BY MEYERS & MENGEL.
TERMS OF PUBLICATION.
THB BEDFORD GAZETTE is published every Fri
day morning by METERS & MHMM., at $2 00 per
annum, if paid strictly in advance ; $2.50 if paid
within six months; $:5.00 if not paid within six
months. All subscription accounts MUST be
settled annually. No paper will be sent out of
the State unless paid for is ADVASCE, and all such
übscriptions will invariably be discontinued at
the expiration of the time for which they are
aid. ,
All ADVERTISEMENTS for a less term than
three month. TEN CENTS per line for each tn
gertion. Special notices one-half additional Al.
resolutions of Associations; communications of
limited or individual interest, and notices of mar
riages and deaths exceeding five lines, ten cents
per line. Editorial notices fifteen cents per line.
All legal Notices of every kind, and Orphans
Court and Judicial Sales, are required by law
t be published in both papers published in this
place.
All advertising due after first Insertion
A liberal discount is made to persons advertising
by the quarter, half year, or year, as follows :
3 months. 6 months. 1 year.
♦One square - - - $4 50 $6 00 9?
Two squares -- - 000 00 18 00
Three squares --- 800 12 00 20 00
Quarter column --14 00 20 00 3o 00
Half column ---18 00 25 00 45 00
One column - - - - 30 00 45 00 80
♦One square to occupy one ineh of space
JOD rnrriTiiTO, r CICIJ kind, done with
neatness and dispatch. THE GAZETTE OFFICE has
just been refitted with a Power Press and new type,
and everything in the Printing line can be execu
ted in the most artistic manner and at the lowest
rates.—TERMS CASH.
MEYERS & MENGEL,
Publishers.
sob £riu?imj.
rji h E BE1)PO It D G A ZETTE
POWER PRESS
PRINTING ESTABLISHMENT,
- BEDFORD, PA.
MEYERS & MENGEL
PROPRIETORS.
Having recently made additional im
provements t< our office, we are pre
pared to execute all orders for
PLAIN AND FANCY
JOB PRINTING,
With dispatch and in the most
S UPE RI O R STYLE.
CIRCULARS, LETTER HEADS, BILL
HEADS, CHECKS, CER TIFICA TES,
BLANKS, DEEDS, REGISTERS, RE
CEIPTS, CARDS, HEADINGS, ENVEL
OPES. SHOWBILLS, HANDBILLS, IN
VITATIONS, LABELS, ire. \c.
Our facilities fr printing
POSTERS, PROGRAMMES, Ac.,
FOR
CONCERTS AND EXHIBITIONS,
ARE UNSURPASSED.
"PUBLIC SALE" BILLS
Printed at short notice.
We can insure complete satisfaction
as to time and price
riHIE INQUIRER
BOOK STORE,
opposite the Mengel House,
BEDFORD, PA.
The proprietor takes pleasure in offering to the
public the following articles belonging to the
Book Business, at CITY RETAIL PRICES:
MISCELLANEOUS BOOKS.
N OVEL S.
BIBLES, HYMN BOOKS, AC.:
Large Family Bibles.
Small Bibles.
Medium Bibles,
Lutheran Hymn Books,
Methodist Hymn Books,
Smith's Dictionary of the Bible,
History of the Books of the Bible,
Pilgrim's Progress, Ac.. Ac., Ac.
Episcopal Prayer Books,
Presbyterian Hymn Books,
SCHOOL BOOKS.
TOY BOOKS.
STATIONERY,
Congress, Legal,
Record, Foolscap,
Letter, Congress Letter,
Sermon, Commercial Note,
Ladies' Gilt, Ladies' Octavo,
Mourning, French Note.
Bath Post, Damask Laid Note,
Cream Laid Note, Envelopes, Ac
WALL PAPER.
Several Hundred Different Figures, the Largest
lot ever brought to Bedford county, for
sale at prices CHEAPER THAN
EVER SOLD in Bedford
BLANK BOOKS.
Day Books, Ledgers,
Account Books, Cash Books.
Pocket Ledgers, Time Books,
Tuck Memorandums, Pas* Books,
Money Books, Pocket Books,
Blauk Judgment Notes, drafts, receipts, Ac
INKS AND INKSTANDS.
Barometer inkstands,
Gutta Peroha,
Cocoa, and
Murocoo Spring Pocket Inkstands,
Glass and Ordinary Stands for Schools,
Flat Glass Ink Wells and Rack,
Arnold's Writing Fluids,
Hover's Inks,
Carmine Inks. Purple Inks,
Charlton's Inks,
Eukolon for pasting, Ac.
PENS AND PENCILS.
Gillot's. Cohen's,
Hollowbush A Carey's, Payson,
Dunton, and Scribner's Pens,
Clark's Indellible, Faber's Tablet,
Cohen's Eg' e >
Office, Faber's
Guttknecht's, Carpenter's Pencils.
PERIODICALS.
Atlantic Monthly,
Harper's Magazine,
Madame Demorest's Mirror of Fashions,
Electio Magazine,
Godey's Lady 's Book,
Galaxy,
Lady's Friend,
Ladies' Repository,
Our Young Folks,
Nick Nax,
Yankee Notions,
Budget of Fun,
Jolly Joker,
Phanny Phellow.
