sry-®ootls, etr.
SAVE YOUR GREENBACKS:
NEW
FALL AND WINTER GOODS,
just received,
At J. M. SHOEMAKER'S Store,
AT GREATLY REDUCED PRICES!
Having just returned from the East, we are now
opening a large stock of Fall and-Winter Goods, ;
which have been BOUGHT FOR CASH, at nett !
cash prices, and will be SOLD CHEAP. This be- ;
ing the only full stock of goods brought to Bedford
this season, persons will be able to suit themselves
better, in style, quality and price, than at any
other store in Bedford The following comprise a j
few of our prices, viz :
Calicoes, at 10, 12, 14, 15, 10 and the '
best at 18 cents.
Muslins at 10, 12, 14, 15, 16, 18, and
and the best at 22 cents.
All Wool Flannels from 40cts. up.
French Merinoes, all wool Delaines, Coburgs, Ac.
SHAWLS Ladies', children's and misses'
shawls, latest styles; ladies'cloaking cloth.
MEN'S WEAR —Cloths, cassimores, satinetts.
jeans. Ae.
BOOTS AND SHOES--In this line wo have a
very extensive assortment for ladies, misses, ckil
dren. and men's and boys' boots and shoes, all sizes
and prices, to suit all.
UATiv-A large assortment of men's and boys'
hats.
CLOTHING—Men's and boys'coats, pants and ;
vests, all sizes and prices
SHIRTS, Ac.—Men's woolen and muslin shirts;
Sbakspeare, Lockwood and muslin-lined paper
collars; cotton ohain (single and double, white :
and colored).
GROCERIES—Coffee, sugar, syrups, green and
black teas, spices of all kinds, dye-stuffs. Ac.
LEATHER —Sole leather, French and city calf
&kins, upper leather, linings, Ac.
We will sell goods on the same terms that
we tiave been for the last threo months—cash, or
note with interest from date. No bad debts con
tracted and no extra charges to good paying cus
turners to make up losses of slow and never paying
customers. Cash buyers always get the best bar
gains, and their accounts are always settled up.
J. M. SHOEMAKER.
Bedford, 5ep.27,'67. No. 1 Anderson's Row. .
10 per cent, saved in buying your !
goods for cash, at J. M. SHOEMAKER'S cash nnd
produce store, No. 1 Anderson's Row.
sep27
/ 1 REAT BARGAINS!
(X __
!
The undersigned have opened a very full supply
of
FALL AND WINTER GOODS.
Our stock is complete and is not surpassed in
EXTENT,
QUALITY AND CHEAPNESS, j
The old system of
'' TR US TING FOREVER"
having exploded, wo are determined to
HELL GOODS LPON THE SHORTEST PROFIT j
FOB •
CASH OR PRODUCE.
Lff To prompt paying customers wo will extend
a credit of four months, but we wish it.expressly
understood, after the period named, account will be
due and interest will accrue thereon.
BUYERS FOR CASH
may depend upon
GETTING BARGAINS.
00v1,'67 A. B. CRAMER A CO.
I
"V"EW GOODS!! NEW GOODS!!
The undersigned has just received from the East a |
large and varied stock of New Goods,
which are now open for
examination, at
MILL-TOWN,
two miles West of Bedford, comprising everything
usually found in a first-class couDtry store,
consisting, in part, of
Dry-Goods, j
* Delaines,
Calicoes,
Muslins, *
Cassi tiiers,
Boots and Shoes,
Groceries,
Notions,
Ac., &c. i
All of which will be sold at the most reasonable
prices.
Ly* Thankful for past favors, we solicit a con
tinuance ot the public patronage.
Call and examine our goods.
may24,'67. G. YEAGEK
,
"\J"EW FIRM! NEW FIRM!!
In
GOOD GOODS ARE DOWN! j
8CH ELIjSBURG AIIE A D!
NEW GOODS! NEW GOODS!
just received and will be sold
AT GREATLY REDUCED PRICES. 1
Call at BLACK & MARBOURG'S,
in Sckcllsburg,
IF YOU WANT CHEAP GOODS of any kind ! ;
We have no big stock of old goods at big prices. 1
Our stock is nearly all fresh and new. Look at
some of our prices :
MUSLINS, from 10 to 17 cents.
