BY MEYERS & MENGEL.
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rjAHE BEDFORD GAZETTE
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rpHE INQUIRER
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Constantly on hand to accomodate those who want
to purchase living reading inattter.
Only a part of the vast number of articles per
taining to the Book and Stationery buriness,
which we are prepared to sell cheaper thau the
cheapest, are above enumerated Give us a call
We bay and sell for CABH, and by this arrange
ment we expaet *.o sell ea cheap as goods of this
sum are sold anywhere
jau2, yl
3HisrfUaofous.
TgLEC T K I C
TELEGRAPH IN CHINA.
THE EAST INDIA TELEGRAPH COMPANY'S
OFFICE,
Nos. 23 A 25 Nassau Street,
NEW YORK
Organised under special eharter from the State
of New York.
CAPITAL $3,000,900
50,009 SHARES. SIOO EACH
D IREC T O R S.
HON ANDREW O. CURTIN, Philidelphia.
PAUL 8. FORBES, of Russell A Co., Chiaa.
FRED. BUTTERFIELD. of P. Bu Uerfield A C
New York.
ISAAC LIYERMORE. Treasurer Michigan Cen
tral Railroad, Boston.
ALEXANDER HOLLAND. Treasurer American
Express Company. New York.
Hon. JAMES NOXON, Syracuse. N. Y.
0. H. PALMER. Treasurer Western Union Tele
graph Company. Naw York.
FLETCHER WKSTRAY, of Waatray, Gibbs A
Hardcastle. New York.
NICHOLAS MICKLES. New York.
OFFIU ER S.
A. G. CURTlN,President.
N. MICKLES, Vice President
GEORGE ELLIS (Ceshier National Bank Com
monwealth.) Treasurer.
HON. A K. McCLLRE, Philadelphia. Solioitor.
The Chinese Government having (through tha
Hon. Anion Burlingame) conceded to this Com
pany the privilege of connecting the great ea
porti of tha Empire by sabmarine electric tele
graph cable, we propose commencing operations
in China, and laying down a line of nine hundred
miles at once, between the following pert i. sit :
Population.
Canton 1.000,009
Macoa 90.000
Hong-Kong 250,000
Swatow 200.000
Amoy 250,000
Poo-Chow 1.250,000 :
Wan-Chu 300 000
Ningpo 400.000
Hang Cbeaa 1.300.000
Shanghai 1,000.000 ;
Total 5 910,000 •
These ports have a foreign commerce of $900.-
000,000. and an enormous domestic trade, besides
which we have the immense internal commerce of
the Empire, radiating from these points, through
its canals and navigable rivers.
The cable being laid, thii company proposes
erecting land lines, and establishing a speedy and
trustworthy means of communication, which must
command there, as everywhere else, the commu
nications of the Government, of business. and of
social life especially in China She has no postal
system, and her only means nowofeommuuicating
information is by couriers on land, and by steam
ers on water
The Western World knows that China is a very
large country, in tbe main densely peopled ; but
few yet realize that she contains more than a third
of the human race. The lateet returns made to
her central authorities for taxing purposes by the i
local magistrate make her population Four hun
dred and Fourteen millions, and this is more
likely to be under than over the actual aggregate.
Nearly all of these, who are over ten years old,
not only can but do read and write Her civili
zation ia peculiar, but her literature is as exten
sive as that of Eurepe China is a land of teach
ers and traders : and the latter are exceedingly
quick to avail themselves of every proffered facili
ty for procuring early information It is observed
in California that the Chinese make great ue of ,
the telegraph, though it there transmit! messages
in English alone. To-day great numbers of fleet i
steamers are owned by Chinese merchants, and
used by them exclusively for the transmission of
early intelligence If the telegraph we propose
connecting all their great seaports, were now tr.
existence. Uis believed that its business would
pay the cost within the first two years of it* sue- 1
cessful operation, and would steadily increase
thereafter
No enterprise commends itself as in a greater
degree remunerative to capitalist*, and to our
whde people. It is of vas. national importance
commercially, politically and evangelically.