Liapinoott's Magazine,
Riverside Magazine,
Waverly Magazine,
Ballou's Magazine,
Gardner's Monthly.
Harper's Weekly,
Frank Lealie'a Illustrated,
Chimney Corner,
New York Ledger,
New York Weekly,
Harper's Bazar,
Every Saturday,
Living Age,
Putnam's Monthly Magazine,
Arthur's Home Magazine,
Oliver Optic a Boys and Girl's Magazine Ac.
Constantly on Land to accomodate those who want
to pnrchasc liviag reading mattter.
Only a part of the vaat number of articles per
taining to the Book and Stationary business,
which we are prepared to sell cheaper than the
cheapeat, are above enumerated Give us a call
We boy and sell for CASH, and by this arrange
ment we expect to sell as cheap as goods of this
class are sold anywhere
Jen 29,'71
PfntikM.
jpLE© T U I C
TELEGRAPH IN CHINA.
TIIE EAST INDIA TELEGRAPH COMPANY'S
OFFICE,
Nos. 23 & 25 Nassau Street,
NEW YORK.
Oreanized under special charter from the State
of New York.
CAPITAL $5,000,000
50,000 SHARES. SIOO EACH
DIRECTORS.
HUH. ANDREW G. CURTIN, Philadelphia.
PAULS. FORBES, of Russell A Co., China.
FRED BUTTERFIELD, of F Butterfield A C
New York.
ISAAC LIVERMORE, Treason* Michigan Cen
tral Railroad, Boston.
ALEXANDER HOLLAND, Treasurer American
Express Company, New York.
Hon. JAMES NOXON, Syraeuse, N. Y.
0 H. PALMER", Treasurer Western Union Tele
graph Company, New York.
FLETCHER WESTRAY, of Westray, Gibbs A
Hardcastle, New York.
NICHOLAS MICKLKS. New York.
OFFICERS.
A G. CURTIN, President.
N. MICKLES, Vice President.
GEORGE ELLIS (Cashier National Bank Com
monwealth,) Treasurer.
HON. A. K McCLURE, Philadelphia, Solicitor.
The Chinese Government having (through the
Hon. Anson Burlingame) conceded to this Com
pany the privilege of connecting the great sea
ports of the Empire by submarine elcctrio tele
graph cable, wo propose commencing operations
in China, and laying down a line of nine hundred
miles at once, between the following port t, viz :
Population.
Canton 1,000,000
Macoa. 60.000
Hong-Kong 250.000
Swatow 200,000
Ainoy 250,000
Foo-Chow 1,250,000
Wan-Chu 300 000
Ningpo 400.000
Hang Cheaa 1,200,000
. Shang-hai 1,000,008
Total S 910,000
These ports have a foreign commeree of $900,-
000.000. and an enormous domestic trade, besides
which we have the immense internal commerce of
the Empire, radiating from these points, through
■ its canals and navigable rivers.
The cable being laid, this company proposes
erecting land lines, and establishing a speedy and
trustworthy means of communication, which must
1 command there, as everywhere else, the commu
nisations of the Governmont, of business, and of
social life especially in China She baa no postal
system, and her ecly means now of oommuuioating
information is by oouriers on laud, and by steam
ers on water.
The Western World knows that China is a very
. large country, iu the main densely peopled ; but
few yet realize that she contains more than a third
i of the human race. The latest returns made to
her central authorities for taxing purposes by the
local magistrate make her population Four hun
dred and Fourteen million and tkil is more
likely to be under than over the actual aggregate.
Nearly all of these, who are over ten years old,
not only can but do read and write. Her civili
zation it peculiar, but her literature is as exten
sive as that of Kurepe. China is a land of teach
ers and traders, and the latter are exceedingly
quick to aTai! themselves of every proffered facili
ty for procuring early information. It is observed
i in California tbat the Cbinese make great use of
' the telegraph, though it there transmits messages
1 in English aione. To-uay great numbers of fleet
steamers are owned by Chinese merchants, and
used by them exclusively for the transmission of
early intelligence. If the telegraph we propose
connecting all their great seaports, were .now in
existence, it is believed that its business would
pay the cost within the first two years of its suc
cessful operation, and would steadily increase
thereafter
No enterprise commends itself as in a greater
degree renumerative to capitalists, and to our
whole people It is of vast national importance
commercially, politically and evangelically.
. IdTThe stock of this Company has been un
qualifiedly recommended to capitalists and busi
ness men, as a desirable investment by editorial
articles in the New York Herald, Tribune,
World, Times, Tost, Kxpre<.t, Independent, and
in the Philadelphia North American, Press,
ledger, Inquirer, Age, Bulletin and Telegraph.
Shares of this company, to a limited number,
may be obtained at SSO each, $lO payable down,
sls on the Ist of November, and $26 payable in
monthly instalments of $2 50 each, commencing
December 1, 1868, on application to
DREX EL <fc CO.,
34 South Third Street,
PHILADELPHIA.
Shares can be obtained in Bedford by applica
tion to Reed k Schell, Bankers, who are author
ized to receive subscriptions, and can give all ne
cessary information on the subject. sept2syl
I
yyrE combine style with neatness of fit.
And moderate prices with the best workmanship*
-TONES' ONE PRICE CLOTHING HOUSE
604 MARKET STREET,
GEO. W. NIEMANN. PHILADELPHIA.