CALICOS, from 8 to 15 cents.
CLOTHS and CASSIMERES at reduced prices.
DRESS GOODS, all kinds, cheaper than before
the war.
ALL WOOLEN GOODS 25 per cent, cheaper
than any that have been sold this season.
Gloves,
Hosiery,
etc., etc., etc.,
very low.
Groceries,
Queens ware,
Wooden Ware
<fcc., ic.,
at the lowest market prices.
If you want Good Bargains and Good Goods,
call at BLACK A MARBOURG'S.
Sohellsburg, Dec. 6m3
"VfEW ARRIVAL.—Just received
at M. C. FETTERLY'S FANCY STORE,
Straw Hats and Bonnets, Straw Ornaments, Rib
bons Flowers, Millinery Goods, Embroideries.
Handkerchiefs, Beud-trimmings. Buttons. Hosiery
and Gloves, White Goods. Parasols and Sun-Um
brellas, Balmorals and Hoop Skirts. Fancy Goods
and Notions, Ladies' and Children's Shoes. Our
assortment contains all that is new and dosirable.
Thankful for former liberal patronage we hope
to be able to merit a continuance from all our cus
tomers. Please call and see our new stock.
may3l
BY MEYERS & MENGrEL.
pnt-CdOOiK &(.
n LORIOUS NEWS!
X FOR
THE PEOPLE!
TELL IT ! EVERYBODY TELL IT! 1
COTTON NO LONGER KING!
G. R. OSTER & CO.
Are now receiving at their NEM STORE a
large and carefully selected stock ot new and
CHEAP Dry Goods, Furs, Clothing, Carpetings, .
Oil cloths, Hats, Caps, Boots, Shoes, Wall papers, |
Willow-ware, Queens-ware, Oils, Tobaccos, Sogers, j
Ac , together with an extensive a3sortmentofFrcsh
Groceries, which for extent and CHEAPNESS is
unrivaled in Central Pennsylvania, all of which
they offer wholesale or retail at prices that defy
competition. Piles of calico prints and muslin
from 6! cents up to sublime quality.
They iuvite *ll to call, see for themselves and
be convinced
TERMS .—POSITIVELY CASH on DELIVERY, un-]
less otherwise specified.
Beoford, Pa.. Dec.13,'67m3.
QIOOO DOLLARS REWARD! !
r Just received at the New Imperial
BARGAIN STORE,
A handsome assortment of
NEW SPRING GOODS.
As goods are now advancing daily, and no doubt
will be much higher, we think families cannot buy
too soon. G. R. OSTER A CO.-
feb2Bm2
DOLLARS WORTH ! !
ot Boots and Shoes of every description and best
Manufacture, just received and For Sale 25 per
cent Cheaper than heretofore.
The Boot and Shoe Department of
G. R. OSTER iV CO.
has become a leading feature in their business,
and is now the place to get Good as well as Cheap
Boots and shoes, as they have the largest and best
assortment in town. feb2Biu2
J_£ATS! HATS!!
Just received the leading New Spring Styles of
Gents, Boys and Children's Hats, much cheaper
than heretofore. We would call special attention
to the Gents Self-conforming Cassimere dress Hat.
also the Velvet finish Self-conforming Flexible
Band Hat. These Hats will be found to be very
desirable, being very soft in band and conforming
immediately to the shape of the head.
fctogri G. R. OSTER A CO.
a NOTHER VETO ON HIGH
PRICES!
YOU CAN SAVE MONEY
by buying your GOODS of
MILLER & BOWSER,
Mann s Corner, ... BEDIORD, Pa.
They are now opening a choice variety of
NE IF AND D ESIR AB L E
FALL AND WINTER GOODS.
Dry-Goods,
Ready-Made Clothing,
Fancy Goods,
Notions,
Cotton Yarn,
Hats and Caps,
Boots and Shoes,
Groceries,
Queensware,
Wooden ware,
Tobacco and Cigars, J
Brooms, j
Baskets,
&e., &c., &c.
LOOK AT SOME OF THEIR PRICES : I
CALICO, at 8, 10, 12, 15, 10.