lyThe stock of this Company has been un
qualifiedly recommended to capitalists and busi
utss men. as a desirable investment by editorial
articles in the New York Herald. Tribune,
World, Times, Post. Express, Independent, and j
in tbe Philadelphia North American, Press, <
Ledger, Inquirer, Age, Bulletin and Telegraph
Shares of this company, to a limited number,
may be obtained at S6O each, $lO payable down,
sl6 on the Ist of November, and $26 payable iu
monthly instalments of $2.50 each, commencing 1
December 1, 1863, on application to
DREXEL A CO.,
34 South Third Street,
PHILADELPHIA
Shares can be obtained in Bedford by applica- I
tion to Reed 1 Schell, Bankers, who are author
ised to receive subscriptions, and can give all ne
eessary information on the subject. sept2syl
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£ 9
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nUY YOUR NOTIONS
of
, LEC4 R. V BERKSTRKSSER.
I >lll LA DELPHI A, March 10th, m
I We b-g leave to inform you that we are pre
pared bo offer for TOUT ins|iection. our usual assort
J MEAT of MILLINERY GOODS. Consisting of the
Neweat Shapes in straw. Silk and Oimp Hats
Bonnets, Ac., Velveta, Silk DEEDS Ribbons -Flow
ers, Feathers. Ruebes. CrP. Blonds. Braids,
Ornaments. Ac., Ac. We shall be happy to wait
on yoa t Tour tt>ror raceiveour ora. _^ nces
low for cash Yours Ac, H- WARD,
Nos 10,3.105, and 107 S. Second St, Phiiad a.
i marIOV.'J.LM . ' ,1
PRINTERS' INK ha* made many a
business man rich We ask 7I !* try IT ■
I THE 'olumns of ran Gaxf RT "
ftooftautTs tfolumn.
Y ou ALL
BATE BEAED OP
SIOOFLAND'S GERMAN BITTERS,
AND
HOOFLAND'S GERMAN TONIC.
Prepared by Dr. C. M. Jaekson. Philadelphia.
Their introduction into this country from Ger
many occurred in
1825.
THEY CURED YOUR
FATHERS ANI) MOTHERS,
And will cure you and your children. They are
entirely different from w w The many preparations
now in the country cal I—l led Bitters or Tonics.
They are no tavern A A.preparation, or any
thing like one; but good, honest, reliable medi
cines They are
The greatest known remerlie* for
Liver Complaint,
DYSPEPSIA,
Nervous Debility,
JAUNDICE,
Diseases of the Kidneys,
ERUPTIONS OF THE SKrX,
and all Diseases arising from a Disordered Liver,
stomach, or
IMPURITY OF THE BLOOD:
Constipation, Flatulence. Inward Piles, Fullnes
of Blood to the Head, Acidity of the Stomach.
Nausea, Heartburn, Disgust for Food, Full
ness or Weight in the Stomach, Soar Eruc
tations, Sinking or Fluttering at the
Pit of the Stomach, Swimming of tha
Head. Hurried or Difficult Breathing,
Fluttering at the y-. Heart, Choking or
Suffocating Sensa I ft tions when in a Lying
Posture. Dimness of V ' Vision, Dots or Webs
before the sight. Dull Pain in the Head, Defi
ciencyot Perspiration, Yellowness ofthe Skin
anil Eyes, Pain in tbe Side. Back. Chest,
Limbs, etc.. Sudden Flushes of Heat.
Burning in the Flesh, Constant Imagi
nings of Evil and Great Depression of Spirits.
All,these tush rate disease* of the Lifer or IH
gestive Organs, combined ttnth impure blood.
HOOFLAND'S GERMAN BITTERS
is entirely vegetable and contains no liquor. It
is a compound of Fluid Extracts. The Roots,
Herbs, and Barks from which these extracts are
made, are gathered in Germany. AU the medi
cinal virtueus are ex traded from them by
a scientific Chemist. | ft These extracts are
then forwarded to this country to be used ex
pressly far the manufacture of these Bitters.
There is no alcoholic substance of any kind used
in compounding the Bitters, bence it is the only
Bitters that can be used ia esses where alcoholic
stimulants are not advisable.