[sepll,'6B,yl |
I
gUY YOUR NOTIONS
deed R. W BKRKSTRESSER.
PLASTER.— The subscriber would
respectfully inform the public that he has
just received from the city 60 tons of best Nova
Scotia
ROCK PLASTER,
and will continue to receive, as his stock diminish
es, until the first of April, which he will grind,
and have for sale at Hartley's Mill, and will sell
as cheap as can be bought for cash. Wheat, rye,
or corn, at the highest cash prioes taken in ex
change for Plaster Remember, only until the Ist
of April. Thankful for pa*' favors he solicits a
continuance of the same
deelßtn3 ANDREW J. MILLER.
fioofland's (Toluran.
YOU ALL
BATE HBARI) OF
HOOFLAND'S GERMAN BITTERS,
AND
IIOOFLAND'S GERMAN TONIC.
Prepared by Dr. C. M. Jackson, Philadelphia
Their introduction into this country from Ger
many occurred in
1825.
THEY CURED YOUR
FATHERS AND MOTHERS,
And will cure yon and your children. They are
entirely different from -*• ■*- the many preparations
now in the country cat I—l led Bitters or Tonics.
They are no tavern A A preparation, or any
thing like one; but good, honest, reliable medi
cines. They are
The greatest Known remedies for
Liver Complaint,
DYSPEPSIA,
Nervous Debility,
JAUNDICE,
Diseases of the Kidneys,
ERUPTIONS OF THE SKIN,
and all Diseases arising from a Disordered Liver,
stomach, or
IMPURITY OF TIIE BLOOD.
Constipation, Flatulence. Inward Piles, Fullnes
of Blood to the Head. Acidity of the Stomach,
Nausea, Heartburn, Disgust for Food, Full
ness or Weight in the Stomach, Sour Eruc
tations. Sinking or Fluttering at the
Pit of the Stomach, Swimming of tbe
Head. Hurried or Difficult Breathing,
Fluttering at the Heart, Cooking or
Suffocating Sei sa I ft tions when in a Lying
Posture. Dimness of V * Vision, Dots or Webs
before the sight. Dull Pain in the Head, Defi
ciency ot Perspiration, Yellowness ofthc Skin
and Eyes, Pain in the Side, Back, Chest.
Limbs, etc., Sudden Flushes of Heat,
Burning in the Flesh, Constant Imagi
nings of Evil and Great Depression of Spirits.
All these indicate diseases of the Liver or Di
gestive Organs, combined with impure blood.
HOOFLAND'S GERMAN BITTERS
is entirely vegetable and contains no liquor. It
is a compound of Fluid Extracts. The Roots,
Herbs, and Barks from which these extracts are
made, aie gathered in Germauy. All tbe medi
cinal virtueus are ex . tracted from them by
a scientific Chemist, ff ft These extracts are
then forwarded to this VJ country to be used ex
pressly fur the manufacture of these Bitters.
There is no alcoholic substance of any kind used
iu compounding the Bitters, hence it is the only
Bitters that can be used in cases where alcoholic
stimulauts are not advisable.
HOOFLAND'S GERMAN TONIC
is a combination of all the ingredients of the Bit
ters, with PI RE Santa Cruz Rum, Orange, etc. It
is useif for the same diseases as the Bitters, in case
where some pure alcoholic stimulus is required.
You will bear in mind that these remedies are en
tirely different from any others advertised for the
cure of the disoases named, these being scientific
preparations of medicinal extracts, while the oth
ers are mere decoctionß of rum in some form. The
TONIC is decidedly one of the most pleasant and
agreeable remedies ever offered to the public Its
taste is exquisite. It is a pleasure to take it, while
its life-giving, exhilarating, and medicinal quali
ties have caused it to be known as the greatest of
all tonics.
DEBILITY.
There is no medicine equal to Hoofland's Ger
man Bitters or Tonic -w q in cases of Debility.
They impart a tone At and vigor to the whole
system, strengthen -A the appetite, cause an
enjoyment of the food, enable the stomach to di
fest it, purify the blood, give a good, sound,
ealthy complexion, eradicate the yellow tinge
from the eye. impart a bloom to the cheeks, and
change the patient from a short-breathed, emaci
ated, weak, and nervous invalid, to a full-faced,
stout, and vigorous person.
Weak and Delicate Children are
made strong by using the Bitters or Tonic. In
fact, they aro Family Medicines. They can be
administered with perfect safety to a child three
months old, the most delicate female, or a man of
ninety.
These remedies are the best
Blood Purifiers
ever known and will cure all diseases resulting
from bad bloed. Keep your blood pure; keep
your Liver in order, keep your digestive
organs in a sound, I healthy condition, by
the use of these retne J. A dies, and no diseases
will ever aasail you. The best men in theeountry
recommend them. If years of honest reputation
go for anything, you must try these preparations.
FROM HON. GEO. W. WOODWARD,
Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Pennsylva
nia.
PHILADELPHIA, March 16. 1867.
I find that "Hoofland's German Bitters" is not
an intoxicating beverage, but is a good tonie. use
ful in disorders of the digestive organs, and of
great benefit in cases of debility and want of ner
vous action in the system.
Yours Truly,
GEO. W. WOODWARD
FROM HON. JAMES TAOMPSON.
Judge of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania,
PHILADELPHIA. April 26, 1866.
