The Bedford gazette. (Bedford, Pa.) 1805-current, February 21, 1868, Image 1
J)nK>ooils, tU. VSASITBUY ! SAVE YOCR GREENBACKS! NEW FALL AND WINTER GOODS, • just received, At J. M. SHOEMAKER'S Store, AT GREATLY REDUCED PRICES! Having just returned from the East, we are now opening a large stock of Fw 11 and Winter Goods, which have been BOUGHT FOR CASH, at nett cash prices, and will be SOI.D CHEAP. This be ing the only full stock of goods brought to Bedford this season, persons will be able to suit themselves better, in style, quality and price, than at any other store in Bedford The following comprise a few of our prices, viz : Calicoes,lo,l2, 14, 15, 16 and the best at 18 cents. Muslins at 10, 12, 14, 15, 16, 18, and and the best at 22 cents. All Wool Flannels from 40cts. up. French Meriooes, all wool Delaines, Coburgs, Ac. SHAWLS—Ladies', children's and misses' shawls, latest styles ;Tadies'cloaking cloth. MEN'S WEAR—Cloths, cassiineres, satinetts. jeans. Ae. BOOTS AND SHOES--In this line we have a very extensive assortment for ladies, misses, chil dren, and men's and boys' boots and shoes, all sizes and prices, to suit all. lIATS—A large assortment of men's and boys' hats. CLOTHING—Men's and boys' coats, pants and vests, all sizes and prices SHIRTS, Ac.—Men's woolen and muslin shirts; Shakspeare, Lock wood and muslin-lined paper collars; cotton chain (single and double, white and colored). GROCERIES—Coffee, sugar, syrups, green and black teas, spices of all kinds, dye-stuffs, "Ac. LEATHER—SoIe leather, French and city -&>!" skius, upper leather, linings, Ac. We will sell goods on the same terms that we uavo been for the last three mouths—cash, or note with interest from date. No bad debts con tracted and no extra charges to good paying cus touiers to make up losses of slow and never paving customers. Cash buyers always get the best bar trains, and their accounts are always settled up. J. M. SHOEMAKER, Bedford, 5ep.27,'67. No. 1 Andersou's Row. 10 per cent, saved in buying 1 your goods for cash, at J. M SHOEMAKER'S cash and produce store, No. 1 Anderson's Row. sep27 _ BARGAINS! The undersigned have opened a very full supply of FALL AND WINTER GOODS. Our stoek is complete and is not surpassed in EXTENT. QUALITY AND CHEAPNESS. The old system of TRUSTING FOREVER" having exploded, we are determined to SELL GOODS LPON THE SHORTEST PROFIT FOR CASH OR PRODUCE. LB?" To prompt paying customers we will extend a credit of four months , but we wish it expresslj understood, after the period named, account will b< due and interest will accrue thereon. BUYERS FOR CASH may depend upon GETTING BARGAINS. A. B. CRAMER A CO. GOODS!! NEW GOODS!! undersigned has just received from the East a large and varied stock of New Goods, whitMi are now open for examination, at MILL-TOWN, two miles West of Bedford, comprising everything usually found in a first-class courtry store, consisting, in part, of 1 )ry-Goods, * Delaines, Calicoes, Musiins, Cassimers, Boots and Shoes, Groceries, Notions, &e., <fcc. All of wnieh will be sold at the most reasonable prices. Thankful for past favors, we solicit a con tinuance ot the public patronage. Call and examine our goods. may24,'67. YEAGER VfEW FIRM! NEW FIRM!) IN GOOD GOODS ARE DOWN! SCHELLSBURG AHEAD! NEW GOODS! NEW GOODS! just received and will be sold AT GREATLY REDUCED PRICES. * Call at BLACK A MARBOURG'S, in Schellsburg. IF YOU WAST CHEAP HOODS of aDy kind! We have no big stock of old goods at big prices. Our stock is nearly all fresh and new. Look at some of our prices ; MUSLINS, from 10 to 17 cents. CALICOS, from 8 to 15 cents. CLOTHS and CASSIMERES at reduced prices DRESS GOODS, all kinds, cheaper than before the war. ALL WOOLEN GOODS 25 per cent, cheaper than any that have been #>ld this season. Gloves, Hosiery, etc., etc., etc., very low. Groceries, Queensware, Wooden Ware Ac., Ac., ( at the lowest market prices. If you want Good Bargains and Good Goods, call at BLACK A M ARBOURGS. Schellsburg, Dec. 6ui3 "VTEW ARRIVAL.—Just received at M C. FETTERLY'S FANCY STORE, Straw Ilats and Bonnets, Straw Ornaments, Rib bons Flowers, Millinery Good*. Embroideries, Handkerchiefs, Bead-trimmings, Buttons. Hosiery and Gloves. White Goods. Parasols and Sun-Um- W brellas, Balmorals and Hoop Skirts. Fancy Goods and Notions, Ladies' and Children's Shoes. Our assortment contains all that is new and desirable. Thankful for former liberal patronage we hope to be able to merit a continuance from all our cus tomers. Please oall and see our new stock. may3l (Tin tfcftfori) #jcttc. BY MEYERS & MENGEL 5rM-<ftoods, &c. /GLORIOUS NEWS! FOR THE PEOPLE! TELL IT ! EVERYBODY TELL IT! COTTON NO LONGER KING ! G. R. OSTER & CO. Are now receiving at their NEW t-TOUE a large and carefully selected stock of new and CHEAP Dry Goods, Furs, Clothing, Carpetings, Oil cloths, Hats, Caps, Boots, Shoes, Wall papers, Willow-ware, Queens-ware, Oils, Tobaccos, Segars, Ac., together with an extensive assortment of Fresh Groceries, which for extent and CHEAPNESS is unrivaled in Central Pennsylvania, all of which they offer wholesale or retail at prices that defy competition Piles of calico prints and muslin from 6f cents up to sublime quality. They invite all to call, see for themselves and be convinced. TERMS .