HOOFLAND S GERMAN TONIC
ia a combination of all tbe ingredient* of the Bit
ters, with PCRX Sam* Crux Rum. Orange, etc. It
is used for the same diseases as the Bitters, in ease
where some pure alcoholic stimulus is required.
You will bear in mind that these remedies are en
tirely different from any others advertised for the
cure of the diseases named, these being scientific
preparations of medicinal extracts, while the oth
ers are mere decoctions of rum in some form. The
TONIC is decidedly one of the most pleasant and
agreeable remedies ever offered to the public. Its
taste is exquisite. It is a pleasure to take it, while
its life-giving exhilarating, and medicinal quali
ties have caused it to be known as the greatest of
all tunica.
DEBILITY.
There is no medicine eqnal to Hooflaad's Ger
man Bitters or Tonic in cases of Debility.
They impart a tone l-f and vigor to the whole
system, strengthen A the appetite, cause an
enjoyment of the food, enable the stomaeh to di
fesi it, purity the blood, give a good, sound,
eaithy complexion, eradicate the yellow tinge
from the eye. impart a bloom to the cheeka, and
change the patient from a short-breathed, emaci
ated, weak, and nervous invalid, to a full-faced,
stout, and rigorous person.
Weak antl Delicate Children are
made strong by using the Bitters or Tonic. In
fact, they are Family Medicines. They can be
administered with perfect safety to a ehild three
months old, the most delicate female, or a man of
ninety.
These remedies are the best
Blood Purifiers
ever known and will cure all diseases resulting j
from bad bload. Keep y >ur blood pure; keep
your Liver in order, • seep your digestive j
organs in a sound, I healthy condition, by '
the use of these reme -1-2 lies, and no diseases i
will ever assail you The best men in theeonntry j
recommend them. If years of honest reputation ;
go for anything, you must try these preparations.
FROM HON. GEO. W. WOODWARD,
Chief Justice ot the Supreme Court of Pennsylva
nia.
PaiLADKLi HI*. March 16, 1867.
I find that 'Uoofisnd's German Bitters" is not
an intoxicating beverage, bat is a good tonic, use
ful in disorders of toe digestive organs, and of
great benefit in cases of debility and want of ner- j
vous action in the system.
Yours Truly,
GEO W. 3VOODWARD
FROM HON. JAMES TAOMPSON.
Judge of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania.
Pflii.ADEi.t'HiA. April 23. 1566
I consider (i Hoofland's German Bitters" a valua- j
ble medicine in case . of attacks of Indiges
tion or Dyspepsia. I A can certify this from
my experience of it. P\~ Yours, with respect,
JAMES THOMPSON.
FROM REV. JOSEPH H. KKNNARD, D. D.,
Pastor of the Tenth Baptist Church, Philadelphia.
Dn JACKSOJ — DEAR SIR: —I have been fre
quently requested to connect my name with rec
ommendations of different kinds of medicines, but
regarding the piactiee as out of my appropriate
sphere. I have in all cases declined, but with a
clear proof in various instances, and particularly
ia my own family, of the usefulness of Dr. Hoof
land'a German Bitters, I depart for once from
my usual course, to express my full conviction
that for general debility of the system, aud es
pecially for Liver Com -y plaint, it is a safe
and valuable prepare tion. In some cases
it may fail; bnt u.-ual -L N ly, I doubt not. it
will be very beneficial to those who suffer from tbe
above causes. Yours, very respectfully.
J H. KKNNARD,
Eigth, below Coates Street.
CAUTION.
Hoofltnd's German Remedies are counterfeited.
The Genuine have the signature of C. M JACR
so! on the front of the outside wrapper of each
bottle, and the name of the article blown in each
Louie. All others are counterfeit.
Prit-e of the Bitters, $! per bottle;
Or, a half dozen for
Price of the Tonic, $1 00 per bottle;
Or, a half dozen for $7 50.
The tonic is put up in quart bottles.
Recollect that it is Dr. Hoofland's German
Remedies that are so universally used and so
highly recommended; * .and do not allow the
Druggist to induce I ftyou to take anything
else that he may say EJis jnst as good, be
cause he makes a larger profit on it. These Reme
dies will be sent by express to any locality upon
application to the
PRINCIPAL OFFICE,
At the German Medicine Store.