GINGHAM, at 121, 15, IS, 20.
MUSLIN, at 10, 12, 14, 15,18, 20.
ftegr Cassi meres, Cloths, Satinetts and I
Ladies' Sacking, at very low priees.
60" Ladies', Gents' and Misses'
Shoes. Sandals and Ove.r-Shoes, in great variety.
Men's, Boys' and Youths' Boots.
Best Coffee, Tea, Sugar and Syr
up in the market. Pricen low
BST Feed, Flour, &c., for sale at all
times.
We invite all to call and see our
goods and compare prices before buying elsewhere.
I&g- Our motto is, Short Profits,
PRJR TEEMS—Cash, Note or Produce.
oct2s,'S7
; OELLEJIS & FOLWELL,
WHOLESALE
CONFECTIONERS and FRUITERERS,
No. 161 North Third Street,
PHILADELPHIA.
feb2lm3 Orders promptly attended to.
TERMS OF PUBLICATION.
THE BEDFORD GAZETTE is published every Fri
day morning by MEYERS & MKRAEL, at $2 00 per
annum, if paid strictly in advance ; $2.50 if paid
within six months; $2.00 if not paid within six
months. All subscription accounts MUST be
settled annually. No paper will be sent out of
the State unless paid for IN ADVANCE, and all such
subscriptions will invariably be discontinued at
the expiration of the time for which they are
paid.
All ADVERTISEMENTS for a less term than
three months TEN CENTS per line for each In
sertion. Special notices one-half additional All
resolutions of Associations; communications of
limited or individual interest, and notices of mar
riages and deaths exceeding five line.-, ten cents
per line. Editorial notices fifteen cents per line.
All legal Notices of every kind, and Orphans' 1
Court and Judicial Sales, are required by law
to be published in both papers published in this
place.
EV All advertising due after first insertion.
A liberal discount is made to persons advertising
by the quarter, half year, or year, as follows :
3 months. 6 months. 1 year.
*One square - --$4 50 $6 00 $lO 00
Two squares ... 600 900 16 00
Three squares - - - 8 00 12 00 20 00
Quarter column - - 14 00 20 00 35 00
Half column - - - 18 00 25 00 45 00
One column - - - - 30 00 45 00 80 00
*One square to occupy one inch of space.
JOB PRINTING, of every kind, dono with
neatness and dispatch. THE GAZETTE OFFICE has
just been refitted with a Power Press and new type,
and everything in the Printing line can be execu
ted in the most artistic manner and at the lowest l
rates.— TERMS CASH.
All letter' should be addressd to
MEYERS & MENGEL,
Publishers, j
iJw t]fcivil cbavrfir.
GREAT MI'FIAII OF
HON. WM. A. .WALLACE.
in Hie Senate of Pennsylvania,
tin- liii|M>a-iiin<-iit Resolution, Feb.
*25, 1866. 0
The Committee on Federal Relations
reported the following:
Resolved by the Senate and *House of
Representatives , <C-c.
Ist. That the thanks of the people of
this Commonwealth are due and are
hereby tendered, through their imme
diate representatives, to the House of
Representatives of the Congress of the
United States, for its fidelity to the
people and its promptness in preferring
article.- of Fhi peach men t against An
drew Johnson for his late acts of usur
pation.
2d. That the thanks of the people of
Pennsylvania are due and are hereby
tendered to Edwin M. Stanton, Secre
tary of War, for his courage and fideli
ty in resisting the attempted invasion
of his office and violation of the funda
mental law, and his resolute resistance
to executive encroachment.
3lr. White moved to proceed to the
consideration of the resolutions, which
was agreed to by a party vote.
Air. Wallace offered the following
substitute:
Resolved, That in the passage, veto
and re-passage of the tenure of office
law, the executive and legislative
branches of the Government, each for
itself, had the right to judge of its con
stitutionality, and there being a con
flict of opinion thereon, it was the
privilege of either of said departments,
when called to execute or obey the
same, to bring it before the Supreme
Court of the United States for adjudi
cation.
