcuflion
of this fubjett, every political topic, that
might be attempted to be connected with
it.
CTj* The foregoing is a very contracted
and umperfeß Jketch of the speech of Mr.
Smith—a more full and correcl account oj
•which is now preparing for the press, and
will speedily be published. Short notes of a
speech containing such a variety of important
matter and numericalJlatements, muj: neces
sarily convey hut a very imperfeS idea of
the fads and inferences.
[Debate to be continued.]
For tht Gazette of the United States.
To the Senate and House of Representa
tives of the United States, in Congress
afiembled,
The Memorial of the Live Oak and
Cedar, and other trees, situate on naviga
ble water, in the United States.
Humbly Sheweth,
That your memorialists the aticient abo
rigines of the country, have seen with pe
culiar pleasure, the prosperity and happi
ness of its citizens, and especially their
enlargement from the yoke of foreign thral
dom, by the magnanimous declaration of
1776 —that in consequence, they had flat
teied themselves, the day was at length
come, when they were to quit their old,
erect, and local positions, for the purpose
of going on their travels into foreign
parts ; and of surprizing every sea with
the celerity of their operations, and tkc
benefits they were every where intended
to confer.
But, that to their great grief, it would
seem as if the influence of some foreign
trees combined together, and known by
the name of the Wooden Walls of Great-
Britain, were to defeat the laudable aspi
rations of your memorialists, in their pro
jected race of glory ; and to impede that
destination to which God and nature have
given them the JUfteft pretensions.
For your memorialists have been redu,
ced to the necessity of feeing some of their
neighbors of the sorest, cut down, in order
to make hoops, staves, and other kind of
lumber of, and yet, your memorialists,
tho' they had so fair and natural a right,
to convey their brethren across the Ocean,
to Jamaica, and elfewheve, where life was
made of them ; yet these foreign trees
dared to invade the privileges of your me
morialists, they have taken indeed, the
staves and lumber, that they indispensably
wanted, but have denied to your memori
alists, all right oftranfporting them.
Your memorialists are indeed, sensible
of the benefits conferred on them, since the
Federal Government was established—
Having seen with delight, many noble
piles of (hips, eonftrufted from then
growth, in every part of America, who
have done great honor to the United
States, and brought them large emolu
ments ; but still they fee with pain, and
indignation, too many foreign boards, and
timbers, yet employed to the great mortifi
cation of your memorialists : and which
it only wants a little firmnefs and resolu
tion on your part, utterly to prevent.
Your memorialists therefore entreat yvu,
to take their cafe into eonfideration, fueh
of your honorable bodies, as (hall advocate
their claim ; they promise to fan with their
choicett breezes in the Summer and Spring
ensuing, and to cover with their broad
and protecting (hade—While laurels and
palms, shall adorn their names to very late
and distant posterity—as among those who
have the best merited of their country—
and for their happiness and prosperity your
memorialists as in duty bound, will alwayt
pray.
Signed by the Live Oak,
the Cedar,
the Pine,
And a variety of other valuable, independ
ent trees of the United States.
For the Gjzcttk of the United Statu.
Mr. FennO,
You are requested to publilh the following
Letter in your Gazette, and oblige
yours,
St. Lucia, October 28,1793.
MeJfrt.John Corlis& Co.
GENTLEMEN,
IT is with pain that I communicate to
you the particulars of our voyage—they
are such as not only immediately concern
yourselves, but are deeply interesting to
every American—they are these : When
I left Providence, I diretted the Captain
to proceed for Barbadoes, but falling to
the leeward, we on the 30th of September
made Martinique—the breeze then favor
ing, we hauled our wind, and stood for our
intended port. The next morning, about
7 leagues to the windward of Martinique,
which was still in fight, we fell in with an
Engli(h privateer, fitted out at Bermuda,
called the Experiment, and commanded by
a Captain Morgan; they took us as a
prize, under the pretence that we had an
intention of supplying the French with
naval (lores, and convoyed us to Barbados,
where we arrived the 3d inft. .Our papers
were laid before the Attorney-General of
that Island, who, after detaining us five
days, gave his opinion that they could have
no claim to us as a prize. Our vefiel being
again at liberty, I remained at Barbados
and fold my cargo ;on the 18th we left
Barbados, having on board about 27 JO
dollars in cash, seven puncheons of rum, a
few barrels of naval stores, and a few barrels
of beef. I intended to have touched at
Martinique, in order to have fold my
rum, Bcc. but in running down, we on the
19th, at the windward of this Island, feD
in with a French privateer fitted out at
Martinique, called La Diligent, command
ed by a Capt. Fabru ; they came on board
of us with naked poignards, and demand
ed the keys of our chest, which being de
A. C.