—POSITIVELY CASH on DELIVE*Y, un less otherwise specified. Beoford, Pa.. Dec.13,'67m3. / K)-PARTNERSiI IP. \ J Imperial Bargain Store. December 12, 1867. J C. Wright is admitted to an ifiterest in our business from this date. The style of our firm is changed toG R Oster A Co. Bedford, Pa..j*u3lml O.K. A W.O3IER MUSLINS! MUSLINS! Just received at the IMPERIAL BARGAIN STORE! New York Mills Utica Nonpareil, Wamsutta Mills, Williamsville. Fruit of the Loom, None-such, Semper Idem, Lonsdale, Hope Mills, Congress, Ac., together with other first class makes, in bleached and unbleached, at the lowest prices As muslins are now advancing, we think it a very safe time for families U; lay in a supply. Bedford, Pa., jun3tml G. R. OSTER A Co. 3lttornfi!s at £au\ S L. RISSELL. J. H. LONOENEI KER RUSSELL & LONGENECKER, ATTORNEYS AND COCNSELLORS AT LAW, BEDFORD. PA., Will attend promptly and faithfully to all busi ness entrusted to their care. Special attention given to collections and the prosecution of claims for Back Pay, Bounty, Pensions, Ac OFFICE, on Juliana Street, south of the Court House. . aprs, 67tf J. MCD. SHARL'E. E SI I ABBE A KERR, ATTORNEYS AT LAW BEDFORD, PA., will practice in the courts of Bedford and adjoining counties Of fice on Juliana st., opposite the Banking House of Reed A Scbell. [March 2. 66. J. E. DDE BORROW. | JOHN LVTZ. DURBORR O W & LUT Z , ATTORNEYS AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA , Will attend promptly to all business intrusted to ; their care. Collection# made on the shortest no- j They are, also, regularly licensed Claim Agents j and will give special attention to the prosecution , if claims against the Government for Pensions, Back Pay, Bounty, Bounty Lands, Ac. Office on Juliana street, one door South of the "Mengel House," and uearly opposite the In qui rer office. _ JOHN P. REED, ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD. PA Respectfully tenders his services to the pnblic. Office second door North of the Mengel House Bedford, Aug, 1, 1861. E~SP \~M.~ALSIP, ATTORNEY AT I LAW, BEDFORD, PA. Will faithfully and promptly attend to alltusinegs entrusted to his care in Bedford and adjoining counties MOitary laiins. back pay, bounty, Ac., speedily collected. Office with Mann A Spang, on Ju.iana street, to doors South of the Mengel House. Jan L 22, 1864, F. . KIM M ELL. T KIMMELL & LIN GEN T ELI ER, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, BEDFORD. PA., I Have formed a partnership in the practice of the Law Office on Juliana street, two doors toulu j of the 'Mengel House.'' G1 H. SPANG, ATTORNEY AT jr. LAW BEDFORD. PA Will promptly at ! tend to collections and all business entrusted to j his care in Bedford and adjoining counties | Office on Juliana Street, three doors south of the '•Mengel House," opposite the residence of Mrs. \ Tate. I May 13, 1864. i 9.7. MEYERS • I I- V. DICKERSON. M/TEYERH & DICKERSON, AT -1 TORNEYS AT LAW. Bedford, Pa., office same as formerly occupied by HOD. W . P* Scb©U, two doors east of the GAZETTE office, will i practice in the several courts of Bedford county. Pensions, bounty and oack pay obtained and the purchase and sale of real estate attended to. fmayll, t>6. HAYES IRVINE, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Will faithfully and promptly attend to all business entrusted to his eare. Office with G. H Siianir E-q .on Julianna Street, two doors Boi>tb ol the Mengel House. [m*y2l,67. gfuttetvy. CVN.HICKOK, DENTIST, Office at the old stand in BANK BCTLDINO, Julian- j na Street, BEDFORD, Pa. All operations, pertaining to Surgical and Me chanical Dentistry, performed with care, and WARRANTED. Anaesthetics administered, whin desired Ar tijicial teeth inserted, per set. $3.00 and upwird. Zjf As I am determined to do A CASH BUSINESS or none, I have reduced the prices of ARTIFICIAL TEEIH of the various kinds, 20 PER c EST. and of GOLD FILLINGS 33 per kknt. This reduction will be made only to strictly CASH PATIENTS, and all such will receive prompt attention. _feb7,'6Btf _ ____ _ __ ! TAENTIiSTRY! Dr. H. VIRGIL PORTER, (late of New York city.) DENTIST, Would respectfully inform his numerous friends and patrons, thai he is still IN BLOODY RUN, where he may be found at all times prepared to insert those BEAUTIFUL ARTIFICIAL TEETH, at the low price of from TEN to EIGH TEEN DOLLARS per set. TEETH EXTRACTED, without pain. Temporary sets inserted if desired. All operations warranted. Special attention is invited to Dr. Porter's scientific method of preserving decayed and aching teeth. H. VIRGIL PORTER. jao3,'6Btf 1 TERMS OF PUBLICATION. THE BEDFORD GAZETTE is published every Fri day morning by METERS A MBKHEL, at $2.00 per annum, if paid strictly in advance ; $2.50 if paid within six months; $3.00 if not pain within six months. All subscription accounts MUST be settled annually. No paper will be sent out of the State unless paid for IX ADVAXCE. and nil such subscriptions will invariably be discontinued at the expiration of the time for which they are paid. All ADVERTISEMENTS for a less term than three months TEN CENTS per line for each In sertion. Special notices one-half additional All resoluti' ns of Associations; communications of limited or individual interest, and notices of mar riages and deaths exceeding five line-, ten cents per line. Editorial notices fifteen cents per line. All legal Notices of every kind, and Orphans' 1 .Court and Judicial Sales, are required by law to be published in both papers published in this place. All advertising due after first insertion. A liberal discount is made to persons advertising by the quarter, half jear. or year, as follows : 3 months. 