ftatewtent under each branch of the reve nue, the monies received on account of the revenue of that year and those receiv ed 011 account of the Revenue ot each pre ct !:ng year, and dating, so far as the fame is now prafticablj, the amount of ali monies, bonds or securities on hand on the lit day of January 1794, with the times of payment of such bonds or fecuri- Ordered, That this motion lie for ccdidenitlon. A melfagc from the House of Repre ienlativcs by Mr. Beckley their Clerk : " Mr. Prelident, the House of Repre frutatives have palled the hill sent from the Senate for concurrence, entitled, • An ait making an alteration in the Hag of the United States." " They have appointed a joint com mittee for enrolled bills on the paitof the House and deiire the concurrence of the Senate in the appointment of a joint com mittee, on tkeir part." And he with- drew The Senate proceeded to the considera tion 0/ the order of the House of Repre fentativet last mentioned, for the appoint ment of a joint committee—and Ordered, That Mr. Vining be the' committee on the part of the Senate. Ordeted, That the Secretary notify the House of Representatives of the concurrence of the Senate in this order. After the consideration of the exccu- tive buirriefs, The Senate adjourned to 11 o'clock to morrow morning. Thurlday, January 9. Mr. Vining reported from the commit tee for enrolled bills, That they had ex amined the bill, entitled, " An a& mak ing an alteration in the flag of the United States," and that it was duly enrolled. Mr. Beckley the clerk of the House of Representatives brought up the laft-rren tloned enrolled bill, signed by the Speak er. And he withdrew. The Vice-President signed the said en rolled bill, and it was delivered to the com mittee to be laid before the President of the United States for his approbation. Mr. Vining from the committee lad mentioned, reported, that they had this day 1 lid the laid enrolled bill before the Preiident of the United States. Agreeable to the order of the day the Senate took into tonflderation the re port of the committee oji the petition of Conrad Laub and others, respecting the appointment of the Honor&ble Albert Gallatin a Senator of the United States. On motion Ordered, That the further considera tion of the " report be postponed until to morrow. A motion whs made " That the following amendment be recommended to thelegiflaturtsof tlie ref ju .ti\e states, a 9 part of the constitution of the United States, two-third* of both Houses agreeing thereto. " The powers of the government of the United States (hall not extend to curtail or abridge the limits of the United States, as defined in the treaty of peace between Great Britais and the said States, dated at Paris the 3d day of September 1783, nor (hall the ft3te rights of pre-emption to Indian hunting grounds, within the rcf pective limits after a fair treaty and falc, Ordered, That this motion lie on the table. After the consideration of the executive business The Senate adjourned to 11 o'clock to morrow mcrmng. From the Connecticut Cour ant. THERE is at all times among our people a curiofityto know the state of po litics, a id especially the temper of Coti jrrefs. This curiosity is peculiarly season able in the present critical and alarming state of American affairs. Much wifdoin firmncfs and pcrfcverance have been dif plaved bv our government during the last lix months to keep our politics from run ning into co.ifuSon and ruin: But these would not have been fufficient to extricate them t'roin the fnaies that French emifia riet, reinforced by an autifederal facXion, had spread for our ptaee, had not good conduift been afßfted and crowned by pe culiar gov>d fortune. The enthusiasm for the French in Philadelphia, and in some otherfea ports, waa blind and violent e noiyb tohavjhurricd our country into the war, if those who undertook to make a h»ck of our foil) had not over driven it.— T. ty hurried even tliole who fcemed to be willing to run head foremolt into the Tf. r, quite out of breath. Had he bufi ntisol' privateering been conducted with m i.e f!c:il and address, our people would have been engaged,in very great numbers in imfciug a piratical war upon England, an J our country would have been involv ed in it the power of retreating. L lckiiy however, the French cmiflartes made a mistake in fuppcling our people more crazy than they really were, and in co ifequeiice they came to their senses.