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rjMIE INQUIRER
BOOK STORE,
opposite the Menge! House,
BEDFORD, PA.
Tho proprietor takes pleasure in offering to the
public the following articles belonging to the
Book Business at CITY RETAIL PRICES :
MISCELLANEOUS BOOKS.
N O V E L S.
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WALL PAPER.
Several Hundred Different Figures, the Largest
lot ever brought to Bedford county for
sale at prices CHEAPER THAN
EVER SOLD in Bedford
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C instantly on hand to accomodate those who want
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ch-apeet. are above enumerated Give us a call
Wo buy and tell for CASH, and by this arrange
ment we eipect to sell as cheap as goods of this
class are sold anywhere
jan29,'yl
3NisrflUrarotts.
jp L E C T R I CI
TELEGRAPH IN CHINA.
THE EAST INDIA TELEGRAPH COMPANY'S
OFFICE,
Nos. 23 A 25 Nassau Street,
NEW YORK.
Organized under special charter from the State ■
of New York
CAPITAL $5,000,000
50,000 SHARES, SIOO EACH
DIRECTORS.
HON. ANDREW G. CURTIN, Philadelphia.
PAUL S. FORBES, of Russell k Co., China.
FRED. BUTTERFIELD, of F. Bu tteifield A C
New York
ISAAC LfVERMORE, Treasurer Michigan Cen
tral Railroad, Bos to*.
ALEXANDER HOLLAND, Treasurer American
Express Company, New York.
i
Hon. JAMES NOXON, Syracuse, N. Y.
.
0. H. PALMER, Treasurer Western Union Tele
graph Company. New York
FLETCHER WESTRAY, of Westray, Gibbs A
Hardeastle, New York.
NICHOLAS MICKLES, New York.
OFFICE RS.
A. G. CURTIN, President.
. N. MICKLES, Vice President.
GEORGE ELLIS (Cashier National Bank Com
monwealth.) Treasurer.
| HON. A K McCLURE. Philadelphia, Solicit* ..
The Chinese Government having (through the
Hon. Aneon Burlingamei conceded to this Com
pany the privilege of connecting the great sea
ports of the Empire by submarine electric tele
graph eable, we propose commencing operations
in China, and laying down a line of nine hundred
miles at once, between the following port s. viz :
Population.
Canton 1,000.000
Macoa SO,OOO
Hong-Kong 250.000
Swatow 200,000
Amoy 250.000
Foo-Chow 1,250.000
: Wan-Chu....' 300 000
Ningpo 400,000
Hang Chean 1,308.000
Shanghai 1,000.009
Total 5,910 000
These ports have a foreign commerce of $900,-
000,000. and an enormous domestio trade, besides
which we have the immense internal commein of
the Empire, radiating from these points, through
its canals and navigable rivers.
The cable being laid, this company proposes
erecting land lines, and establishing a speedy and
trustworthy means of communication, which must
command there as everywhere else, the commu
nications of tbe Government, of business, and of
social life especially in China. Sho has no postal
system, and her only means now of communicating
information is by couriers on land, and by steam
ers on water _ _ (ua ,
large country, in the main densely peopled ; but
few yet realize that she contains more than a third
of the human race The latest returns made to
her central authorities for taxing purposes by the
local magistrate make her population Four hun
dred and Fourteen millions, and this Jls more
likely to be under than over the actual aggregate,
j Nearly all of these, who are over ten years old,
, not only can but do read and write. Her civili
zation is peculiar, but her literature is as exten
sive as that of Eurepe. China is a land of teach
ers and traders ; and the latter are exceedingly
quick to avail themselves of every proffered fsunli
ty for procuring early information. It is observed
in California that the Chinese make great use of
the telegraph, though it there transmits messages
in English alone. To-day great cumbers of fleet
steamers are owned by Chinese merchants, and
used by them exclusively for the transmission of
early intelligence. If the telegraph we propose
connecting all their great seaports, were now in
existence, it is believed that its business would
pay the cost within the first two years of its suc
cessful operation, and would steadily increase
thereafter
No enterprise commends itself as in a greater
degree remunerative te capitalists, and to our
whole people. It is of vast national importance
commercially, politically and evangelically.
stock of this Company has been un
qualifiedly recommended to capitalists and busi
ness men. as a desirable investment by editorial
; articles in the New York Herald. Tribune,
World, Times, Post, Express, Independent , and
in the Philadelphia North American, Press,
Ledger. Inquirer. Age. Bulletin and Telegraph.