No. 631 ARCH STREET, Philadelphia.
CHAS. M. EVANS,
PROPRIETOR.
j F jnaerly C. M JACKSON A Co.
These Remedies are for sale by Druggists, Store
keepers and Medieine Dealers evsrywbere.
! Do not forget to examine the ariittefoou buy
IU or dor to get the genuine.
| maj29'63yi
BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY MORNING, APRIL 23, 1869.
BPr.Et'H OF HON- P- OKAY NECK.
In the House of Represeritalices of Penn- '
syh-ania, on the ratification of irhat is I
termed the Fifteenth Amendment to the i
Federal Constitution, giviny Negroes,
Chinamen and Indians the right to
L rote.
Mr. MEEK. Mr. Speaker, it is
scarcely to be expeeted that after so
many able and eloquent arguments,
made by my Democratic colleagues a
gainst the passage of this resolution, !
that I can add anything that will eith- j
er convince, instruct or interest the
■ gentlemen who are to vote upon this
! question. But, Mr. Speaker, as I have
' the honor to represent an honest, in
telligent and patriotic white constitu
ency, I would lie false not only to them
hut to my State, my race and to my
self, were I to permit this great, this '
most appalling iniquity to be consum-
I mated without raising my voice to ]
protest against it. This resolution to]
, ratify what is termed an amendment j
to the Federal Constitution, involves
two questions, both of which are great
fundamental principles in our system of
government—questions which are the
I very corner stones upon which our Re
public was erected —questions upon the
termination of which not only rests
the perpetuity of our Commonwealth,
: hut the future of our race and the safe
| ty of society. These questions are the
RIGHTS OF THE STATES AND THE
STATUS OF THE RACES.
I To treat these questions as they
i should be treated would certainly take
! a much older, abler and better inform
ied person than myself; hjt, sir, I have
i too much love for iny Btate, too much
pride for our proud old Commonwealth,
too much regard for it.- honor, wel
: fare, power and worth to sit silently
by and see her rights trampled upon,
her powers usurped, her privileges a
bciged, aye, sir, her very existence
blotted out by usur|>ation of the Gen
; eral Government in the hands of Puri
! tan fanatics and rum soaked Radicals,
as wrong as it is debasing, as outrageous
' as it is infam-ous, and as revolutionary
| as it is repulsiwe.
It is true, as lias been asserted here
: by members advocating this measure,
; that Article live ofthe Federal Cousti
] tution provides for the Amendment of
] that instrument, in precisely the man
; ner that this so called amendment is
j proposed to he made: but it is equally
i true that that same constitution limits
| the power of amendment to such rnat
; ters only as come within the jurisdic
tion of the General Government. Two
j oftheaelimitations weceexpressly made
in the same article which provided a
mode of amendment, and others result
i from the general character of the Con
stitution, and particular provisions
within it.
Among the general principles under
lying our Federal Cnastßullon, Which
operates as a limitation upon the right
of amendment, is the fact that ours is a
republican form of Government. No
change in a Constitution, or any addi
tion to it, which would transform our
i Government into a monarchy would he
| a legitimate amendment. Such a
i change, instead of being an amend
ment would t>e rank revoluton; and
even if the revolutionists were able to
pass it through the prescribed forms
i and put it into praeticle effect, its va
lidity, if it had any, would not result
from the legitimate right of amending
the Constitution, hut upon the despot
ic priciple that might makes right.