Resolved, That in the removal of Ed
win AI. Stanton from the office of Sec
retary of War and the appointment of
General Lorenzo Thomas in his stead,
for the purpose of testing the constitu
tionality of the said tenure of office
hill, the President of the United States
was obeying his oath "to preserve, pro
tect and defend the Constitution of the
United States," and was guilty of no
crime for which he can legally be im
peached.
Resolved, That it is the duty of the
executive and legislative branches of
the Government, and of ail good citi
zens, to enforce, respect and obey the
decisions of the Supreme Court of the
United States upon the question of the
constitutionality of the said tenure of
office law when it is announced by the
said court.
AIK. SPEAKER: The position we oc
cupy upon the question now agitating
the public mind is stated in the amend
ment I have just submitted. Our po
sition, sir, upon this issue, is that of
obedience to law, of an appeal to legal
tribunals for its settlement. We are
now, as we have been in the past, for
the maintenance of the law and the
Constitution. We are for a free system
of laws against revolution and despot
ism ; for maintaining constitutional
obligations against anarchy and chaos.
In bringing the constitutionality of
the tenure of office law before the Su
preme Court for adjudication and set
tlement, the President exercised a
right that was vested in him by virtue
of his high office. In making a prac
tical case for adjudication lie exercised
what was not only his right, but his
sworn duty.
The removal of a Cabinet officer was
an executive power ; and as such, one
of the high prerogatives of the execu
tive branch of the Government. This
right you cannot take from him
and preserve this department in its in
tegrity.
The right of removal by the Presi
ident alone has, by universal practice
of ttie Government, been recognized
from 1789 to 1867. Every President of
the United States exercised it unques
tioned. As early as 1789 the question
came up in Congress, on a motion to
strike out of a law organizing the State
Department a provision to make the
officer removable at the pleasure of the
j President. This motion, after debate,
I was negatived by the decisive vote of
BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY MINING-, MARCH 20, 1868.
| ., 0 to 35 During the debate many of
i7, " *• , --I jn forming the Con
j those who aide. '
| stitution took part
Mr. Madison himself : ...
"The Constitution affirms tha * th . e
; executive power is vested in the r<^" 1
J dent. Are there exceptions to i. e
proposition? Yes, there are. The
Constitution says that in appointing to
office, the Senate shall be associated
with the President, unless in the case
of inferior officers, when the law shall
otherwise direct, nave we (that is,
Congress) a right to extend this excep
tion ? I believe not. If the Constitu
tion has vested all executive power
.in the President, I confidentlvassertthat
the legislature has no right to diminish
or modify his executive authority.
The question now res Ives itself into
| this: Is the power £f displacing an
executive power ? I conceive that if
any power whatever is in the Execu
tive, it is the power of appointing,
overseeing aud controlling those who
execute the laws. If the Constitution
had not qualified the power of the .
President in appointing to office by as- j
sociating the Senate with him in that
business, would it not be clear that he
would have the right, by virtue of the
executive power, to make such ap
pointment ? Should we be authorized,
in defiance of that clause in the Consti
tution—"the executive power shall be
vested in the President'—to unite the :
Senate with the President in the ap-'
pointment to office? Iconceivenot. Ifit
is admitted that we should not be au-'
thorized to do this, I think it may be :
disputed whether we have a right to
associate them in removing persons |
from office, the one power being as j
much of an executive nature as the
other; and the first is authorized by j
being excepted out of the general rule j
established by the Constitution in
these words: "The*oxecutiye power
shall be vested in the President."
Fisher Ames said—"lt is a leading;
principle in every free government; it ■
is a prominent feature in this, that the
legislative and executive powers
should be kept distinct; yet the at
tempt to blend the executive and legis
lative departments in exercising the
power of removal, is such a maxim as
ought not to be carried into practice
on arguments grounded on implica
tion.
"Another reason occurs to me against |
blending these powers. An officer j
who superintends the public revenue I
will naturally acquire a great influ- ■
ence. If lie obtains support in tiie Sen- j
ate, upon an attempt of the President
to remove him, it will he out of the
power of the House, when applied to
by the first magistrate, to impeach
him with success; for the very means
of proving charges of mal-conduct a
gainst him will be under the power of
that officer; all the papers necessary to j
convict him may he withheld while 1
the person continues in office. Protec-1
tion may he rendered for protection ; |
and as this officer has such extensive!
influence it may be exerted to procure
the re-election of friends. These cir
cumstances, in addition to those stated
by the gentlemen from Jersey, (Air.