6 months. 1 year. ♦One square - - * $4 50 $6 00 #lO 00 Two squares - - - 000 900 18 0 Three squares --- 800 12 00 20 00 Quarter column - - 14 00 20 00 3o 00 Half column - - - 18 00 25 00 45 00 One column - - - - 30 0U 45 00 80 00 ♦One square to oeeupy one inch of space. JOB PRINTING, of every kind, done with neatness and dispatch. THE GAZETTE OFFICE has just been rofitted with a Power Press and new type, and everything in the Printing line can be execu ted in the most artistic manner and at the lowest rates — TERMS CASH. Vft' All letters should be addressd to MEYERS A MENGEL, Publishers. ill? fWffliil Csa?rttr. 'VSSPI.'ZSSiVJSSSPS^' MR- DOOLITTLE— Mr. President, the question presented in tlie amendment offered by me is whether Congress is still resolved to subject the white peo ple of the Southern States to thedomi nation'of the negro race at the point of the bayonet, or whether* Congress, in deference to the recently expressed will of the American people, will now so far modify their policy as to leave .the governments in those States in the hands of the white race and of the more civilized portion of the blacks? That is the naked question. Sir, why press this negro supremacy over the whites? What reason can you give? I have heard three distinct answers to this question worthy of no tice: „ xl First. Because the States of the South rejected the constitutional a mendment submitted by Congress; Second. Because the negroes are loyal, and the whites disloyal; and Third. Because it will secure party ascendancy. Let us consider the first answer, that the States of tlie South have rejected the constitutional amendment submit ted by thf- last Congress as the basis of reconstruction. I admit the Legislatures of all the Southern States rejected that amend ment with great unanimity; but is that any sufficient reason for the adoption of this harsh policy? I think not. In the tirst place, that amendment con tains one provision which made its a doption impossible by the Sonthern people, at least until you change the human heart and destroy all sense of personal honor. It disfranchises from holding office all the men of the South in whom they had ever placed any public confidence- all who had ever held any office, State or Federal. And disfranchises them for what ? For sim ply doing what they themselves had done. I can understand how one may say i in argument that the leaders should he disfranchised. But how any man of common sense, or common manhood, could ever suppose it possible for the people of the South to wte to disfran chise men esteemed by them as equal to, if mn better than themselves, for an offense of which they theii#selvi9S were equally guilts', is beyond my compre hension. You ask the Southern peo ple to betray the men whom they trust. You ask them to dishonor those whom they honor, to uproot the affection of years from their hearts. You ask them to strike with a serpent's tooth the 00-som of a friend. But until human nature shall cease to he what God has made it, honorable men, to save them selves, to save even their lives, would not incur the guilt of cqch unnatural treachery by voting for such a provis ion. When it was pending before the HeuatCj June 8, I urged and im plored {Senators to allow the several provisions of that amendment to be separately submitted and voted upon, and I warned the friends of the meas ure that this provision would inevita bly defeat its adoption by every South ern State. But sir, the majority were deaf to all appeals, The caucus had resolved s the deed was to be done. On account, mainly, of that provision, the amendment was rejected almost unanimously by every Southern State, Again, when examined more closely we find that provision required them to vote to disfranchise thousands who have received pardon and amnesty, and a restoration to all their rights as citizens under the proclamations of President Lincoln and President John son, by virtue of a ia\y of Congress, which you yourselves enacted, which expressly authorized them to grant such pardon and amnesty u.on just such terms as they thought proper. An amendment offered by ire in the Senate the 31st day of May, 18G6, to ex cept those men who had duly received pardon and amnesty under the Consti tution and laws, was voted down by an unyielding majority, J. can never j view this provision in any other light than a most palpable violation of the plighted faith of this government giv en to those persons in the most solemn ' x . JLL 7C * * * form, * . Mr. President, Congress has pruPXCC! I from time to lime many schemes, hut ! they may all be resolved into distinct