The Bedford gazette. (Bedford, Pa.) 1805-current, February 21, 1868, Image 1

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    J)nK>ooils, tU.
VSASITBUY !
SAVE YOCR GREENBACKS!
NEW
FALL AND WINTER GOODS,
• just received,
At J. M. SHOEMAKER'S Store,
AT GREATLY REDUCED PRICES!
Having just returned from the East, we are now
opening a large stock of Fw 11 and Winter Goods,
which have been BOUGHT FOR CASH, at nett
cash prices, and will be SOI.D CHEAP. This be
ing the only full stock of goods brought to Bedford
this season, persons will be able to suit themselves
better, in style, quality and price, than at any
other store in Bedford The following comprise a
few of our prices, viz :
Calicoes,lo,l2, 14, 15, 16 and the
best at 18 cents.
Muslins at 10, 12, 14, 15, 16, 18, and
and the best at 22 cents.
All Wool Flannels from 40cts. up.
French Meriooes, all wool Delaines, Coburgs, Ac.
SHAWLS—Ladies', children's and misses'
shawls, latest styles ;Tadies'cloaking cloth.
MEN'S WEAR—Cloths, cassiineres, satinetts.
jeans. Ae.
BOOTS AND SHOES--In this line we have a
very extensive assortment for ladies, misses, chil
dren, and men's and boys' boots and shoes, all sizes
and prices, to suit all.
lIATS—A large assortment of men's and boys'
hats.
CLOTHING—Men's and boys' coats, pants and
vests, all sizes and prices
SHIRTS, Ac.—Men's woolen and muslin shirts;
Shakspeare, Lock wood and muslin-lined paper
collars; cotton chain (single and double, white
and colored).
GROCERIES—Coffee, sugar, syrups, green and
black teas, spices of all kinds, dye-stuffs, "Ac.
LEATHER—SoIe leather, French and city -&>!"
skius, upper leather, linings, Ac.
We will sell goods on the same terms that
we uavo been for the last three mouths—cash, or
note with interest from date. No bad debts con
tracted and no extra charges to good paying cus
touiers to make up losses of slow and never paving
customers. Cash buyers always get the best bar
trains, and their accounts are always settled up.
J. M. SHOEMAKER,
Bedford, 5ep.27,'67. No. 1 Andersou's Row.
10 per cent, saved in buying 1 your
goods for cash, at J. M SHOEMAKER'S cash and
produce store, No. 1 Anderson's Row.
sep27 _
BARGAINS!
The undersigned have opened a very full supply
of
FALL AND WINTER GOODS.
Our stoek is complete and is not surpassed in
EXTENT.
QUALITY AND CHEAPNESS.
The old system of
TRUSTING FOREVER"
having exploded, we are determined to
SELL GOODS LPON THE SHORTEST PROFIT
FOR
CASH OR PRODUCE.
LB?" To prompt paying customers we will extend
a credit of four months , but we wish it expresslj
understood, after the period named, account will b<
due and interest will accrue thereon.
BUYERS FOR CASH
may depend upon
GETTING BARGAINS.
A. B. CRAMER A CO.
GOODS!! NEW GOODS!!
undersigned has just received from the East a
large and varied stock of New Goods,
whitMi are now open for
examination, at
MILL-TOWN,
two miles West of Bedford, comprising everything
usually found in a first-class courtry store,
consisting, in part, of
1 )ry-Goods,
* Delaines,
Calicoes,
Musiins,
Cassimers,
Boots and Shoes,
Groceries,
Notions,
&e., <fcc.
All of wnieh will be sold at the most reasonable
prices.
Thankful for past favors, we solicit a con
tinuance ot the public patronage.
Call and examine our goods.
may24,'67. YEAGER
VfEW FIRM! NEW FIRM!)
IN
GOOD GOODS ARE DOWN!
SCHELLSBURG AHEAD!
NEW GOODS! NEW GOODS!
just received and will be sold
AT GREATLY REDUCED PRICES.
* Call at BLACK A MARBOURG'S,
in Schellsburg.