Boudinot,) must clearly evince to ev
ery gentleman the impropriety of con- j
necting the Senate wit lithe President, is j
removing from office."
George Clymer, of Pennsylvania, a!
signer of the Constitution, said :
"If the President is divested of this
power, his responsibility is destroyed ; j
you prevent his efficiency, and disable j
iiim from affording that security to
the people which the Constitution con- |
templates. What use will it be of, to !
call the citizens of the Union together J
every four years to obtain a purified |
choice of a representative, if he is to he
a mere cypher to the Government?;
The executive must act by others, hut |
you reduce him to a mere shadow, j
when you control both the power of
appointment and removal. If you j
take away the latter power, he ought:
to resign the power of superintending
and directing the executive part of the j
government into the hands of the Sen
ate at once, and then we become a dan
gerous aristocracy, or shall be more
destitute of energy than any govern
ment on earth. These being my senti- j
monts, 1 wish the clause to stand as a 1
legislative declaration that the power
of removal is constitutionally vested in |
the President."
Air. Baldwin, another signer of the
Constitution, said:
"The Senate must concur with the 1
President in making appointments, hut
with respect to the removal they are not
associated ; there is no such clause in |
the Constitution, and therefore I should
conclude that the convention did not
choose they should have the power."
Judges Kent and Story, in comment
ing upon the Constitution, have both
assented to and affirmed this doctrine,
and no more valuable authority can he
found.
In our own Supreme Court the same
question has been judicially settled in
the case of Lehman vs. Sutherland,
3d Serg. and Rawle, 145. The Court
said :
"The Constitution is silent as to the
removal of officers, yet it has been gen
erally supposed that the power of re
moval rested with the Governor, except
in those cases where the tenure was
during good behavior," clearly recog
nizing the principle that the power of
removal was incident to the power of
appointment. And what an anomaly
it would he, and how it would shock
our sense of propriety to affirm that
the Secretary of State of our Common
wealth could force himself upon the
Governor in defiance of his express
wish for his removal.
In the Supreme Court of the United
States, in 13th Peters2so, it is stated
by the Court that —"This power of re
moval from office was a subject much
disputed, and upon which a great di
-1 versify of opinion was entertained in
early history of the Government.
r p! e . however, to the power of
. remove officers ap
the Presideiu occurrence of the
pointed with the question was
Senate; and the gre. , wbe by the
whether the removal was ncurrenpo
President alone or with tlicco.
of the Senate, both constituting i.
pointing power. No one denied t.
power of the President and Senate, j
jointly, to remove when the tenure of j
the office was not fixed by the Consti- j
tution, which was a full recognition of
the principle that the power of removal !
was incident to the power of appoint
ment. But it was very early adopted,
as the practical construction of the j
Constitution, that this power was vest- i
ed in the President alone. And such
would appear to have been the legisla
tive construction of the Constitution."
Thus we have the Constitutional pro- !
vision:
"The Executive power shall he vest- j
ed in a Presidett of the United States
of America," its recognition by an act
of Congress contemporaneous with the
Constitution, as an executive power,
and vested in the President; the Uni
versal practice of the Government ever
since its formation; the sanction of
Madison, Ames, Clymer, Baldwin,
Story and Kent; the express ruling of
the Supreme Court-in the case in 13th
Peters, 259; the endorsement of the
doctrine by our own Supreme Court, as
well as the necessary implication and
the fitness of the tiling, to sustain us in
the position that the power of removal
teas an executive power and vested in the
President alone.
Such being the condition of the law,
Congress sees fit to pass the tenure-of
office law, by which the President is
forbidden to remove his cabinet offi
cers without consfcut of the Senate.—
The President vetoed the bill and dis
tinctly asserted that it was not in ac
cordance with the Constitution, and he
sends to them many of the authori
ties I have just cited and it is said
that Air. Stanton himself furnished the
material for that veto message. Dis
regarding the veto and the argument
of unconstitutionality. Congress passed
the hill over the veto. It surely will
not he contended that this repassage of
the bill made it constitutional, if it
were not so before. Its repassage
could do no more than give it the form
and authority of law. It became a
law binding upon all, unless it conflic
ted with the organic law, and if it does
so conflict it was not of binding force
and effect. It did not become the su
preme la w of the told i f i t co n tra ve ned the
constitutional prerogatives of the Pres
ident, for only those laws that are
passed in pursuance of the Constitution
become the supreme law of the land.