Shares of this company, to a limited number,
may be obtained at SSO each, $lO payable down,
sls" on the Ist of November, and $25 payable in
monthly iDstalmenta of $2.50 each, commencing
December 1, IS6B. on application to
DREXEL & CO.,
34 South Third Street,
PHILADELPHIA.
Shares can be obtained in Bedford by applica
tion to Reed A Schell. Bankers, who are author
ized to receive subscriptions, and ean give all ne
cessary information on the subject. sept2syl
I I
'yyTE combine style with neatness of fit.
And moderate prices with the best workmanship,
JONES' ON E PRICK CLOTHING HOUSES
604 MARKET STREET,
.
GEO W NIEMANN. PHILADELPHIA.
| zepl 1 ,'98,jl |
1 J4IY YOUR NOTIONS
! of
j dec 4 B. W BERKBTRB6SER.
I)LASTER. —The subscriber would
. J recpect/uJIy inform the public thzt he has
just reczived from the ci'j 6u l-jdz of bet Nova
' Scotia
ROCK PLASTER.
; and will continue to receive, at hi* stock ditaiuiih
ee, until the firzt of April, which he will grind,
and have for sale at Hartley's Mill, and will sell
az cheap as can be bought for cash. Wheat, rye,
or corn, at the highest cash prices taken in ex
change for Plaster Remember, only until the Ist
of April. Thankful for pas'favors he solicits a
continuancenf the same
daelSuiS ANDREW J MILLER.
Tooflanrt's (Column.
YOU ALL
UAVB HEARD OF
HOOFLAND'S GERMAN BITTERS,
HOOFLAND'S GERMAN TONIC.
Prepared by Dr. C. M. Jsckson. Philadelphia.
Their introduction into thie country from Ger
many occurred in
1825.
THEY CURED YOUR
FATHERS AND MOTHERS,
And will cure you and your children. They are
entirely different trow -a- the many preparations
now in the country cal I—l led Bitter* or Tonics.
They are no tavern A JLpreparatien, or any
thing like one; but good, honest, reliable medi
cines. They are
The greatest kiioteit remedie* for
Liver Complaint,
DYSPEPSIA,
Nervous Debility,
JAUNpI 3E,
Diseases of the Kidneys,
ERUPTIONS OF THE SKIN,
and all Diseases arising from a Disordered Liver,
stomach, or
[MPURTTY OF THE BLOOD.
Constipation. Flatulence. Inward Piles. Fullnes
of Blood to the Head, Acidity of the Stomach,
Nausea. Heartburn, Disgust for Food, Full
ness or Weight in the Stomach, Sour Eruc
tations. Sinking or Flattering at the
Pit of the Stomach. Swimming of the
Head. Hurried or Difficult Breathing,
Fluttering at the . Heart, Cooking or
Suffocating Sei.sa I 1 tiocs when in a Lying
Posture, Dimness of V,* Vision, Dots or Webs
i before the sight. Dull Pain in the Head, Defi
ciency ot Perspiration, Yellowness ofthe Skin
and Eyes, Pain in the Side, Back, Chest,
Limbs, etc., Sudden Flushes of fleat.
Burning in the Flesh. Constant I magi,
nings of Evil and Great Depression of Spirits.
| All these indicate diseases ofthe hirer or Di
gestive Organs, combined with impure blood.
HOOFLAND'S GERMAN BITTERS
is entirely vegetable and contains no liquor. It
is a compound of Fluid Extracts. The Roots,
Herbs, and Barks from which these extracts are
made, are gathered in Germany. All the medi
cinal virtueus are ex tracted from them by
a scientific Chemist. | I These extracts are
then forwarded to this VJ country to be used ex
pressly for the manufacture of these Bitters.