policies, radically opposed to each oth , er. First. Reconstruction by the Con stitutional amendment on the white basis. Second. Reconstruction by negro I suffrage and military force. The first assumed that peace had come; that the States were in the U nion, with governments organized, with Legislatures having pewer to rat ify or to reject Constitutional amend ments; and, furthermore, that those governments were in the hands of white men, with power, as in all the other States, to admit or to exclude ne i groes from suffrage. And, in case the BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 21, 1868. amendment were adopted by three , fourths of the States, the only effect of ! admitting or excluding negroes from the ballot, in any State, would be to change its number of votes in theother House of Congress, antl in the Elector al College. The second assumes that we are still at war; that the Southern States are not States in the Union at all, but con- j quered provinces, with no Legislatures ■ which can either ratify or reject a c<*i-1 stitutional amendment ; that the white | people of these States shall no longer i have any power over the question of j I suffrage; that Congress by the bayonet j will disfranchise the whites and en franchise the blacks; and thus by mili- I tary power and negro votes compel the i adoption ofa new Union and a new Constitution. Because they rejected , the constitutional amefidinent Con-; gress now resorts to the bayonet and ! j negro suffrage to com pel its adoption. True, I admit they did reject the a i mendment. But how, did they reject jit ? By the votes oft heir Legislatures. 1 They could reject it i| no other way; I for it was only to tUeir Legislatures ' that Congress submit <1 the question. But how could their Legislatures re ject it if they had no Legislatures at all? If they had Legislatures which! : could reject 'it they had Legislatures ; which could ratify it. To do either is i the highest act ofa State Legislature, for it then acts upon the fundamental law not only of its own State and poo- j pie, but of all the people of the United j States. Conceding they had power, as ' you claim, to reject your amendment, by what shadow of right do you deny i I to those- Legislatures power to choose ! Senators in this body ? As well deny to a living body the right to breathe, j But perhaps you say if they had rat ified the amendment, then they had 1 Legislatures which had the right to , 1 vote. But as they voted to reject it, j they had no Legislatures, and no right i ! to vote. In other words if they voted ; ; with vou they had a right to vote; if. they voted against you, they had no! right to vote at all. | Again, sir ; all the world knows the whole object of the war was to putdown the rebellion and to maintain the union l of States under the Constitution. Ev ery act and resolve of Congress, every dollar spent, every blow struck, every ( drop of blood shed, was to compel the ; people ami the States of the South to live in the Union and obey the Cqn -1 stitution. And now that we havesuc j ceeded, now that tlie people and the States of the South have surrendered to the Constitution and laws, you say they shall not Jive In the Union under this Constitution at all.—They shall first form another Union, and come into : that Union under another or an amended' Constitution. Mr. President, having thus shown that this first answer to that question I is unreasonable, inconsistent, and ab surd, I repeat tho question a second time, Why press this negro domina tion over the whites of the South? : What reason can you give? i A second answer is, because the tie ! groes were loyal and the whites disloy : at. Let us examine this bold asser tion. Is it true? Were the negroes ! loyal during the rebellion ? Recall the facts. Who does not remember that at ; least three-fourths of all the negroes in those States during the whole war did all in their power to sustain the rebel | cause? They fed their armies; they j dug their trenches ; they built their I fortifications; they fed tljeir women ! and children. There were no insurrec tions, no uprisings, no effort of any | kind anywhere outside the lines of our I armies on the part of th • negroes to aid the Union cause. In whole districts, in whole States even, where all the a ble-bodied white men were conscripted ! into the rebel army, the great mass of ' negroes of whose loyalty you boast, un j der the control of women, decrepid old men and boys, did all they were capa •; ble of doing'to aid the rebellion, | And, sir, shall we make no allowance j for the great mass of the Southern peo ple who, by force, by terror, by per suasion, by the abandonment of the government, and by all the excite ■ : nients, passions, and necessities ot ac -1 tuai war, were plunged into that terri ble conflict by the Radicalsor thefcouih as by a power they could nor control? We all know the'influence over any ' party or community of -a small, well organized minority, strong in will and • reckless of consequences. What have we seen in the Republican party itself i i within the last three years? We have seen a comparatively small number of earnest Radicals reverse and