I consider "Hoofland's German Bitters" a valua
ble medicine in case , of attaeks of Indiges
tion or Dyspepsia. I \ can certify this from
tny experience of it. Yours, with respect,
JAMES THOMPSON.
FROM REV. JOSEPH U. KENNARD, D. D..
Pastor of the Tenth Baptist Church. Philadelphia.
DR. JACKSOS—DEAR SIR:—I have been fre
quently requested to connect my name with rec
ommendations of different kinds of medicines, but
regarding the ptactice as out of my appropriate
sphere, I have in all cases declined , but with a
clear proof in various instances, and particularly
in my own family, of the usefulness of Dr. Hoof
land's German Bitters, I depart for once from
my usual course, to express my full conviction
that for general debility of the system, and es
pecially for Liver Com -w-r plaint, it is a safe
and valuable preparation. In some cases
it may fail ; bnt usual X A Jy, I doubt not, it
will be very beneficial to those whosuffer from the
above causes. Yours, very respectfully,
J. H. KENNARD,
Eigth, below CoatesStreet.
CAUTION.
Hoofland's German Remedies are counterfeited.
The Genuine have the signature of C. M. .JACA
SON on the front of the outside wrapper of each
bottle, and the name of the article blown in each
bottle. Ail others are counterfeit.
Price of the Bitten, $1 per bottle;
Or, a half dozen for $5.
Price of the Tonic, $1 50 per bottle ;
Or, a half dozen for {7 50.
The tonic is put up in quart bottles.
Recollect that it is Dr. Hoofland's German
Remedies that are so universally used and 30
highly recommended; and do not allow the
Druggist to induce I lyou to take anything
else that he may sayJLAis just as good, be
cause be makes a larger profit on it These Reme
dies will be sent by express to any locality upon
application to the
PRINCIPAL OFFICE,
At the German Medicine Store.
No. 631 ARCH STREET, Philadelphia.
OH AS. M. EVANS,
PROPRIETOR.
Formerly C M JACKSON A Co.
These Remedies are for sale by Druggists, Store
keepers and Medieine Dealers everywhere.
Do not forget to eaamtno the artieleryou bug
1 n order to get the genetene.
inay29'6Byl
BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY MORNING, MARCH 19, 1869.
VAI.fcDK.TORY FKOM Mll NIIU SiT
JOHNSON.
ttevlfw of Political KtbU for lite Past
l onr Yiars.
To the People of the United States:
The robe of oflice, by constitutional
limitation, this day falls from my
.shoulders, to be immediately assumed
by my successor. For hfro the forbear
ance and co-operation of th< American
people, in all his efforts to administer
the government within the pale of the
Federal Constitution, are sincerely in
voked. Without ambition to gratify,
party ends to subserve, or personal
quarrels to avenge, at the sacrifice of
the peace and welfare of the country,
my earnest desire is to see the Consti
tution of the republic agaU recognized
and obeyed as the supreme law of the
land, and the whole pee.ple. North,
South, East, and West prosperous and
happy under its wise provisions.
In surrendering the high office to
which I was called four years ago, at a
memorable and terrible < risis, it is my
privilege, I trust, to say to the people
of the United States a few parting
words in vindication of an official course
! so ceaselessly assailed and aspersed by
political leaders, to whose plans and
wishes my policy to restqfe the Union
has been obuoxious. In y period of
| difficulty and turmoil almost without
' precedent in the history of any people,
coosequt tit upon the closing scenes of a
: great rebellion and the assassination of
j the then President, it was, perhaps, too
' much on my part to expect of devoted
1 partisans, who rode on the waves of
I excitement, which at that time swept
all before them, that degree of toiera
j tion and magnanimity which 1 sought
to recommend and enforce, and which
i I believe in good time would have ad
! vanced us infinitely further on the road
to permanent peace and prosperity than
; we have thus far attained. Doubtless,
. had I at the commencement of my term
' ot office unhesitatingly lent its power.s
; or perverted them to purposes and
j plans outside ot the Constitution, and
| become au instrument to a scheme of
: confiscation and of general and opnres
! sive disqualification, 1 would nave
; been bailed as all that was true, loyal,
j and discerning ; as the reliable head of
i a party, whatever I might have been
as the Executive of a nation. Unwil
ling, however, to accede to propositions
of extremists, and bound to obey at ev
ery persona 1 hazard my oath to defend
the Constitution, I need not, perhaps,
be surprised at having met the fate of
i others, whose only rewards for uphold
| ing constitutional rights and laws have
i been the consciousness of having at
tempted to do their duty, and the calm
| judgment of history. At the time that
a mysterious Providence assigned to
| me the oflice of President, 1 was, by
I the terms of the Constitution, tlieconi
j mander-iu-chief of nearly a million of
j men under arms. One of my first acts
was to disband and restore to the voca
| tions of civil life this immense host,
and to divert myself, so fir us I could,
of the utiparalleUed powers then inci
dent to the office and the times.