There is no alcoholic substance of any kind used
| in compounding the Bitters, hence it is the only
Bitters that can be used in esses where alcoholic
i stimulants are not advisable.
HOOFLAND'S GERMAN TONIC
is a combination of all the ingredients of the Bit
ters, with pure Santa Cruz Rum. Orange, etc. It
; is used foT the same diseases as the Bitter 3, in case
i where some pure alcoholic stimulus is required,
i You will bear in mind that these remedies areen
i tirely different from any others advertised for the
i cure of the diseases named, these being scientific
! preparations of medicinal eatraota, while the oth
j ers are mere decoctions of rum in some form The
! TONIC is decidedly one of the most pleasant and
: agreeable remedies ever offered to tbe public. Its
, taste is exquisite. It is a pleasure to take it, while
its life-giving, exhilarating, and medicinal quali
ties hare caused it to be known as tbe greatest of
j all tonics.
DEBILITY.
mere is no medicine equal to Hoofland's Ger
man Bitters or Tonic -■ in cases of Debility.
They impart a tone |-< and vigor to the whole
! system, strengthen J- the appetite, cause an
enjoyment of the food, enable the stomach to di
fest it, purify the blood, give a good, sound,
. ealthy complexion, eradicate the yellow tinge
j from the eye, impart a bloom to the cheeks, and
j change the patient from a short-breathed, emaci
ated, weak, and nervous invalid, to a full-faced,
j stout, and vigorous person.
Weak and Delicate Children are
j made strong bv using the Bitters or Tonic. In
fact, they are Family Medicines. They ean be
administered with perfect safety to a child three
j months old, the most delicate female, or a man of
ninety.
These remedies are the best
Blood Purifiers
ever known and will cure all diseases resulting
from bad bload. Keep y>ur blood pure; keep
; your Liver in order, -w keep your digestive
organs in a sound, I healthy condition, by
the use of these remi- 1 d dies, and no diseases
will ever assail yon The best men in theeountry
recommend them. If years of honest reputation
go for anything, you must try these preparations.
FROM HON. GEO. W. WOODWARD.
Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Pennsylva
nia.
PHILADBLI-UIA, March Iff, IS6T
' I find that "Hoofland's German Bitters" is not
an intoxicating beverage, but is a good tonic, use
lul in disorder? of tbe digestive organs, and of
great benefit in cases of debility and want of ner
j vous action in the system.
Yours Truly.
GEO W. WOODWARD
FROM rtOS. JAMES TAOMPSON.
Judge of the Supreme Conrt of Pennsylvania.
PfIILADELPaiA. April 2a, LSflfi
j I consider "Hoofland's German Bitters" a valua
ble medicine in case . of attacks of Indiges
j tion or Dyspepsia. I A can certify this from
tny experience of it. il Yours, with respect,
JAMES THOMPSON
.
; FROM REV JOSEPH H. KENNARD, D. D ,
Pastor of the Tenth Baptist Church, Philadelphia.
DR. JACKSON — DEAR SIR: —I have been fre
quently requested to connect my name with rec
ommendations of different kinds of medicines, but
regarding the practice as out of my appropriate
sphere, I have in all cases declined, but with a
clear proof in various instances, and particularly
in my own family, of the usefulness of Dr. Hoof
land s German Bitters, I depart for once from
my usual course, to express my full conviction
that for general debility of the system, and es
pecially for Liver Com plaint, it is a safe
and valuable prtpara tion. In some cases
it may fail : bnt usual X a ly, I doubt not, it
will be very beneficial to those who suffer from the
above causes. Yours, very respectfully,
J H. KENNARD,
Eigth, below CoatesStreet.
CAUTION.
Hoofland's German Remedies are counterfeited.
The Genuine have tbe signature of C M. JACK
SON on the front of the outside wrapper of each
bottle, and the name of the article blown in each
bottle. All others are counterfeit.
Price of the Bitters, $1 per bottle;
Or, a half dozen for *>s.
Price of the Tonic, £1 50 per bottle ;
| Or, a half dozen for $7 50.
The tonic is put up in quart bottles.