Anothergeueral principle which oper- :
; ates as a restraint upon the l ight of a
j mendinent is explicitly expressed in
! article ten of the amendments, which
! declares: "The powers not delegated '
' to the United States by the Constitu
tion nor prohibited by it to the States
! are reserved to the States respectively j
| or to the people." And Section eight of
that instrument sets forth plainly what
powers were delegated to the law ma- ;
j. king power of the United States, as .
well as those prohibited by the States,
and nowhere and at no place, or under
i no construction, can there he found au
thority for this attempted usurpation
of tiie reserved rights of the States.—
The question of suffrage—the elective
I franchise—to which this projtosed a
menduient relates, is precisely one of
| those questions which have been "re
served to the States respectively or to
• the people." By no word or sylahle
of the constitution has the Federal
j.Government been invested with any
power or authority in regard to this
subject. The two houses of Congress,
1 even by a unanimous vote, have no
1 more constitutional right or power to
! propose such an amendment—no, not
: amendment but revolution—as that
; which we have under consideration,
; than the Parliament of Great Britain,
the Corps Legislatiff of France or the
| Cortes of Spain. It is a subject not
j within itsjuri&diction,andthepeopleof
the States whose rights are to he tram
pled upon and crushed out by this most
i infamous usurpation, would be justi
fiable in revolt—will be cowards if
; they do not resist.
Why, sir, if three-fourths of the
! States, through the Geueral Govern-
I meut, have the jiower to strike the
| word "white" from the Constitution
of Pennsylvania, as this pretended a
mendinent proposes, has it not the
right to strike out any word, sentence
or section within it? If it can strike
out the word "white," can it not strike
out the very first section of the first ar
ticle, which creates this body, now
ready to admit by it votes that this
power belongs to the General Govern
ment ? I ask you, in all candor, where
is the assurance that the same power
that now seeks to annul one of the pro
visions of the State Constitution, will
not, before another year, attempt to an
nul ail ? If Congress, endorsed by the
legislatures of three-fourths of the
States, can say who shall vote within
our Commonwealth, can it not also say
who shall be our judges and our jury
men, our office-holders and our law
makers, as well as what rights we shall
enjoy and what religious faith we s hall
profess *? If Pennsylvania, once proud,
peerless Pennsylvania, has not the
power to fix the qualifications of elec
tors with-in her own broad borders,
pray tell me what pow'er she does pos
sess ?
The fundamental principle of our
Government is, that governments "de
rive just powers from the consent of the
governed," or in other words, that all
governmental authority is inherent o
riginally in the people themselves. In
framing their governments they dele
egate certain powers to those govern
ments and give them a certain geuer
al or limited jurisdiction over certain
governmental questions. The powers
of the government are limited by the
instrument by which those |owers
have been delegated. Ilence neither
theStateor Federal Government are
absolute over all questions. The pow
ers of each have been delegated by the
people—the sovereign source of all po
litical power; and in the written Con
stitutions is expregsly declared what
powers are delegated, while the omnip
otent voice of the people, like the voice
of the people, like the voice of the Al
mighty addressed to the sea, has said,
"Thus far mayest thou go and no far
ther ; and here shall thy proud waves
be staid."
We, Mr. Speaker, the immediate j
representatives of the people of Penn
sylvania, have no power over this sub
ject. Our own State constitution do- j
fines the qualifications of voters in this
Commonwealth, and this Legislature
has no power, either directly or indi- j
reetlv, to change its provisions on the !
subject so as to be binding upon our <
own people, much less have we the!
power to hind the people of other
States by any unauthorized action of
ours. To amend our State Constitution
requires that two successi veLegis lat ures J
propose the amendment, and then that
a majority of the qualified voters of
the State ratify the amendment at the
next general election. We have taken
an oath to support that Constitution, j
and yet a majority of this House, with
that oath still fresh upon their lips, are j
ready to violate it, by voting to allow
an unauthorized power to strike from
it the most important provision it con- j
tains. This question of suffrage is a
question which even the States as i
States in their governmental capacity I
have no jurisdiction over. It is fixed
and regulated by the Constitutions of
the several States, and no power save
the povveF that made them—the jeo
ple—caufldtqr, ehangeoramenth Why,
Mr. Speaker, ibis act of usurpation on
the part of the General Government '
and the State Legislatures, to fix the
qualifications of voters in tbe several
States, is assuming authority over sub
jects that even the crowned heads of
Europe fear to exercise. It is hut a
short time since the question of extend
ing the elective franchise to [icrsons
not before exercising it ID England was
agitated there, and the Qtieen, fearing
to exercise a power over het subjects
that radicalism is assuming to-ilay in
this Government, prorogeud Parlia
ment and sent the question to the peo
ple for their decision. Should the peo
ple of the several States of this Gov
ernment have less power in chang
ing a fundamental principle of the or
ganic law than the subjects of England?