Whether, or not, in this step 1 was
right, and how far deserving of the ap
probation of all the people, all can now,
on reflection, judge, w hen reminded of
the ruinous condition of public affairs
that must have resulted from the con
tinuance in the military service of such
a vast number of men. The close of
our domestic conflict found the army
eager to distinguish itself in anew field
by an effort to punish European inter
vention 111 IQCAItb. I>J ..-no
believed and urged that, aside from the
assumed justice of the proceedings, a
foreign war, in which both sides would
cheerfully unite to vindicate the honor
of the national flag, and further illus
trate the national prowess, would he
the surest and speediest way of awak
ening national enthusiasm, renewing
devotion to the Union, and occupying
a force concerning which grave doubts
existed as to its willingness, after four
years of active campaigning, at once to
return to the pursuits of peace. Wheth
er these speculations were true or false,
it will be conceded that they existed,
and that the predictions of the army
were for the time being in the direc
tion indicated. Taking advantage of
that feeling, it would have been easy,
as the Commander-in-Chief of the Ar
my and Navy, and with all the power
and patronage of the Presidential office
at my disposal, to turn the concentra
ted strength of the nation against
French interference in Mexico, and to
inaugurate a movement which would
have been received with favor by the
military and a large portion of the peo
ple. It is proper in this connection
that I should refer to the almost un
limited additional powers tendered to
the Executive by the measures relating
to Civil rights and the Freedmen's Bu
reau. Contrary to most precedents in the
experiences of public nun, the powers
thus placed within my grasp were de
eliued as being in violation of the Con
stitution, dangerous to the liberties of
the people, and tending to aggravate
rot her than lessen the discords natural
ly resulting from our civil war. With
a large army and augmented authori
ty, it would have been no difficult task
to direct at pleasure the destiniesof the
Republic, and to make secure my con
tinuance in the highest office known to
our laws. Let the people, whom lam
addressing from the Presidential chair
during the closing hours of a laborious
term, consider how different would
have been their present condition had
1 yielded to the dazzling temptation of
foreign conquest, of personal aggran
dizement and the desire to wield addi
tional power. Eet them, with justice,
consider that if I have not unduly mag
nified mine office, the public burdens
have not been increased by my acts,
and perhaps thousands or tens ot thous
ands of lives sacrificed to visions of false
glory. It cannot, therefore, be charged
that my ambition has been of that or
dinary or criminal kind which to the
detriment of the people's rights and
liberties ever seeks to grasp more and
unwarranted power, and, to accomplish
its purposes, panders too often to popu
lar prejudices and party aims. What
then have been the aspirations which
guided me in my official acts ?
Those acts need not at this time an
elaborate explanation. They have
elsewhere been comprehensively stated
and fully discussed, and become a part
of the nation's history. By them iam
rt*ady to be judged, knowing that, how
ever* imperfect, they at least show to
the impartial mind, 'h it my sole am
bition has been to restore the Union of
the tetates ; faithfully to execute the of
fice of President, and to the best of my
ability to preserve, protect and defend
the Constitution. I cannot be censured
if my efforts have been impeded in the
interests of party faction, and if a poli
cy which was intended to reassure and
conciliate the people of both sections of
the country was made the occasion of
iuflamiug and dividing still farther
those who only recently were in arms
against each other, yet as individuals
aud citizens were sincerely desirous, as
1 shall ever believe, of burying all hos
tile feeling in the grave of the past.
The hitter war was waged on the part
of the government to vindicate the
Constitution and save the Union ; and
if I have erred in trying to bring about
a more speedy and lasting peace, to ex
tinguish heart-burnings and enmities,
and to prevent trouble in the South,
which, retarding material prosperity in
that region, injuriously affected the
whole country, 1 am quite content to
rest my ease with the more deliberate
judgment of the people and, as I have
already intimated, with the distant fu
ture. The war, all must remember,
was a stupendous and deplorable mis
take. Neither side understood the oth
er ; and, bad this simple fact and ito
conclusions been kept in view, all that
was needed was accomplished by the
acknowledgment of the terrible wrong
and the expression of better feeling and
earnest endeavor at atonement shown
and felt.
in the prompt ratification of consti
tutional amendments by the Southern
States at the close of the war, not ac
cepting the war as a confessed false step
on the part of those who inaugurated
it, was an error which now time only
can cure, and which even at this late
date weshouid endeavor to palliate. Ex
periencing, moreover, as ail have done,
the frightful cost of the arbitrament of
the sword, let us in the future cling
closer than ever to the Constitution as
our only safeguard, it is to bo hoped
that not until the burdens now pressing
upon us with such fearful weight are
removed will our people forget the les
sons of the war, aud that remembering
them, from whatever cause, peace be
tween sections and States may be per
petual.
The history of late events iu our
country, as well as of the greatest gov
ernments of ancient aud modern Linus,
teaches that we have everything to
fear from a departure irom the letter
and spirit of the Constitution, and the
undue ascendancy of men allowed to
assume power in what are considered
desperate emergencies, tsylla, on be
coming master of Rome, at once adopt
ed measures to crush his enemies and
to consolidate the power of bis party,
lie established military colonies
throughout Italy ; deprived of the lull
Roman franchise the inhabitants of the
Italian towns who had opposed his
usurpation, confiscated their lauds and
gave them to his soldiers ; and conferred
citizenship upon a great number of
slaves belonging to tnose who had pro
scribed him, thus creating at Rome a
kind of body-guard lor las protection.