Recollect that it is Dr Hoofland's German
j Remedies that are so universally used and so
highly recommended;-w-,. and do not allow the
Druggist to induce I lyou to take anything
: else that he may gayJUis just as good, be
; cause he makes a larger profit on it These Reme
dies will be sent by expressto any locality upon
; application to the
PRINCIPAL OFFICE,
At the German Medicine Store.
No. 631 ARC 11 STREET, Philadelphia.
CHAS. M. EVANS,
PROPRIETOR.
Formerly C. M. JACKSON A Co.
These Remedies are for sale by Druggists. Store
keepers and Medicine Dealers everywhere.
Do not forget to e sea mine the artide'you buy
in order to get the genuine.
tuay'6Syl
BEDFORD. PA, FRIDAY MORNING, MARCH 12, 1869.
Sufrrnri- Constitution** Amendment.
SPEECH OF
HON. GEO. W. WOODWARD.
OF PENNSYLVANIA,
In tho Hons* of Keprosz-ntntlvv.
February 20,1809.
On the joint reeolution (S. B. No. 8, proposing an i
amendment to the Constitution of the United }
States
Mr. Woodward. I wish to say a j
few words to-day in behalf of the peo
ple of Pennsylvania. The eonstitu- !
tion of the State of Pennsylvania of 1
1790 was silent on the subject of negro ;
suffrage. A diversity of opinion and j
practice to a limited extent grew up
under that constitution. In some spo- :
radic instances colored men were per
mitted to vote; but at length the ques- j
tion came before tho highest judicial 1
tribunal of the State, and it was de !
cided that the constitution of 1790 j
rightly understood, never permitted
negro suffrage.
That decision was based upon this !
ground, that the negro race never had
become a part of the social compact of I
this country, a conclusion that was de- j
duced from the history of the negro j
race, and their introduction into this (
country as slaves. It resulted very
logically out of the great principle of 1
the Declaration of Independence, that !
all just Governments should be founded !
in the consent of the governed. A sub- j
ject, inferior, ignorant, and idolatrous 1
race, introduced into a country against
their will to be slaves, would be great- '
ly wronged in being treated as having
consented to the government of that
country. The African race has never i
consented to the government of this ;
country. They are exotic, they are j
alien, they are strangers to the Com
monwealth. They were brought here '
iu violation of the lawsof nature; they
were thrust upon us without their con
sent and without ours; and according
to Pennsylvania taw they never lie
came parties to the social compact up
on which all our political institutions
are founded.
The people of Pennsylvania pene
trated with these truths, which their
judiciary had thus recognized, amend
ed in 1837 their constitution of 1790,
and in defining the qualifications of
electors inserted the word "white" be
fore the word "freeman." This was
not only agreed to in their constitu
tional convention after great delibera
tion, but that amendment was submit
ted, with other amendments, to a vote
of the people of Pennsylvania. And,
sir, it is a part of the history of the
times that those who were opposed to
the reform of the constitution were es
pecially opposed to this amendment,
, because of tbe popularity which it gave
to the other amendments. I point the
House to the fact that the people of
i Pennsylvania, thus through their ju
j uicial tribunals and by their own pop
ular elections, decided a^ r £olemnly as
j it is posssible for freemen to decide
that the negro race was no party to the
social compact and should not be ad
mitted to the suffrage.
Now, Mr. Speaker, that decree-has
never been reversed. On the contrary,
ail political parties have recognized it
and submitted to it. The republican
party, as often as they have been
charged with intending to take out of
the foundations of our State govern
ment that corner-stone, have asserted
that they were slandered; that they in
tended nothing of the sort. They have
pointed to the Chicago platform in con
firniation of their assertions, in con
sequence of this disavowal they enjoyed
in the last election, and in all the late
elections iu our Estate, a very large
Welsh vote, which, I tell them, they
will lose from the day that they force
negro suffrage upon the people. They
have enjoyed that Welsh vote by reas
on of their persistent and apparently
consistent denial that they were for
negro suffrage. The Welsh do not like
the Irish ; there is a lack of congeniali
ty between tne two classes on account
of religion and other causes. The re
publican party, while they cannot car
ry the great body of the Irish popula
tion, can carry a large proportion of
the Welsh so long as, and only so long
as, they can persuade th.it people they
are honest in their professions against
negro suffrage.