absolutely overturn from its founda tion the oolicv of reconstruction a opt ed by Mr. Lincoln before his re-elec tion, and sustained by the convention ! which re-nominated him and the party • which re-elected him in IBt>4, His , I policy was reconstruction upon the • ; white basis, The negro was excluded ■ j altogether. Even the Wade and Davis recon > I struction bill, which passed Congress I by Republican votes, and which Mr. i j Lincoln refused to sanction, but not for | that reason, confined reconstruction to the white basis alore. It excluded ul! ,! negro suffrage. It left that question, ■ i where it belongs, to the white ruee i j to determine in each State for them > i selves. , | Upon this subject I quote and adopt ; | the language of the Senator from Indi f j ana (Mr. Morton) white Governor of ; that state; "I call your attention to the fact that i j Congress itsell, when it assumed to : I take the whole question of reoonstruo ; ! tion out of the hands of the President, . ' expressly excluded the negro from the s ! right of suffrage in voting lor the men • j who were, to frame the now uonstltu? I lions lor the rebel states," * * "If Mr. Lincoln had not refused to r sign that bill there would to-day be r an act of Congress on the statute books t absolutely prohibiting negroes from j any participation in the work of roor - j gaulxation. and of pledging tho gov* i eminent in advance to accept of the • constitutions that might be formed un l der the bill, although they made no t provision for tne negro neyonct the t fact of his personal liberty." I repeat, we have seen a little hand ful of Radicals, by their boldness, per - sistency, and force, persuade, cajole, or j drive the great majority of the Repub lican party away from their own a > vowed policy of reconstruction upon the white basis, and compel them to 1 adopt the policy of universal negro - ! suffrage, to establish negro govern , ! ments, and now, at last to propose an - absolute military dictatorship in all the - ! States of the South. I shall say noth j ing unkin<t of the Senator from lndi f ana; 1 admit his patriotism and emi -2 nent abilities. But if anything were - wanting to demonstrate the power ? which these Radicals have had oyer the masss of the Republican party in changing their opinions and reversing | their policy, wo have only to point to ; the able Senator, from Indiana, him self, once among the most powerful ad vocates of the Lincoln-Johnson policy of restoration upon the white basis, | now bound hand and foot, and dragged i in chains at the victorious chariot wheels to grace the triumph of Wen dell Phillips and the Senator from Mas- , sachusetts. Even his great mind now 1 lends its powerful influence to favor the establishment of governments bas ed upon universal negro suffrage, to j hold,, it may be, the balance of power in this Republie under the control of; the bayonets of the regular army. Again, sir, if it were true that the j whites were disloyal during the rebel lion, they are not rebellious now. lie- j hellions cannot exist or continue with out real or supposed cause. Slavery,- the cause and the pretext for the late rebellion, is gone forever. It can nev er be revived. Nothing can incite an other rebellion at the South, for they have no power-to organize one against the Government, and will not have for many years to come. And why, sir, why should they not ■ desire peace? For that rebellion, into which in an <*vil hour the Radicals of j the South plunged them, they have been punished already by the sacrifice of all their slave property, valued at three to four thousand million dollars; : by the sacrifice of more than three- j fourths of all other personal property, probably two thousand millions more; ! by tlie sacrifice of their public and pri- j vate credits—at least a thousand mil- j lions more; by the depreciation of the j value of all their real estate at least sev enty-fiv" per cent—amounting proba bly'to more than two thousand mil lion dollars more—making in all a; sacrifice of property, credits, and val ues in the Southern States alone of at least nine thousand million dollars. But there is another bloody and ter rible page in this account —a page in account with death. It is estimated there have perished in battle by_ (lis-; ease, exposure, or other cause incident; to the war, at least three hundred thous- j and able-bodied white men of theSouth. I take no account of the unutterable anguish of millions of crushed and bleeding hearts. No language can ex press, no figures measure that! For: that rebellion the white man of the j South, has keen most terribly punished S; Nine thousand millions of values are gone—lost foivvcr! Three hundred j thousand able-bodied white men of the • flower and strength of the South now lie therein bioody orprematuregraves ! j Great God! Is not this punishment j enough? Must we go further? Must j we now punish the \yhite men of the South by placing them under thedom ination ot half-civilised Africans? — And in order to do that shall we pun ish ourselves by giving over to stolid and brutish ignorance the political control of one-fourth of the States, and, it may be to the control of the ar my the balance of power in the United States? Shall we Africanize the South and Mexieanize the whole Republic? 