Should Congress and the State Legisla
tures of trie American Republic as
sume authority that the monarchies of
Euro|>e fear to assert ? And vet it is
being done, done now, antl a party
claiming to he republican in principle
is the party committing this outrage
and usurpation.
But, Mr. Speaker, power is always
aggressive and grasping, and its his to- |
ry iu our government is not an exeep- j
tion to the general rule. We have
been making, for the past ten years,
rapid strides towards centralization, j
and every step in that direction has ]
removed us so inn eh farther rrom the
republican freedom of our ancestors, ;
and so much nearer to the despotism
of European monarchies. The liber- ,
ties of the masses of the people are be
coining less secure just as they allow
the grasping power of the Federal Gov
ernment to wrest from them and lodge
within itself, powers that have hereto
fore been exercised only by them.—
How long at the rate we are now pro
gressing towards a centralized despot
ism, will it he until the same power
that now seeks to mutilate our State
Constitution, will blot it out entirely ?
How long, sir, until the autiiority
that now seeks to say who shall vote
within our Commonwealth, will say
also who shall fill the gubernatorial
chair, if we are left one? How long
sir, until our State Government is blot
ted out, and the people who are now
sovereign will he subjects? I venture
the prediction, Mr. Speaker, that
neither you or I will go down to the
grave with age before these things
come to pass, unless a check is put to
these usurpations of powers not delega
ted to the General Government!
This so called "amendment" has
been proposed by Congress. It may be
ratified by the requisite number of
.States, and it may then he enforced
upon the several States, by the power
of the General Government. What
then ? Is it legally valid as an amend
ment? No. Is it sanctioned by the
people? Have they given their eon
sent to it? No. A few hundred men
who happen to be members of Congress
and the State Legislatures, and who
were elected to these offices without ref
erence to such a measure as this, will
have triumphed over the will of the
Auireican people. What then becomes
of the theory of our Government, that
"governments derive their just powers
from the consent of the governed ?" It
i is cast to the moles and the hats. Our
officers are no longer servants of the
people hut their masters—the peopie
| are no longer sovereign hut slaves.
If it is true, and it certainly is, as
was alleged by the party now advoca
ting this monstrous outrage, no long-
er ago than last fall in its platform of
principles, that the question of suf- j
frage in all the loyal States properly lie
longs to the people of those States," in
the name of all that is good and great,
why is it not left for the people to de
cide? Why is it not left where you ;
said, not six months ago, it "properly
belongs?" There is no necessity for
,the mad haste with which this is at- j
tempted to he fastened upon us. There
is no reason why it should not he left j
to the voice and vote of people of
Pennsylvania to decide.
But, Mr. Speaker, turning to the j
other question involved in this dis- j
cussion—the question of the status of
the races, even were the right to en- |
franchise tlie negro as propostnl by j
this measure undeniable, how many, j
very many, weighty, very weighty ,
reasons there are why it should not be j
done. The only arguments that have !
been advanced here or elsewhere by i
the advocates of negro voting, appear
to he based upon the gnat fallacy that |
the negro is only a white man with a j
black skin—that he possesses the same
intellectual and moral faculties as the
white race, and may, therefore, be in- j
eorporated with the social and civil
elements of our society as an equal j
partner in the government of our coun
try. On no other ground would any •
man of ordinary intelligence claim the <
equality of suffrage for the negro. On j
no other grounds could it be claimed ;
without a manifest design of deuioral- j
izing and debauching our own civili- j
zation. On no other ground can they ■
base any arguments in favor of this j
black measure. The "loyalty" of the ;
blacks will not do. The people under- j
stand that too well. "Loyalty" has !
covered too many infamous crimes j
to make it a cloak to cover more. The ;
masses can see through it—can under
stand it; they detest it, they spurn it.