The effect of the proposition now be
fore us is to change the fundamental !
law of Pennsylvania, to reverse the his- i
toricand traditional policy of the State,
to introduce into the polities of that
great Commonwealth this alien, for- j
eign, unnatural element, which down j
to the present time the republican par- •
ty have told the people never was to j
be a part of their policy. I ask of ;
the gentlemen from Massachusetts and
of this House that before this change
of policy be adopted the whole people of '
Pennsylvania be allowed to pass upon
the question. What answer does the j
gentlemen give to this request? lie:
has answered, sir, in your hearing, that
he cannot allow the offering of an a
mendment looking to that end because
the Constitution forbids him. I stand
ing here asking the gentleman from j
Massachusetts to do an unconstitution- ;
al thing, when I beg him to submit j
his amendment to a vote ol the people!
Weil, sir, if the gentleman from Mas
sachusetts had never done any uncon
stitutional thing it wou'd undoubted
ly be a very great sin in me to tempt
him into transgression. But, Mr.
Speaker, let me tell the gentleman
from Massachusetts that I asked him to
violate no constitutional provision!
when I asked him to submit this a
mendment to the people of Pennsylva- '
nia. And, sir, within five minutes af
ter he refused to entertain my proposi
tion, lie stood in his place and declared,
as the report in the Globe, will show
to-morrow, that this constitutional j
amendment was fo be submitted to the
people of this country. I deny that.
Its submission to the people, in the
fair sense of the term, is exactly what I
demand. The present legislature of j
Pennsylvania was elected last October.
It was elected while the republicans!
were complaining that the democrats
were slandering them in charging them
with intending to introduce negro suf
frage. That charge was declared to be
a defamation upon the fair fame of the
republican party. And yet it is to this j
present legislature the gentleman in
sists upou submitting tbe amendment.
A legislature not only not elected to
consider any such subject-, but elected
in the midst of profuse denials that '
such a subject was to couie before them.
On this question they do not represent
the people- were never chosen to rep- >
resent them. If the gentleman will
say that this legislature was elected to
consider this or any similaramendment
I will give up the discussion. Nay, I
will give fcim anything I have togiyelf
he will haaaid ihat statement. But he
will not, and the fact must remain un
challenged that you are about to call
upon a body of representatives to ratify
your amendment who do not represent
the people upon this question. The
ratification might just as well be sub
mitted to any other body of tnen—it
might Just as well not be submitted at
all.
What I propose is, that the amend
ment shall besubrnitted toa legislature,
the most popular branch of which shall
be chosen alter this date, with this
question before the eyes of the people.
The gentleman from Massachusetts
says that is unconstitutional. Why?
Because we cannot select the legisla
ture to which to submit our amend
ment. I deny his premises. I say
that the Constitution devolves upon us
the duty of selecting the representa
tive body to which we shall submit
amendments. When I read the words
of the Constitution you will see 1 am
right. It is as follows :
"The Congress, whenever two-thirds
of both Houses shall deem it necessa
ry, shall propose amendments to this
Constitution, or oil application of the
legislatures of two-thirds of tbe sever
al Suites shall call a convention for
proposing amendments, which, in eith
er cose shall be valid to al! intent* and
purposes as part of this Constitution
when ratified by the legislatures of
three-fourths of the several States, or
by conventions ir. three-fourths there
of, as the one or the other mode of rat
ification may be proposed by Congress."
There, sir, is the constitutional devo
lution of the duty to exercise our dis
cretion as between the legislature and a
i convention to pass upon amendments.
The duty involves the power. If we
must choose between thelegislatureand
i a convention, we may choose a legisla
ture or a convention elected last year, or
; to be elected this year. The constitu
tion does not shut up to legislatures
! now in session. We may take
I any legislature that shall fairly
and reasonably represent the peo
ple. And the ground on
i which I maintain that our discretion
| should be exercised in favor of a future
instead of the existing legislature is,
that the people may have a change to
choose representatives with a view to
this question. What right had thegen
tleman to say that the amendment was
to be submitted to the people ? It can
not be submitted to the people by be
ing submitted to the present legisla
ture. Nobody knows that better than
the gentleman Jrom Massachusetts,
When you have matured the form of
your proposition, throw it before the
legislature to be chosen next fall, and
let the people understand that when we
democrats charged you republicans
with plotting for negro suffrage we
did not slander you, but spoke only
the truth. Put your amendment be
fore the representatives of the people
chosen after you have shown your
hands, and if they ratify it I will agree
never to raise my voice again in op
position to negro suffrage.