— The whole country fried out againlt pri vateering—rhePrefident found a solid sup port, and the hopes of the war-party i'eem ed to be destroyed. The eyes of the nation have been turn ed to Congress; the unanimous appro bation of both houses of tilt proclama- tion, and other mcafures of the President to preserve a fair and impaitial neutrality, has lulled to deep the jealousy that watch ed over America's peace, as if war being voted out of Congrefc it was now impos sible to engage it. The danger is not over. Our citizens are not to be led into the pit with their eyes open : nevertheless tluy may be led into it. New schemes are to be tried ; the projedl is now to trick the co.i.itiv into the war. It was certainly natural for our citizens to fed good wifheu in favor of the French I (lioutd almost disown an Ame rican for a fellow-countrymen if he did not earnestly desire that liberty and good government may be enjoyed by every na tion of the earth.—lt will certainly be \ery great good hick if we make fhift to keep out of the war, and one very wife and falutaiy measure to that end is the so lemn declaration of the President, announ cing to the world that our neutrality (hall be fair and impartial. It concerns the good faith, the truth and honor of our country, that we adhere to the spirit of this pacific aifurance, as well as that we abftniu from privateering and all other acts of hostility. We have a right to en joy our own private sentiments and to ex press them freely ; but without contesting the right of any persons to be as ra(h and illiberal as they think proper, is it pru dent, manly or even honeit, after the de claration of an impartial neutrality on our part, to fill every newspaper and every circle of company with enthusiastic pro fciTions of attachment, and even devoted nefe, to the French cause, accompanied with the most provoking expressions of scorn and hatred of the English ? There is as much true dignity for a neutral na tion to forbear taking a fide as to inter meddle with the quarrels of others. It is below the American character to wrap ourselves up in the cloak of neutrality to (hew our scorn, hatred and 01 will to wards those nations with whom we are at peace. What is this but to (hew that vrs are neutral enemies—that although our government abstains from war the spirit of our people is hostile : Yet such has been the complexion of several of our newspapers, which are not only a disgrace to our country, but contribute all they can to involve it in the war. That such is their tendency, and to a degree that is dangerous, will be manifeft to any one who will take the trouble to reflect on the alarming and unparalleled state of our af fairs. Almost every European nation is in a frenzy of desperation and rage.— Their passions have mounted to a height unknown in former wars. In such a state, it is but a word and a blow. In the bosom of America we have a faction, the unrelenting enemies of the national government, and now the devoted tools of French emiflarics, who after having vented all the abuse and insult possible on the combined powers, are eagerly impa tient to proceed from words to blows. Is this a time for a nation, whose exifter.ee would be hazarded by a war, to irritate and insult those powers of whom it calls itfelf the impartial friend ? It is the ally of Holland,and Spain was its early bene factor in a season of distress. Initead of gratitude, that (talking horse of the French war-faflion, fnall we go on to re turn evil for good, and to whet all their refentmcnt to an edge ? We may thus ac complilh the end our difaffe&ed party have been long eagerly purfi ing, to make almost all Europe our enemies. When nations by mutual scorn and insult are thus made to hate ea«h other very heartily, the ftionger will find it no hard matter to make a pretence for a war upon the weaker Our difaffe&ed ha«e done all they can to furnifh them both the pretext and the in clination. The public should mark it nation, well that tfte French emiflaries immediate ly joined the party difaffe&ed to our own government —filled the newspapers with abuse of our own officers, and even dared to attack our firft magistrate, spared no means to vent insults on the British, and to give it the (hew of being the- sense of America, courted flattery for themselves and the ruling faction in France from eve ry quarter—a&ually engaged American citizens to wage war on the British trade, and tampered with justice itfelf to get ju ries to clear the offenders. They have even dared to threaten us with the resent ment of