"This Constitution, and the laws of
the United States which shall he made
in pursuance thereof, shall he the su
preme lawof the land," are the words
of article G, sec. 2 of the Constitution,
and the oath of the President is, "I do
solemnly swear that I will faithfullg
execute the office of President of the
United States, and will to the best of
my ability preserve, protect and defend
the Constitution of the United States."
Thus we have, upon the one side,
the Executive, one of the great co-or
dinate branches of the government,
bound by oath to pass upon the con
stitutionality of the law, affirming its
invalidity, and upon the other hand
the legislative branch equally hound
to obey the organic law, by repassing
the hill, giving it the form of law and
asserting its constitutionality.
The President bound to execute the
laws, sworn to see that "the laws are
faithfully executed," asserts and be
lieves this law not to be the supreme
law, because not made in pursuance of
the Consti tut ion; whilst Congress asserts
its validity and binding force. And
the question results who shall settle
this conflict of opinion ?
The hill having all the forms of law
is to he obeyed or declared invalid.—
Shall the president ignore his oath or
recognize its force and test the ques
tion ?
It was his clear duty to bring it be
fore the Courts for settlement, the law
directly affected himself in his admini
stration of the geverumeutand in mak
ing a case for practically ascertaining
whether he or Congress was right, he
did what any private citizen would he
entitled to. For this he is impeached.
The third article of the Constitution
declared that "the judicial power shall
extend to all cases in law and equity
arising under this Constitution and
the laws of the United States."
The jurisdiction ofthe Supreme Court
seems to be clear. To this tribunal he
has appealed for the decision of the
question and you and your party meet
his application with sensation tele
grams, threats of war and revolution.
This is hut an attempt to blind the
people to the real issue. The simple
question is, shall the Constitution he
the supreme law of the land, or shall a
law made in violation thereof, over
ride its provisions. ?
The subject is one of law alone and
not an appeal to arms.
The Supreme Court is an umpire fit
to settle this question ; it is erected to
enforce existing laws and to determine
the supremacy of those which conflict.
It is incorruptible, full of integrity,
VOL 62.—WHOLE No. 5.435.
! above excitement, profound, impartial
!and earnest in its investigations; it
j brings to the decision of these great
! questions the most calm deliberation,
! searching examination and thought
ful research. A tribunal so high, so
full of integrity, so independent, should
i command public confidence and exact
a willing obedience to its awards.
It isthe mainspring of the complex ma
chinery that protects our liberties, the
very vital essence of a government of
law. To its decisions all will submit.
Impeachment will return to plague
1 its inventors, it will recoil with tre
mendous force upon its originators.—
It should do so, for an appeal to such
a tribunal isthe right and the privilege
' ■'overned and ruler ;of the humblest
k well as of the president.
second thought" Of the
people, the fiin." n(,Ia > ss in
terestsof the natio! n un 'to in cv n
tlemnation of this effort tO impeach
and remove the President for & n ap
peal to law.
In 1833 and 1834 question's of this
character agitated and convulsed the
contrary, a struggle that seemed to
rock the nation to its very centre was
initiated between Jackson, the Presi
dent, and Congress, upon the question
of rechartering the United States Bank
and removing the deposits.
The Senate of the United States but
a day or two since adopted a resolu
tion denunciatory of the President and
asserting that his removal of Stanton
was in derogation of the Constitution
! and laws; so, too, on the -Sth day of
March, 1834, the Senate of the United
States,
"Resolved , That the President in the
late executive proceedings in relation
to the public revenue has assumed up
on himself authority and power not
conferred by the Constitution and laws,
but in derogation of both.