Having said thus much in behalf of
an amendment which the gentleman
from Massachusetts will not let me
offer, I improve the opportunity to add
a few more thoughts on the general
subject of n gro suffrage. I have
shown the House what has been tbe
fixed position of Pennsylvania in alj
time on this subject. Fur more than
thirty years all parties have acquiesced
in the rule of white suffrage. So far
as I remember no public man in Penn
sylvania has proposed a repeal of the
rule. Even the late Mr. Stevens,
whose opinions were extreme ou all
subjects, never brought forward any
measure to alter our constitution in
this regard. He would not -ign the
constitution, as a member of the con
vention, and no doubt he would have
voted to bis dying breath to expunge
the word "white." So also, had he
been spared, would he have lifted up
his eloquent voice to persuade the
people of Pennsylvania to change
their fundamental law and give the
ballot to the negro; but,sir, I persuade
myself that he would not have been
guilty of the insincerity and duplicity
that have characterized the conduct of
the republican party on this question.
Having denied again and again that
this issue was in last fall's election,
Mr. Stevens would have said, with
characteristic! candor, the representa-
tives then choaen do not necessarily
represent the people on this question,
let it go to the next representatives
they may choose. Not only have all
white men in Pennsylvania acquiesced
for thirty-two years In the ruieof white
suffrage, but so also have the black
men. I cannot recali a single instance
in which any representatives of that
class of our citizens have asked for a
change. The colored people of Penn
sylvania are a quiet, orderly, and re
spectable population. They enjoy full
protection of ail civil rights. Penn
sylvania abolished slavery in 1730 by an
act whose preamble is often quoted to
attest her abhorrence of the institution,
but whose substantive provisions show
that she was no more unmindful of the
rights of sister States than she was of
the rights of the negro race. With us
the negro is esteemed according to his (
individual merits. If he is industrious,
sober and honest, lie is respected and
patronized. 1 have many friends a
mong them, and cherishing only the
kindest feelings for them, I am in
capable of doing anything in my rep- ,
resentative capacity to their prejudice
But, sir, the ballot will be no boon
to them. The assertion that it is
necessary to the protection of their !
civil lights is false, and, so far as j
Pennsylvania is concerned, is slander
ous. The negro no more needs the
ballot in Pennsylvania for his security
than the women do for theirs. The j
whole history of ihat grand old Com
monwealth shows that the weak, the
ignorant, the poor, the dependent have j
bevn cared for ty her with a maternal
solicitude. Look at her common
schools, her colleges, her asylums for I
the blinu, the deaf and dumb, the in- 1
sane; her hospitals for the sick, houses I
of correction for the erring, her prisons
for the guilty, her laws for the poor, j
for married women, her system of in
testacy. What can Christianity or
civilization do for the lowly, the poor, !
and distressed that Pennsylvania has j
not done? Who dares to stand up and j
accuse her of robbing the negro of his
rights? Who has the audacity to as
sert that the ballot is essential to the
negro's safety and welfare? Founded
by deeds of peace, Pennsylvania has j
been just to all men, whether red or i
black or white, and he wrongs Iter j
grievously who would undermine her S
institutions upon the poor and false
pretense that her citizens of African j
descent are oppressed. It is not so.
But though tiiis amendment if un- ;
called for even by the negroes of Peun- 1
sylvania, and is subversive of our fun
damental law, it is supposed it will be
a step toward universal suffrage which ;
gentlemen speak of as a great and
beneficent reform. I cannot help j
thinking, sir, that such opinions are j
founded in a misapprehension of the }
nature of suffrage. Having on a form- j
er occasion stated my views somewhat
at length on this head, I will not en- j
ter again iuto the subject, but will con
tent myself with saying that suffrage
is not a natural right any more than
any other municipal regulation which
experience has shown to be expedient.