France, because we did not use the force we have not got to repel the En glish from searching our vessels, at the very moment when the French themselves in the face of their own treaty with Ame rica are using us ten times worse—and to make the insult to this country as morti fying as our very Jacobins can bear, they tell us if we cannot protest our own flag, if we have not the spirit becoming an in dependent government, to let them know it and they will do it for us. The French and those known to be in connection with them, are the loudest in their clamours a gainst the Englifli. If we are not to go to war, why excite those resentments which will render it difficult to restrain our citizens ? They demand, are we to bear every thing and to bear it always ? It is answered.are we to quarrel with every na tion that gives us any occasion ? France has certainly offended us more cruelly than a nation with whom we have no treaty, by setting aside the only article of her treaty, that is worth a farthing to America. Shall we go to war with France ? O no, by no means—they offer for her many excuses and palliations ; and why ftiould not we palliate the wrongs offered us by other na tions, fmce we are not prepared nor dis posed to go to war ? England alledges the law of nations as a juftification for her ob ftrufting our trade to France. Doubtless if we chufe to have a war on our hands we may have one without delay, and we have fuffered wrongs, or at least can pre ■ tend we have fuffered enough from every one of the powers now engaged to take our choice whom we (hall quarrel with— observing however, that if we single out an adversary we must expe£t the whole gang of his associates to fall upon us. Judge therefore, of the difficulty of keeping America from catching fire and turning as Europe now does. We have a, faction always preparing tinder and watching an opportunity to strike fire.— There has long been a clamor against the commercial regulations of England.— The Algerine business has enflamed the rcfentments of many pcrfons, and the war party fee that the opportunity is favorable to set fire to the train they have been so long preparing. It is proposed to forbid all intercourse with Britain, or to impose heavy {hackles on the intercourse with that country. Is any one so (hallow as qot to fee the consequence i Our language has long been partial, if we proceed to make our conduct partial also, it will be war inevitably. The success of this pro ject is to be dreaded, but I hope if we are to have war, we fha'l chufe it, inllead of being thus cheated into it. UNITED STATES. BOSTON, January 4. A letter from Mr. Brown, of Oporto, to Mr. Church, at Lisbon, dated October 15th, 1793, has the following particulars: " Last week entered this port, an English letter of Marque, named the Oporto. Capt. Hamilton from Liverpool, who captured on his pafiage here an American veflel named the Birmingham, William Foster, master, bound from Baltimore to Amsterdam, on suspicion of his being des tined to some port in France—Her cargo confilling as per note inclosed, and by which you will please to observe, that the three black sailors therein mentioned are free Americans born, and notwithstanding, they are forced to remain 011 board against their will. Contents of the cargo of the Americau veflel, the Birmingham, William Foster, matter, taken on her pafiage from Balti more to Amsterdam, by the Englilh ves sel the Oporto, Capt. Hamilton, who sent her to Liverpool, viz. 2go Hogiheads of Tobacco. 145 Bar rels, 17 Hogiheads, 13 Tierces, 490 Bags Coffee. 90 Bags, 10 Barrels Cocoa, j8 Hog (heads Sugar. 23 Bales, 3 Punche ons, Skins. 49 Bundles, 2 Cales, 7000 Staves, Sarfaparella. The Captain and 3 men were conveyed to Liverpool; the Mate, on Sailor and 3 Negroes brought to Oporto ; the two former are already gone to America, and the I Jegroes on board the Oporto. The French National Convention have ifTued a new silver coin, {ince the decapita tion of Louis XVl.—One of which, of Six Livrcs value, a correspondent has sent to the Editor. It bears on one fide, the Genius of Liberty, in an angelic form, inferibing on a tablet " The Constitution." Behind her are Fasces, surmounted by the Cap of Liberty, and in her front a " Cock" the emblem of vigilance—The words iu clofing the device, are—" 1793 —Regm de la hi." On the reverse is a wreath of Oak-leaves, inciicling the words, " Six Livres"—with a motto, " L' An, 11. Re pullique Francoife." c<^^2>°e@>>«£^c©eoo)oc^)oc>e^s)ceo)e^yo«