This attack upon President Jackson,
it will then be seen, is almost similar
i in character to that now made upon
! President Johnson. Wnat was the re
jsult in 1834? What will be the result
i now? Thou-the issue was made up
' and the President and Congress went
to the people upon it. Intense excite
ment pervaded the whole country, just
las now, you would rouse the peo-
I pie by sensation telegrams, lying dis
i patches and baseless assertions.
| Benton tells of the character of the
i excitement in 1834, thus:
"It will be difficult for the people in
after times to realize the degree of ex
citement, of agitation and commotion,
which was poduced by this organized
attempt to make panic and distress.—
The great cities especially were the
scene of commotions but little short of
frenzy; public meetings of thousands,
• the most inflammatory harangues,
[cannon firing, great feasts—and the
i members of Congress who spoke a- j
gainst the President were received when i
they travelled with public honors,
like conquering generals returning
! from victorious battle fields—met by
I masses, saluted with acclamations, es
• corled by processions, and their lodg
ings surrounded by thousands calling
• for a view of their persons.
During all the progress of this proceed
: ing whi lea phalanx of orators and speak
ers were daily fulminating against
him—while many hundred newspapers
incessantly assailed him ; public meet- j
ings wore held in all parts, and men
;of all sorts, even beardless youths,
haranged against him as if he had
been a Nero; while a stream of com
mittees was pouring upon him (as they
were called) and whom he soon refused
to receive in that character; during
the hundred days that all this was go
■ ing on and to judge from the impos
ing appearance which the crowds
' made that came to Washington to
| bring up the "distress," and to give
[countenance to the Senate, emphasis
! to its.proceedings, and to fill the daily
j gallery, applauding the speakers a-
I gainst the President; saluting with
noise and confusion those who spoke
on his side; during all this time, and
' the earth in commotion against him,
j he was tranquil and quiet, confident
l of eventual victory, and fully relying
j upou God and the people to set all
right.
Nay, more. An attempt was made to
I assassinate him at the door of the Cap
! itol by a man named Laurence, who
| twice attempted to fire upon him, but
failed. He was arrested and examin
ed, but never brought to trial,and Ben-
I ton says of the case:
j "It is. clearly to be seen from the
medical examination ofthe man,that the
attempted assassination of the President j
1 was one of those cases of which history j
| presents many instances—a diseased
j mind acted upon by a general outcry
j against a public man. Laurence was
in the particular condition to be acted
upon by what he heard against Gen.
Jackson; a workman out of employ
ment, needy, idle, mentally morbid,
and without reason to argue regularly
from false premises. He heard the
President accused of breaking up the
labor of the country, and believed it;
of being au obstacle to all relief, and be
lieved it. And coming to a regular con
clusion from all these beliefs, he at
tempted to do what he believed the
State of things required him to do
take the life of the man whom he con
sidered the sole cause of bis own and!
the general unhappiness."
From these ex tracts it will be seen that
the excitements of that day were equal
to those of the present, but amid them
all, the never erring, onward moving
march of mind of the people found the*
right.
In that day, the people appealed t<>
calmly investigated, deliberately judg
ed and awarded their verdict. The re
action came, and the resolution char
ging Jackson with violating the Con
stitution and laws was expunged from
the records of the Senate.
Men like Webster, Chalhouu and Clay
were those who fulminated this thun
derbolt to crush Andrew Jackson.—
They were die giants of the Senate and
they created and foil the excitement
that was to impale the President; but
their thunderbolt recoiled from the
impregnable positicu upon which he
had placed himself, and the people
vindicated him. The pigmies of the
Senate who now attack the President,
when compared in intellect with the
men of Jackson's day, are seen to bo
lint "light weights." When they fail
ed to sustain themselves, how can it lie
expected that this attack upon the
Government shall succeed ?
The people want no more war, they
have had enough of bloodshed, enough
of recklesss expenditure of the people's
money, enough of attacks upon the
cardnal principles of the Government.
A deep wide chasm has been dug bc
t\V( en the sections and into it the blood
of the Republic has been poured, the
mangled forms and bleeding corpses of
I thousands of the fairest and bravest of
0 y young men fill that deep and wide
nhn "rn a** 4 !j >' >' our Persistent agitation
7 4 -tioa Of your power,
for the porpeiu. - * 1 .. '
* 1 .. . . across that
you preserve it unclosed.