Alter having given Rome over to
slaughter and tyrannized beyond all
example over those opposed to him aud
the legions, his terrible instrument of
wrong, Hylia could yet feel safe in lay
ing down the ensigns of power so dread
fully abused, aud in mingling lreely
with the families and friends of his
myriad victims. The fear which lie
hail inspired continued after his volun
tary abdication, and eveu in retire
ment his will was law to a people who
had permitted themselves to he en
i slaved. What but a subtle knowledge
| and conviction that the Roman people
: had become changed, discouraged, and
utterly broken in spirits could have in
duced this daring assumption ? What
but public indifference to consequences
so terrible as to leave Rome open to ev
ery calamity which subsequently betel
her, could have justified the conclu
sions of the dictator and tyrant in his
I startling experiment ? We find that
in the time which iias since elapsed hu
man nature aud exigencies in govern
ments have uot greatly changed. Who,
a few years ago, in contemplating our
future, could have supposed that, in a
brief period of bitter experience, every
thing demanded in the name ol mili
tary emergency or dictated by caprice
.......in to b-considered as mere
matters of course : that conscription,
confiscation, loss of personal liberty,
and the subjection of States to military
! rule and disfranchisement, with the
extension of the right of suffrage mere
ly to accomplish party ends, would re
ceive the passive submission, if not ac
quiescence. of tiie people of the repub
lic! It has been clearly demonstrated
by recent occurrences that encroach
ments upon the Constitution cannot be
prevented by the President, however
devoted or determined he may be.
That unless the people interpose there
is no power under tne Constitution to
check a dominant majority of two
thirds of the Congress of the United
States. An appeal to the nation is at
tended with too much delay to meet
emergency ; while, if left free to act,
the people would correct, in time, such
evils as might follow legislative usur
pation.
Titere is danger that the same power
which disregards the Constitution wild de
prive (htm of (he right to change their
rulers, except by revolution. We have
already seen the jurisdiction of the
judiciary circumscribed when it was
apprehended that the courts would <le
civiqqtgainst laws having for their sole
object the supremacy of party ; while
the veto power lodged in the Execu
tive by the (jfcustitution for the interest
and protection ol the people, and ex
ercised by Washington and his.success
ors, has been rendered nugatory by a
partisan m jority of two-thirds i j each
branch of ilie National Legislature,
The Constitution evidently contem
plates that when a bill is returned
with the President's objections, it will
be calmly reconsidered by Congress.
Such, however, iias not been the prac
tice under the present party rule, it
has become evident that men who
passed a bill under partisan influence
are not likely through patriotic mo
tives to admit their error, anil thereby
weaken their own organizations by
solemnly confessing it under the of
ficial oath. Pride of opinion, if noth
ing else, has intervened and prevented
a calm and dispassionate reconsider
ation of a bill disapproved be the Ex
ecutive. Much as 1 venerate the Con
stitution, it must be admitted that
this condition of affairs has developed
a defect which, under the aggressive
tendency of the Legislative depart
ment of the government, may readily
work its overthrow. It may, howev
er, be remedied without disturbing the
harmony of the instrument. The veto
power is generally exercised upon
constitutional grounds, and whenever
it is so applied, and the bill returned
with the Executive's reasons for with
holding his signature, it ought to he
immediately certified to the Supreme
Court of the United States for its de
cision. If its constitutionality shall he
declared by that tribunal, it should
then become a law. But fi the decis
ion is otherwise, it should fail, with
out power in Congres to re-enact and
make it valid. Incases in which the
veto rests upon hasty and inconsiderate
legislation, and iti which no constitu
tional question is involved, 1 would
not change the fundamental law, for.
in such cases no permauent evil can
be incorporated into the Federal sys
tem. It is obvious that without such
an amendment, the government, as it
existed under the Constitution prior
to the rebellion, may be wholly sub
verted and overthrown by a tvvo-ibirds
majority in Congress. It is not, there
fore, difficult to see how easily and
how rapidly the people may lose (shall
I not say—have lost?) their liberties
by an unchecked and uncontrollable
majority in the law-making power;
and whenever deprived of their rights,
how powerless they are to regain
them.
Let us turn for a moment to the his
tory of the majority in Congress, which
has acted in such utter disregard of the
Constitution, white public attention
has been carefully and constantly turn
ed to the past and expiated sins of tie
South, and the servants of the people
in high places have boldly betrayed
their trust, broken 'heir oaths of obe
diance to the Constitution, and under
mined the very foundations of liberty,
justice, and good government. When
the rebellion was being suppressed by
the volunteered services of patriot sol
diers, amid the dangers of the battle
field, these men crept, without ques
tion, into place and power in the na
tional councils. After all danger had
passed, when no armed foe remained—
when a penitent people bowed their
heads to the flag, and renewed their
allegiance to the Government of the
United States, then it was the pretend
ed patriots appeared before the nation
and began to prate about the thousands
of lives and millions of treasure sacri
ficed in the supression of the rebellion.