It was the watchword of the tories of
the Revolution. It was the watch- j
word of the thieves, Puritan hypo- ;
crites, Constitution defiers, law break- !
ers, treasury robbers, divine bullies, '
sanctified murderers, spies, pimps, cut
throats, and the whole horde of un- j
principled wretches, political vaga
bonds and prison-deserving villains, ;
who reaped riches out of the blood of
the people, and ghoul-like gloated ov
er the misery of the country during
the late unholy crusade fur plunder
and jiower. No, sir, "loyalty" will do I
no longer. There must be some other
reason for the enfranchisement of the |
negro population, and members upon
the other side can only base their argu-
I metis upon the assumption of the
moral and intellectual equality of the j
white and negro races. But which of;
them have attempted to prove the
premises on which their conclusions
alone can rest? Who among their
i eminent leaders dare attempt it ? Sup
i pose, sir, it should he proven that the
negro is no more the equal and
I brother of the white man than the
! ass is the equal and brother of the
horse, than tire buzzard is the
i equal and brother of the eagle, what
then becomes of all this ear splitting
rhetoric about "theequality and broth
erhood" of negroes and white men?
It is as baseless as the rich man's
dreams. An attempt to establish e-
I quality upon foundations where Al
! mighty God has fixed eternai inequal
ity is an undertaking so profane and
so God-defying that we might think
it would stagger the fanatics and re
volutionists of this negro suffrage party.
But it does not, sir. They have got
beyond that point, and the decrees and
works of God himself must be swept by
the board if they stand between it and
places of power and profit.
The eminent lAr. Caldwell, in his
work entitled the"** Unity .of the Races,"
points out over a hundred
; and physical differences bet we--hi the
negro and the white man—difference
which as distinctly prove the negro to
be a different being from the white
man as the ass is proved to be a differ
i eui creature from the horse. Currier
declares "that the anatomy of the nt>
gro evidently approximates the mon
key tribes." Prof. Agassizasserts that
"the chimpanzee and gorilla do not
differ more from the orang than the
Maylay or white man differ from the
negro." Pi of. Wyman, of Cambridge
college, Massachusetts, says, "It can
not he denied, however wide the sep
! aration, that the negro and orang do
afford the jojnts where man and the
brute, where the totality of their or
ganization is considered, most nearly
approach each other." But why, sir,
multiply evidence upon this point?—
It is a matter no longer in dispute.
And, sirs, in the properties of the
brain and heart the negro is as far be
hind the white man as he is in his
physical peculiarities. History prdves
that his mental and moral depravity is
as old and as unchangeable as hisphys
, ical type. You can no more elevate
the mind of the black race than you
can change the color of its skin. It
was faithfully painted upon the monu
mental walls of Egypt five thousand
years ago, precisely as we know it to
exist to-day, and was there described as
the "barbarian." From that day down
to our own debased times no people
ever looked upon him other thau as
an inferior being, created by anallwise
God to be ruled rather thau rule.
Eminent writers estimate that not
less than five hundred millions of
whites have lived and died in Africa
since the beginning of the historic
period—church records show that
millions upon millions of dollars have
been expended annually, by mission-
I aries, to civilize and christianize these
black barbarians, and yet what has it
all amounted to? Where is the tribe
that has l>een benefited? Not to lie
found, sir. Where is the permauent
good that has resulted from it? Let
i the boiled bones of missionaries, who
have returned, after a short visit to
their homes ip christianized coun
-1 tries, to their missions among
VOL. 64.—WHOLE No. 5,487.
these barbarians only to be cooked ami
-eaten, answer. And more, sir, while
it is impossible for these advocates of
negro equality, to point to a solitary
case in which the negro has adopted
our civilization, so, too, is it impos
sible for them to show a single instance
on the face of the globe, of his having
retained an enforced civilization, long
er than held as the slave or subject of
some superior race. If there is a spot
in any country or climate, where the
free negro has not relapsed towards
barbarism, pray, sir, where is it ? I)o
you point to Jamaica? The snake
worship and idolatry and the Fetish
superstition of this degraded race there,
is simply proof of what I assert. Do
you point to Hayti, let the debauched
and demoralized condition of the ne
gro there, with his witch fearing and
Obi worship, answer, And, sir, come
nearer home. Look upon our own
soil, within the limits of our own coun
try, under the enlightening and civil
izing effects of military governments,
Freedman's Bureau, purified puritan
preichers, and Massachusetts sphool
mains; and see the negroes of the
South rapidly relapsing into the bar
barism and heathenish practices of
their African aucestors-snake-worship
—idolatry—child eating and witch
craft, aud tell me how long it will be,
going back at the rate they have, since
abolitionism gave them freedom and
suffrage, until they will be worthy
followers of the skull scraping king of
Dahomey or the devil worshiping,
man eating denizens of the Fans?