1 know these measures of Congress have done much to wound, nothing to heal. Vet, notwithstanding all that Congress has done to embitter their Ha tred toward the Radical policy, there is neither thought, nor wish, nor hope to restore slavery, nor to separate from the Union, nor of rebellion against the authority of the government} all evi dence proves the contrary. In the whole rebel army which sur rendered, I challenge any renator to point me to*a single instance in which the rebel officer lias violated his parole; or to a single man, of any position or prominence at theSouth, who after ta king tee oath of allegiance has violated his plighted faith. No man can more deeply feel than I do the great and monstrous folly and crime of that rebellion, whion brought so much of agony an<X of blood upon all parts of our beloved land, which robbed us of our sons and dearest kin dred, and threw a shade of sorrow over our hearts which will never pass away until they cease to beat. But now that blood had ceased to flow; now that three years of peace have elapsed; now tiiat the wiioie south hasjsuirendered, and every interest they have or can hope for is to be found under the Con stitution ; now that they have in good faith pledged anew their allegiance, i and desire to join with us in rebuild ing the waste places overrun bythisdes i'elating war; now that they have in, fact, ceased to lie rebels, why shall we i continue to denounce them as rebels, and do all in our power to compel them to be rebels, and to remain rebels and eneiftipa forever? is that it.e way to restore prosperity? Is that the course of wise statesmanship? Will that bring permanent peace? What do the great examples of his tory teach us in dealing with rebel ; lions, if not that, after force has been subdued by force, magnanimity is more powerful than rev enge; that love conquers what hate never can— the hearts and affections of a people? When L a tsuii, one of the Roman pro vinces, revolted, and the revolt was put down by arms, the question arose in the Roman Senate, what shall be done with Latiuin and the people of Latium? There were some then who | cried, "disfranchise themothers •qui, "confiscate their property. 1 — There were none who said, "subject ! them tn vassalage their slaves." But old Camillus, in that speech which revealed his greatness, and made ids name immortal, said: "Senators, I make them your fellow-citizens, and thus add to the power and glory or Bome," In thL high place, In this Senate of the great Republic of the : w ( ff'<L thp outgrowth of the wviiiaatiou ofati the ages, cannot we, Senators, rise to the height of this great argument? At present, what do we behold?— Now that the war is over-, now that eyery rebel has laid down his arms, , now that the people ot the South have unanimously agreed to abolish slavery forever, to obey the Constitution, and discharge every quty gs c}tl*enx ot' the : United"States, the Radicals of the j North have morally begun a new re , be)lion gainst the Union iui me Com stitution; for raising anew the old cry I of the Radicals of the South, they now* declare that the States of the South are 1 outside the Constitution, and that Con gress, acting outside the Constitution has unlimited power over them as over conquered territories. In their blind zeal for the advancement of the negro they propose to overthrow the Consti tution in order to practically subject the white race to the domination of the negro. _ • - As men who claim to be the friends of liberty, we have no right to do that. As Christians who claim to have • learned something of forgiveness from VOL. 62.—WHOLE No. 5,431. the teachings of our Savior, we have j no right to do that. As members of that great Caucasian I race which has given the world its; civilization, we have no right to do that. As statesmen who desire to restore the blessings of peace, we have no right to do that which would inevitably make eight millions of our own race! and kindred in our own land eternal enemies of the government. As statesmen who, with ordinary sagacity, should look to the future and possible wars with foreign powers, we ought to make haste to restore senti ments of affection and patriotism in all that vast region, larger and richer by j far in natural resources than England, j France, and Prussia all combined. And 1 ask, Mr. President, with all the earnestness of which the soul is capable, can any human being con ceive of a measure so well calculated to make the whole white people of the South, men, women, and children, hate and loathe our government, to hate it with a porfect hatred, to gather i around the family altar upon their bended knees to curse it, and in the agony of prayer to call upon God to curse it, as this Radical reconstruction which seeks to disfranchise the heart and brain of the South and to subject at the point of the bayonet the white race to the dominion of their late half civilized African slaves? Instead ofj peace it gives them a sword; instead of civil liberty it gives them military despotism. White disfranchisement tind