They have sinca persistently sought to
inflame the prejudices engendered be
tween the sections, to retard the res
toration of peace and harmony, and by
every means 10 keep open and exposed
to the poisonous breath of party pass
ion tiie terrible wonders of a four years'
war. They have prevented the return
of peace and the restoration of t tie
Union 5 in every way rendered delu
sive the purposes, promises, and pudg
es by which the army was marshalled,
treason rebuked, and rebellion crush
ed ; and made the liberties of the peo
ple, and the rights and powers of
the President, subjects of constant at
tack. They have wrested from the
Prcsideut his Constitutional power of
supreme command of the army and
navy ; they have destroyed thestrength
and efficiency of the Executive Depart
ment by making subordinate officers
independent of and able to defy their
chief: they have attempted to place
the President under the powers of a
bold, defiant, and treacherous Cabinet
officer; they have robbed the Execu
tive of the prerogative ofpardou, ren
dered null and void acts of clemency
granted to thousands of persons under
the provisions of the Constitution, and
committed gross usurpation by legis
lative attempts to exercise this power
in favor of party adherents. They
have conspired to change the system
of our government by preferring
charges against the President in the
form of articles of impeachment, and
contemplating before hearing or trial
that lie should be placed in arrest,
held in durance, and when it became
their pleasure to pronounce his sen
tence, driven from place and power in
disgrace. They have, iu time of peace,
increased the national debt by a reck
less expenditure of the public moneys,
and thus added to the burdens which
already weigh upon the people. They
have permitted the nation tosalTer the
evils of a deranged currency to the en
hancement in price of all the necessa
ries of life. They have maintained a
large standing army lor tne enforce
ment of their measure of oppression,
i'iiey have engaged in class legislation,
and huilt up and encouraged monopo
lies, that the few might be enriched at
the expense of the many. They have
failed to act upon important treaties,
thereby endangering our present peace
ful relations with foreign powers.—
Their course of usurpation has not been
limited to inroads upon the Executive
Department. By unconstitutional and
oppressive enactments the peopie of ten
States of the Union have been reduced
to a condition more intolerable than
that from which the patriots of the
revolution rebelled. Millions of A
merican citizens can now say of their
oppressors with more truth than our
fathers did of British tyrants, that they
have "forbidden the governments to
pass laws of immediate and pressing
iuqortance unless suspended until
their assent should be obtained that
they have "retused to pass other laws
for the accommodation of large districts
of people unless those peopie would
relinquish the right of representation
in tiie Legislature," a right inesti
mable to them and formidable to ty
rants only; that they have "made
judges dependent upon their will alone
for the tenure of their offices, and
the amount and payment of their sal
aries;" that they have eiected a mul
titude of new offices that sent hither
swarms of officers to harrass our people
and eat out their substance. That
they have affected to render the mili
tary independent and superior to the
civil power; combined with others to
subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to
our Constitution and unacknowledged
by our laws ; quartered large bodies < f
aimed troops among us; protectee
them by a mock trial from punish
ment for any murders which they
should commit on the inhabitants of
these states ; imposed taxes upon us
without our consent; deprived us in
many eases of the benefit of trial by
jury; taken away our charters; incited
domestic insurrection amongst us:
aboliseed our most valuable laws; al
tered fundamentally the form of our
government; suspended our own legis
latures and declared themselves invest
ed with power to legislate for us in ail
eases whatsoever.
This catalogue of crime, long as it is,
is not yet complete. The Constitu
tion vests the judicial power of the
United States in one Supreme Court,
whose jurisdiction shail extend to all
cases arising under the Constitution
and the laws of the United States.—
Encouraged by this promise of a refuge
from tyranny, a citizen of the United
States, who by the order of a military
commander, given under the sanction
of a cruel aud deliberate edict of Con
gress, had been denied the Constitu
tional rights of liberty of conscience,
freedom of the press, and of speech,
personal freedom from military arrest,
of being held to answer for crime only
upon presentment of an indictment, of
trial by jury, of the writ of habeas cor
pus, and the protection of a civil and
constitutional government—a citizen
thus deeply wronged, appeals to the
Supreme Court for the protection guar
anteed him by the organic law of the
land. At once a fierce and excited
majority, by the ruthless hand of legis
lative power, stripped the ermine from
the judges, transferred the sword of
justice to the General, and remanded
the oppressed citizen to a degradation
and bondage worse than death.
It will also be recorded as one of the
marvels of the times that a parly
claiming for itself a monopoly of con
sistency and patriotism, and boasting
of its unlimited sway, endeavored by
a costly and deliberate trial to impeach
one who defended the Constitution and
the Union, not only throughout the
war of the rebellion, but during the
whole term of office as chief magistrate;
but at the same time could find n i
warrant or means at their command
to bring to trial even (he chief of the
rebellion. Indeed the remarkable fail
ures in this case were so often repeat
ed that, for propriety's sake, if for no
other reason, it became at last necessa
ry to extend to him an unconditional
pardon. What more plainly than this
illustrates the extremity of party man
agemci and inconsistency on the on '
hand, and of faction, vindictivenoss,
and intolerance on the other. Patriot
ism will hardly be en on raged when,
in such a record, it sees that its instant
reward may be most virulent party a-
VOL. 64.—WHOLE No. 5,483
buse and obloquy, if not attempted dis
grace. Instead of seeking to make trea
son odious, it would in truth seem to
have been their purpose rather to make
the defence of the Constitution and U
liion a crime, and to punish fidelity to
an oath of office, if counter to party dic
tation, by all the means at their com
mand.