It does not belong to manhood in the
| sense in which the rights of life and
liberty do ; but it is a political trust
which the majority may bestow where
it will best subserve the gereral wel
i fare. It is a conventional aa contra
distinguished from a natural right.—
Its bestowal, limitations, and exercise
are regulated by the law of conve
nience or expendiency. The question,
always ought to be, will a proposed
extension of suffrage promote the peace
and welfare of the body-politic?—
When Louis Napoleon, in the coup iV
etat that made him a despot, decreed
universality of suffrage, he demonstra
ted how this beneficent reform of
which we hear so much could be made
the instrument of an inexorable tyran
ny ; and the same reformer who ex
j tended the basis of suffrage at Athens
brought in with it the odious ostracism
by which the greatest and best men of
the city were banished. These and
many other examples that might be
cited ought to teach us that when suf
frage is hastened or extended by force
or fraud, iustead of growing up out of
the experience of the people, it is a
| cure and not a blessing.
Our written constitutions are theout
croppings of our national life. Until
j lately they were formed, not on t he wild
. dreams of therorists, but to record the
i conclusions of experience. What the
i common mass have found to be good for
| themselves they have secured in their
i constitutions, State and Federal. Suf
frage has been left to each State to be
j stow or wlthold according to its discre
tion. Nowhere has it been extended to
women or minors or unnaturalized for
! eigners. Why? If a natural right, a
God-given inheritance to manhood,as it
: is sometimes called, why should it be
witheld from these classes? It is with
held from them on the same reason it Is
in Pennsylvania withheld front negroes
| —expediency. Human experience has
| proved that the trust could be best
executed by excluding these classes,
and, as in all other trusts, the selec
tion of a trustee on the ground of ex
| pediency is no affront to those who
are not selected. Everybody except
those strong-minded women who, not
just representatives of their sex and
: "most ignorant of what they are most
assured," c'.airiorfor "woman's rights,"
| would probably agree that it would be a
' degredation tothe female sex tolnvoive
them in the responsibilities of the bal
lot. Universal experience attests that
they are not suitable trustees; and
therefore, by an almost universal con
sent, they are set aside. The reasons
' for setting aside the negro are stronger
: and better than those which apply to
females. Between him and the white
man there is an ineradicable distinc
tion that must forever prevent that free,
social intercourse on which alone pop
ular suffrage ean be based.
This distinction if it be not enflamed
; into hostility by bad legislation, docs
not prevent the two races from dwel
ling together harmoniously in thesamo
community, assisting each other in the
; labors and the charities of life, and
j contributing their mutual welfare.
■ But when you attempt to force them
; into social and political equality you
inflame the passions of both parties and
destroy the harmony of their relations.
< mt of these conflicts tbe weaker must
inevitably co ne most Umaged. It is
iuipossiblo to provoke a conflict oe
tweell the African and the Anglo-Sax
on races in which finally the African
will not be worsted. For a while you
can force a sort of equality upon him
; by astandingarmy and the Freedmen's
Bureau ; you can oppress your own fel
low countrymen in the hope that the
• Afria... .vill keep you at the public crib,
VOL 64.—WHOLE No. 5,482
but as urely as God has made inte!-
: kscfc superior to matter and the white
man to the black, the country 111
which they dwell together must be
governed by white men. They will
not, they cannot, maintain a peaceful
partnership in this matter. Call it
: predjudiceor what you will, philoso
, phize and moralize upon it as you may,
the fact remains that one is black and
i the other is white, and therefore they
1 cannot co-operate in exercising politi
ical trusts. Ido not say that one may
enslave the other—the superior may
be compelled to respect the civil rights
, of the inferior race—but they cannot
long be co-trustees of suffrage without
riots and bloodshedding. If the time
ever comes that the political destinies
1 of this country, even for one presiden
tial term, are controlled by negroes, it
will be the darkest day that ever
! dawned upon that unfortunate race.