Chiasm we seek to throw the bridge o
the Constitution, to cement the structure
with concord, amity, commerce and
mutual benefit, and upon it to rear a
gain the magnificent temple of consti
tutional liberty. In this, your appeal
to passion and to the army against the
peaceful settlement of the laws, we see
another effort to precipitate us into
bloodshed, to kindle the flames of civil
war, to rouse the passions of brother
against brother, of neighbor against
neighbor atHi to deluge the north
with the blood of our people.
Against this reckless agitation,
this senseless excitement, we protest.
In defence of our position we appeals
to the Jaws, and we demand that you
will, as we do, yield submission to their
decree.
Let the laws determine, and let us
frown upon every attempt that may
seek to imbrue our hands in each oth
ers, blood. Do not, I pray you, aid in
placing us again upon the high road to
anarchy. We want no war, but if
naught but the destruction of the gov
ernment is to come and you will precip
itate us into a war, I and those with
whom I act, will be found following the
flag with thirty-seven stars and gazing
tondly upon our avant courier, the old
banner of the Republic i maintaining
the Constitution and preserving the
Federal Union of the States. Will this
attempt at revolution relieve you or
me of any of our public burdens ? Will
it add to the security of the debt of the
nation? Will it improve the condition
of the business interests of the people?
Reconstruction now enters into every
man's business and every interest feels
the necessity for stability and certainty
in govermental affairs. llow much
! worse will it be when you attempt to
j illegally impeach the President, when
| you establish a precedent by which you
unsettle the government to accomplish
party eudst
But suppose you continue this mad
appeal to force, to precipitate us into
a war of party against party and neigh
bor against neighbor; what is your con
dition now as compared with it in 186 i?
The Governors of Illinoisand Pennsyl
vania have sent forward sensation tel
egrams and offered troops, but the
great States of New York, Ohio and
I New Jersey, have Democratic Legis-
I latures, and the States of Connecticut,
; Maryland, Kentucky and Delaware,
have Democratic Governors and Legis
latures. Hence if you initiate war, and
we are attacked, if it is to be an issue
of party, against party, in what situa
tion are you to begin the fray?
Is this*£ignt, is it prudent, is it patri
otic to attempt that which seems to be
indicated by the telegram of your E\-
I ecutive (Guv. Geary) the tender of
! troops to initiate war? Is this not o
! aeuing the door to internecine strife in
ine north? We should deprecate ail
such attempts and render implicit obe
dience to the fiat of law.
The proposition contained in the res
olution 1 have submitted, is, that in
judging of the Constitutionality of the
Tenure of office law, the Presi
dent exercises a power vested in him
trv the Constitution, that he had a right
to bring that law before the Courts for
adjudication and that such decision is
binding upon both Congress and the
President. It could not come into the
Courts without this action of the Pres
ident and he is not amenable to im
peachment for so acting.
Can any man who professes a just
sense of propriety sustain Stanton in
his course. It shocks our sense of de
cency, for it is in fact an attempt to
force himself upon the President and
into his councils when he knows he is
obnoxious to all with whom ho should
act. .
He should at once resign. There is
no substance, no great principle depen
dent upon his retention, for without
I him Congress is still potent. Shall we
be plunged into war, that Stanton
may draw his pay, and flaunt his ob
stinacy in the face of the Executive?
About the mere possession of this of
fice the people cares nothing, but they
<to care for the preservation of peace
—for the re-habilitation of the South—
for the revival of their industrial inter
ests, and for an open door and a clear
path to prosperity and wealth.
You contravene their wishes and
threaten an appeal to force. You im
peach the President and unsettle busi
ness, jeopardize the credit of the Re
public, arid establish a precedent that
is in utter violation of our traditions
and our laws.
Senators, 1 appeal to you, is it not wi
ser that we should place our noble
Commonwealth on the impregnable po
sition of obedience to law ?
1 am for a free system of laws a
! gainst military force, for obedience to
I law as against revolution, forsubmiss
ion to constituted authority as again.-t
; anarchy, and I trust that you will
unite with mein placing upon our re
cords that which 1 believe to bo the
sentiment of nine-tenths of our people,
"Let parti/ strife be still in the dread
presence of impartial tare/" ,