negro domination was ttie idea which inspired and provoked the riot at New Orleans. J t has arrayed every where the blacks and whites iq hostil ity to each other, often resulting in bloodshed all over the South. It tends directly to bring on that war of races ■ which in the West Indies enacted scenes ! of horror to sicken and appal the world, j That war is now impending over all j theSouth —it is only the presence of the Federal Army which prevents its outbreak upon a gigantic scale—a war which, once begun, will end, i fear, in ' the exile or extermination of the blacks i from the Potomac to the Rio Grande. I I know the Senator from Ohio (Mr. Wade,) in a speech in the late canvass, j had no fears of such a war or of its re- j suits. He is reported to have said, "let that war come; let them fight it out." i God grant that war may never come! i but, if it does come, no amount of mil-1 itary discipline can compel the white man of the North, to take part in the massacre of their own race and kind red. Mr. President, having considered at some length the second answer to my question, and finding that it is not sus tained by the facts, that it is had in principle and worse in policy, I repeat tho question a third time—why press this negro supremacy over the whites of the South? What reason can you give ? The leader of the Radical forces —that inexorable Moloch of this new rebellion against the Constitution, i "The strongest and the fiercest spirit . That fought in Ileavcn. now fiercer by despair," answers with boldness,' and in plain English gives the true reason, namely, to secure party ascendancy. This is the third and last answer which I pro pose to consider on this occasion. On the 3d of January, ISU7, Mr. Stevens, in the House of Representatives, used language, which 1 find reported in the Globe } "Another good reason is, it would insure the ascendency of the Union party. Do you avow the party pur pose, exclaims some horror stricken de magogue ! .1 do." The party purpose is here avowed in the House. In his speeches and let ters elsewhere Mr. Stevens again and again, in stronger language, avows the real purpose of this legislation ; to them I mainly, refer. The negroes, under the tutelage of the Freed men's Bureau, I led by Radical emissaries, or pushed 1 by Federal bayonets, must take the political control of these States in or der to obtain their votes in the Elec toral College or in the House of Repre sentatives in the election of the next President, Here is a reason, and just I such a reason as the bold ; adical would give. It is in keeping with his revolutionary measures, and in keep ing with his own revolutionary his tory. The letter of General Pope, when in ! command of one of the districts, reeent [ ly published, draws aside the vail and 1 discloses the fact that the same party ; purpose seeks to control with the ; bayonet also, This argument, for party ascendancy, ; all Can understand. It is the argu ment of necessity addressing itself to unscrupulous ambition. One syllo gism contains the whole of it : "We must," says the Radical, "elect the next President. The negroes, under the lead of our bureau or the control of our bayonets, will vote for our candi date. The whites, outraged by our at tempt to put the negro over them, will vote against him. Therefore the bayo net must place the negro in power in these States to give us seventy elec toral votes for President, twenty Sena tors, and fifty members of the House." All honor to the Radical chief, the great Commoner, who, with all his ! faults, is tuo great a man to resort to , subterfuge or shame, or attempt to conceal his real purposes in this lOgisla* : tion. i Some who favor these measures do j : pot ndmil his leadership. But the | j truth is, in some way or other he! ' does lead or drive the Radical party in i J the end Into the support of all his rev- j j olutionary schemes. Now and then j | one shrinks hack, than once 1 j 1 have seen the *'gal led jade wince," but j I never fail at the last to obey the lash of | ; Iter master. Would to heaven it were j I otherwise! Would to heaven that the : Radical party could pause and modify | its suicidal policy! But I fear the ma i joritv have become bound to it—bound I hand and foot with chains they cannot j ; break ; that, however much some may ; ' res rut it or strive to conceal regret,! political necessities compel you to go! on, and right on the hitter end. You j have Staked your all upon it. You must: i live or die by it. \ The Senator from Massachusetts (Mr. I Wilson), as if by authority, says : "We j will take no step backward." Mr. Col-1 fax, in his recent letter re-echoes: "Not a hair's breadth." Such, I fear, is j the fatal resolution taken by the major ity. The result of the recent elections, j showing that a majority in the North ern and Western States is opposed to that policy, -o far from changing a res olution from which the Radical party J dare not retreat, is pushing it on to the | madness of tie-pair. It sees that its majority in the North and West is al ready lost. It dare not exclude the I South in tho nexteiccHon. The South must bo forced at the point of the bay | onet, by white