May God in his mercy to them and us
' avert that day!
j Now, sir, it is from considerations of
i expediency that 1 oppose negro suf
frage. It is the good of the negro as
well as of the white man that prompts
my opposition. It is my desire that
! they may live together in peace and
j happiness, as always heretofore in
! Pennsylvania, that leads me to depre
ciate this amendment. And especially
i have we in Pennsylvania, a right to
complain when, in violation of all pre
j cedent, of constitutional law of your
own party platform, and of the peace
of our commonwealth, you repeal eur
j constitution without giving us a right
Ito vote against your amendment. If
j such a high-hauded wrong docs not
; wake up the people of Pennsylvania
I to the revolutionary schemes of the
republican party; if they can be be
guiled by fair speeches into the support
of such a measure as this ; if they are
ready to have the negro thrust into po
litical partnership in contempt of their
solemnly recorded will, why then, sir,
a sad and sickening degeneracy has
come upon my native State, and, for
the first time in life I shall blush to
own myself her son. Africa never so
demeaned herself. The hardy savages
of the mountain slopes in the interior
of tlutt continent never debased them
selves to the level of the Bushmen and
Hotentots of the Cape of Good Hope.
No, no, sir, they could be torn from kiu
dred and homes by the cruel slave tra
der, and tfcjmeaway to distant lands to
be slaves, but they never would or nev
er did, voluntarily surrender to an in
ferior tribe of their own race, much less
to an inferior race. And have we proud
Americans, so lost our ancestral tradi
tions that we can no longer be inspired
even by African example?
We have seen in history the proud
Roman refusing citizenship to the most
illustrious alliens; we have seen Goth
and Hun and Vandal trample Roman
granduerinto dust; we have glowed
over the struggles between the Nor
man and the Saxon, the Cavalier and
the Rounkead, the Briton and the Scot,
all of them jealous of their nationali
ties and ready to shod their blood in
defence of what they had inherited
from their ancestors. But now, in
this nineteenth century, we are to be
! held up as the first example in the
world's history of a great people sur
rendering political trusts to one of the
lowest and feeblest races of the world's
population. The Anglo-Saxon of A
merican decent giving up the inheri
tance which has made him great to the
African? Not to the wild African in the
freedom of his nativejungles, but to the
enfeebled, timid, ignorant descendant
|of a race of slaves ! And these are to
be made voters and law-givers, to he
our judges and representatives. Is
tiiere any profounder depth of selfdeg
redation than this ? If there be I have
not courage to explore it.
Every citizen owes to his family pro
tection against business disaster or sud
den death. No one, however prosper
ous, can avoid the risks of business.—
A panic may sweep away the proudest
fortune, A war in Europe may ruin
houses as rich as those of tbe Roths
child, Hope and Baring. The South
ern rebellion, for instance, threw thou
sands of wealthy families into desola
| tion. Life Insurance presents to every
citizen, no matter how poor, an oppor
tunity of securing his family against
want. The most ordinary prudence
will enable a man, in whatever situa
tion of life he may be, to place upon
that life a policy of from one to ten
thousand dollars. At forty cents a day
he can secure to his family ten thou
sand dollars in case of his death, and in
this country ten thousand dollars will
; be enough to support for a great many
years an economical family. This ad
vantage is given to us in many Insur
ance Companies, but in none more
j clearly than in the National Life Insur
anee Company, whose prospectus is
published in another column. It is
managed by men of national reputa
tion, and has a capital of a million dol
lars, Its rates of insurauee are low.
Its dividends are really given in ad
vance. There are no unnecessary re
strictions about the policies—they are
non-forfeiting. No citizen can well
refuse the many advantages it offers.
( I.KAN INO OUT OF FENCE ROWS.—
Seize every available opportunity f< r
grubbing up and cleaning out the wild
growth that infests the fence row.—
A double purpose is thus effected —it
adds to the neat appearance of the
farm and prevents the adjacent fields
from being overrun with noxious
plants by the scattering of their seeds
from tire fence rows.
ASHES ANL> SLOPS.— AII the wood
ashes made on the farm and all the
slops of the weekly wash and all the
refuse from the house, except such as
food for hogs, should he added to the
compost heap as being rich in all the
elements that constitute the food oi
plants.