IF YOU WAST CHEAP HOODS of aDy kind!
We have no big stock of old goods at big prices.
Our stock is nearly all fresh and new. Look at
some of our prices ;
MUSLINS, from 10 to 17 cents.
CALICOS, from 8 to 15 cents.
CLOTHS and CASSIMERES at reduced prices
DRESS GOODS, all kinds, cheaper than before
the war.
ALL WOOLEN GOODS 25 per cent, cheaper
than any that have been #>ld this season.
Gloves,
Hosiery,
etc., etc., etc.,
very low.
Groceries,
Queensware,
Wooden Ware
Ac., Ac., (
at the lowest market prices.
If you want Good Bargains and Good Goods,
call at BLACK A M ARBOURGS.
Schellsburg, Dec. 6ui3
"VTEW ARRIVAL.—Just received
at M C. FETTERLY'S FANCY STORE,
Straw Ilats and Bonnets, Straw Ornaments, Rib
bons Flowers, Millinery Good*. Embroideries,
Handkerchiefs, Bead-trimmings, Buttons. Hosiery
and Gloves. White Goods. Parasols and Sun-Um- W
brellas, Balmorals and Hoop Skirts. Fancy Goods
and Notions, Ladies' and Children's Shoes. Our
assortment contains all that is new and desirable.
Thankful for former liberal patronage we hope
to be able to merit a continuance from all our cus
tomers. Please oall and see our new stock.
may3l
(Tin tfcftfori) #jcttc.
BY MEYERS & MENGEL
5rM-<ftoods, &c.
/GLORIOUS NEWS!
FOR
THE PEOPLE!
TELL IT ! EVERYBODY TELL IT!
COTTON NO LONGER KING !
G. R. OSTER & CO.
Are now receiving at their NEW t-TOUE a
large and carefully selected stock of new and
CHEAP Dry Goods, Furs, Clothing, Carpetings,
Oil cloths, Hats, Caps, Boots, Shoes, Wall papers,
Willow-ware, Queens-ware, Oils, Tobaccos, Segars,
Ac., together with an extensive assortment of Fresh
Groceries, which for extent and CHEAPNESS is
unrivaled in Central Pennsylvania, all of which
they offer wholesale or retail at prices that defy
competition Piles of calico prints and muslin
from 6f cents up to sublime quality.
They invite all to call, see for themselves and
be convinced.
TERMS .—POSITIVELY CASH on DELIVE*Y, un
less otherwise specified.
Beoford, Pa.. Dec.13,'67m3.
/ K)-PARTNERSiI IP.
\ J Imperial Bargain Store.
December 12, 1867.
J C. Wright is admitted to an ifiterest in our
business from this date. The style of our firm is
changed toG R Oster A Co.
Bedford, Pa..j*u3lml O.K. A W.O3IER
MUSLINS! MUSLINS!
Just received at the
IMPERIAL BARGAIN STORE!
New York Mills Utica Nonpareil, Wamsutta
Mills, Williamsville. Fruit of the Loom, None-such,
Semper Idem, Lonsdale, Hope Mills, Congress,
Ac., together with other first class makes, in
bleached and unbleached, at the lowest prices
As muslins are now advancing, we think it a very
safe time for families U; lay in a supply.
Bedford, Pa., jun3tml G. R. OSTER A Co.
3lttornfi!s at £au\
S L. RISSELL. J. H. LONOENEI KER
RUSSELL & LONGENECKER,
ATTORNEYS AND COCNSELLORS AT LAW,
BEDFORD. PA.,
Will attend promptly and faithfully to all busi
ness entrusted to their care. Special attention
given to collections and the prosecution of claims
for Back Pay, Bounty, Pensions, Ac
OFFICE, on Juliana Street, south of the Court
House. . aprs, 67tf
J. MCD. SHARL'E. E
SI I ABBE A KERR, ATTORNEYS
AT LAW BEDFORD, PA., will practice in
the courts of Bedford and adjoining counties Of
fice on Juliana st., opposite the Banking House of
Reed A Scbell. [March 2. 66.