Happily for the peaceof the country,
the war has determined against the as
sumed power of the States to withdraw
atpleasure from the Union. The insti
tution of slavery also found its destruc
tion in a rebellion commenced iu its in
terest. It should be home in mind,how
ever, that the war neither impaired nor
destroyed the constitution, but on the
contrary, preserved its existence, and
made apparent its real power and en
during strength. Ail the rights gran
ted to the States or reserved to the peo
ple are, therefore, inact. Among
those rights is that of the people
of each State to declare the qualifi
cations of their own State electors. It
is now assumed that congress can con
trol this vital right, which can never
be taken away from the States without
impairing the fundamental principles
of the government itself. It is neces
sary to the existence of the States as
well as the protection of the liberties
of the people; for the right to select
the elector in whom the political pow
er of the State shall be lodged involves
the right of the State to govern itself.
When deprived of this perogative, the
States will have no power worth retain
ing. All will be gone, and they will
be subjected to the arbitrary will of
Congress. The government will then
be centralized if not by the passage of
laws, then by the adoption, through
partizan influence, of an amendment
directly in conflict with the original
designof thecoustitution. This proves
how necessary it is the people should
require the administration of the three
great departments of the government
to be strictly within the limits of the
Constitution. Their boundaries have
been accurately defined, and neither
should be allowed to trespass on the
other, nor above all, to encroach upon
the reserved rights of the people and
the States. The troubles of the past
four years will prove to the nation
blessings, if they produce so desirable
a result. Upon those who became
young men amid the sound of cannon
and the din ofarins, and who quietly
returned to the farms, the factories,
and the schools of the laud will princi
pally devolve the solemn duty of per
petuating the Union of the States, in
defenceof which hundreds of thousands
oftheir comrades expired and hundreds
of millions of national obligations were
incurred. A manly people will not neg
lect the training necessary to resist ag
gression, but they should be zealous
lest the civil be made subordinate to
the military element. We need to en
courage in every legitimate way a study
of the Constitution for which the war
was waged, a knowledge of, and rever
ence for, whose wise checks, by those so
soon to oceuppy the places filled by
their seniors, will be the only hope of
preserving the Republic. The young
men of the nation not yet under the
control of party must resist the ten
dency to centralization, an outgrown
of the great rebellion, and be familiar
with the fact that the country consists
of the "United States," and that when
the States surrendered certain great
rights for the sake of a more perfect
Union, they retained rights as valuable
and important as those they relinquish
ed for the common weal. This sound
old doctrine, far different from the
teachings that led to the attempt to se
cede, and a kindred theory that the
States were taken out of the Union by
Die rash acts of conspirators that hap
pened to dwell within their borders,
must be received and advocated with
the enthusiasm of early manhood, or
the People will be ruled by corrupt
combinations at the commercial cen
tres,which plethoricfrom wealth, anne
al ly migrate to the capital of the na
tion to purchase special legislation.
Until the representatives of the people
in Congrss more fully exhibit the di
verse views and the interests of the
whole nation, and laws cease to be
made without full discussion at the be
hest of some party leader, there will
never be a proper respect shown by the
law-making power either to the judi
cial or executive branch of the govern
ment. The generation just begiuing
to u-e the baliot box, it is believed, on
ly need that ti e'.r attention should be
called to these considerations to indi
cate by their votes that they wish their
representatives to obsere all the re
straints which the people, in adopting
the Constitution, intended to impose
on party excess.
Damly*evicwing my administration
of the government, I feel that (with a
sense of accountablity to God—having
conscientiously endeavored to dis
charged my whole duty), I have noth
ing to regret. Events have proved tiie
c urectness of the policy set forth in
my first and subsequent messages. Too
woes which have followed the r jec
tion of forebearance, magnanimity and
constitutional rule are known and de
plored by the nation. It is a matter of
pride and gratification, in retiring from
the most exalted position in the gift of
a free people, to feel and know that in a
long, arduous and eventful public life
my action has never been influenced
by desire for gain, and that I can, iu
all sincerity, inquire, whom have 1 de
frauded? whom have I oppressed? or
at whose hand have I received any
bribe to blind mv eyes therewith ? No
responsibility for wars that have been
waged, or blood that has been shod,
rests upon me. My thoughts have
been those of, peace and my effort has
ever been to allay contentions among
my countrymen.
Forgetting the past, let us return to
the first principles of the government,
and unfurling the banner of our coun
try, inscribe upon it in ineffaceable
characters, "The Constitution and U
ion, one and inseparable."
ANDKEW J iHXSON.
Washington," D. C'. March 4, ISGJ.
CHEAP APPLES.—A Maine man
who raises a large quantity of fine ap
ples sells them at a fixed price, fifty
cents a bushel. He will take neither
more nor less. He might readily get
from one to two dollars per bushel, ac
cording to quality, but refuses to do
so, alleging that they are not worth
more than he asks for them. He will
not dispose of his whole crop to apple
merchants, his largest sales being limi
ted to four or five bushels to any one
customer. We would like to see that
apple man in Bedford.
An Israelite lady, sitting in the same
box at the opera with a French physi
cian, and being troubled with ennui,
happened to gape. "Excuse me mad
am/' said the doctor; "I am glad you
didn't swallow me." "Give yourself
no uneasiness," replied the lady; "I
am a Jewess, and never eat pork !"
A boy relating how his father had
just come in from hunting, and brag
ged of having killed nine hundred and
ninety nine pigeons at one shot.—
"Why didn't he call it a thousand?"
asked a by-slander. "Good Gracious"
said the boy, "do you think my father
would tell a lie just for one pigeon."