disfranchisment and • negro suffrage, to vote for tlie Radical, jor he will be beaten. The majority in i the Northern and Western States a gainst him must, therefore, be ovu i come by the negro votes of the South, i Sir we shall see if the people of the United States will allow the regular j army, which now controls this igno rant negro vote in theSouth, to hold the i balance of power in the Republic and to ' elect to the Presidency the candidate | of negro supremacy, upheld by milita . ry despotism. Shall Pretorian bands control the Presidency, as in the degen i erate days of Rome they set up the em pire for sale? 1 am no prophet; hut, if not mistaken in the signs of the times, the American people are not prepared for that. The Demociaic party, everywhere ireeing itself from the errors of the past, planting itself upon the living issues o the hour, welcoming into its ranks all who are 1 opposed to this radical and .barbarian policy of subjecting the States of the South to negro supremacy by military dictatorship, all who ai'e in favor of maintaining the integrity of the U nion, the rights of the States, and the liberties of the people under the Con stitution, and all who neither admit the doctrine of Southern Radicalism which brought on this rebellion, that a State may secede from the Union, nor admit that other doctrine of the North i ern Radical, no lessjrevolutionary, that Congress may exclude or disfranchise ten States from the Union, are now together upon the platform of tho fath ers of the Constitution, and in the same fraternal spirit in which it was form ed, and by which alone it can he main tained. Sir, there are times when public opin ion is like a placid stream gently llow ing within its banks, when slight ob stacles may for a time arrest or change !or divert its course. Then, it may bo said, the voice of the people is the will of a party. Rut there are other times when the heavens are overcast, the rains have descended, and the floods have come, that its majestic curreat rollson,theemblem of wrath and power, when resistance maddens its fury and ! increases its strength. Then it over flows its hanks. The harriers of party caucuses and politicians are all swept away and become mere flood wood on thesurfacoof the troubled waters. Tho voice of the people then is no longer the voice of politicians; then it is that the voice of the people is the voice of God. • And now, sir, what do we behold ? ! A dominant majority in this Senate | and in Congress, under the lead of | Northern Radicalism, at the point of I the bayonet forcing negro suffrage and I negro governments upon ten States of the Union, thus doing what the j rebellion could never do, and what wo ! spent $o,tMH),000,000 and live hundred thousand lives of our best and bravest to prevent. For long months we have seen them 'encroaching steadily and persistently upon the just rights of the Executive; and now, to rivet their chains upon us, and to crown the whole of their usurpations, they propose $o subjugate the Supreme Court; to over turn justice in her sacred seat in this tribunal of lasc resort. They would compdl the Court whose office it is to hold an even balance be tween the States on the one hand and the Federal government on the other, and also between the several depart ments of the governments, to place false weights in the balances. They would make the weight of the opin ions of three judges in favor of the u surpations of Congress more than equal the weight of the opinions of five judges in favor of the rights of oth er departments, the rights of the States, and the liberties of the people. Sir, we are in the midst of a new re i bullion, bloodless as yet, but which threatens to destroy the Constitution, i and with it the last hope of civil liber ity for the world. But let us not sur- I render our faith in the people nor our faith in the republican institutions. ! The people everywhere are coining jto the rescue. They are again rising above party and the eiatnors and de ' nuneiations of partisans. Hundreds i and thousands of the earnest Rt-puhli ' j cans who supported Mr. Lincoln's ad ministration have already severed j their relations to this revolutionary i party. Hundreds of thousands more are ready to do so and to strike hands i with the great mass of tho Democrat -lic party to rescue the Constitution I from this new rebellion against it. j They are organized everywhere, from Maine to California, not upon the j dead issues of the past, for inglorious i defeat. Thereis too much at stake, and | they are too terribly in earnest for thai , Rut with living issues of the present, they will organize for a victory so com plete and overwhelming that the | votes of the negro States of the South cannot hold the balance of power and | decide tho election against them. ■j That same patriotism which led hun dreds of thousands of Democrats to -ustain the Republican party in put ting down the rebellion of the South- I ern Radicals, will now lead hundreds 1 ! of thousands of Republicans to act with the Democratic party to overcome | the no less dangerous doctrines of the ; Radicals of the North. 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