There is not, Mr. Speaker, an instance
on record where negroes have had a voice
in the affairs of government in any
country, at any time or uuder any cir
cumstances, were that government has
not gone to rune. It was the recog
nition of the equality of the races, the
enfranchisement of these black pro
teges of abolitionism, that brought
ruin to Mexico—that devastated and
destroyed San Domingo—that caused
| the fall of the Republic of Central
America, and brought destruction to
I the South American States. There
| sir, are witnessed the result of negro
equality in that mass of civil and social
degredation, which is so rank and foul
that humanity stops the nose at it,
Are we to follow in their wake?—
Are we to go gown to death and de
struction, sink into that seething, sick
ening pool of inongrelism, sioiply to
secure power and plunder for the negro
suffrage party! It seems so. It
looks so. I fear it is so. Congress
has cracked its whip and the asses who
draw its loads have started at the.snap,
and are now dragging us down, down,
down.
There are men upon this floor who
know and feel that this attempted
usurpation is wrong, outrageous, and
debasing, yet who are too cowardly to
vote against it, because, Congress and
king caucus, has ordered otherwise.—
Shame upon such freemen ! A thous
and shames upon such poltroonery !
In conclusion, Mr. Speaker, let me
ask of the gentlemen who intend vo
ting for this revolting measure, why it
must be forced upon the people? Is it
because the negro is your equal in in
telligence? You do not admit him to
be such. Is it because he carried a
musket in your armies ? Did not your
own sons under the age of twenty one,
and who are not allowed to vote, do
the same? Is it because he is taxed to
maintain the government? Are not
women and minors and foreigners
taxed also? Is it because you favor
"manhood suffrage?" Why then pre
ventthe intelligent white foreigner from
voting for five years? Is it because the
white race is unfit or unable to govern
itself? Where is the government that
has been benefited by negroes having a
voice in its affairs? Is it because you
believe in "universalsuffrage?" Why
then give the ballot to the ignorant
;;egro, the dirt-eating Chinamen and
the depraved digger Indian, as you
are now to do, and withhold
it from yoiu sons, your wive*,
daughters and
none of these reasons, It is not be
cause justice demands, .<# philanthropy
dictates it, hut because a dire party
necessity requires it. It is to prolong
the reign of lladicalisui; to keep yo'ir
thieves and usurpers in powfer, any
your villains out of the penitentiary.
It is to place voting machines in the
hands of capital, to override and vote
down the interests of labor, and io
degrade the toiling millions of this
country to the condition of the moo
grelized inhabitants of Mexico.
But thank God the Democracy of
New Jersey, Maryland, Delaware,
Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana and Geor
gia, aided by down trodden Vir
ginia, despotism cureed Mississippi,
and outraged Texas, will stand like a
wall of fire between you and the con
summation of your most infamous de
sigus, until the people—the white peo
ple—thesoverign people of Pennsylva
nia, iu their majesty and power, choose
at the ballot box, men who win mi yuur
places in this hall next winter, and
vote to rescind the resolution of ratifi
cation you are about to pass. From
this moment we start the cry of liepeal!
It will ring through every valley,
; through every village, and over every
hill-top in this Broad Commonwealih,
and he who will not pledge himself to
vote to repeal this most debasing reso
lution, will not occupy a seat upon this
floor during the next session of our
Legislature.
A man that breaks his word, bids
others be false to him.
A poor man has not many marks for
fortune to shoot at.
A man in a passion rides a horse that
runs away with him.
A nice wife and a back door, do often
make a rich man poor.
A good word for a bad one, is worth
much, and costs little.
A husband without ability is like a
; house without a roof.