J. E. DDE BORROW. | JOHN LVTZ.
DURBORR O W & LUT Z ,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA ,
Will attend promptly to all business intrusted to ;
their care. Collection# made on the shortest no- j
They are, also, regularly licensed Claim Agents j
and will give special attention to the prosecution ,
if claims against the Government for Pensions,
Back Pay, Bounty, Bounty Lands, Ac.
Office on Juliana street, one door South of the
"Mengel House," and uearly opposite the In qui rer
office. _
JOHN P. REED, ATTORNEY AT
LAW, BEDFORD. PA Respectfully tenders
his services to the pnblic.
Office second door North of the Mengel House
Bedford, Aug, 1, 1861.
E~SP \~M.~ALSIP, ATTORNEY AT
I LAW, BEDFORD, PA. Will faithfully and
promptly attend to alltusinegs entrusted to his
care in Bedford and adjoining counties MOitary
laiins. back pay, bounty, Ac., speedily collected.
Office with Mann A Spang, on Ju.iana street,
to doors South of the Mengel House.
Jan L 22, 1864,
F. . KIM M ELL. T
KIMMELL & LIN GEN T ELI ER,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW, BEDFORD. PA.,
I Have formed a partnership in the practice of
the Law Office on Juliana street, two doors toulu
j of the 'Mengel House.''
G1 H. SPANG, ATTORNEY AT
jr. LAW BEDFORD. PA Will promptly at
! tend to collections and all business entrusted to
j his care in Bedford and adjoining counties
| Office on Juliana Street, three doors south of the
'•Mengel House," opposite the residence of Mrs.
\ Tate.
I May 13, 1864.
i 9.7. MEYERS • I I- V. DICKERSON.
M/TEYERH & DICKERSON, AT
-1 TORNEYS AT LAW. Bedford, Pa., office
same as formerly occupied by HOD. W . P* Scb©U,
two doors east of the GAZETTE office, will i practice
in the several courts of Bedford county. Pensions,
bounty and oack pay obtained and the purchase
and sale of real estate attended to. fmayll, t>6.
HAYES IRVINE,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
Will faithfully and promptly attend to all
business entrusted to his eare. Office with G. H
Siianir E-q .on Julianna Street, two doors Boi>tb
ol the Mengel House. [m*y2l,67.
gfuttetvy.
CVN.HICKOK,
DENTIST,
Office at the old stand in BANK BCTLDINO, Julian- j
na Street, BEDFORD, Pa.
All operations, pertaining to Surgical and Me
chanical Dentistry, performed with care, and
WARRANTED.
Anaesthetics administered, whin desired Ar
tijicial teeth inserted, per set. $3.00 and upwird.
Zjf As I am determined to do
A CASH BUSINESS
or none, I have reduced the prices of ARTIFICIAL
TEEIH of the various kinds, 20 PER c EST. and of
GOLD FILLINGS 33 per kknt. This reduction
will be made only to strictly CASH PATIENTS,
and all such will receive prompt attention.
_feb7,'6Btf _ ____ _ __ !
TAENTIiSTRY!
Dr. H. VIRGIL PORTER,
(late of New York city.)
DENTIST,
Would respectfully inform his numerous friends
and patrons, thai he is still
IN BLOODY RUN,
where he may be found at all times prepared to
insert those BEAUTIFUL ARTIFICIAL
TEETH, at the low price of from TEN to EIGH
TEEN DOLLARS per set.
TEETH EXTRACTED, without pain.
Temporary sets inserted if desired.
All operations warranted.
Special attention is invited to Dr. Porter's
scientific method of preserving decayed and aching
teeth. H. VIRGIL PORTER.
jao3,'6Btf 1
TERMS OF PUBLICATION.
THE BEDFORD GAZETTE is published every Fri
day morning by METERS A MBKHEL, at $2.00 per
annum, if paid strictly in advance ; $2.50 if paid
within six months; $3.00 if not pain within six
months. All subscription accounts MUST be
settled annually. No paper will be sent out of
the State unless paid for IX ADVAXCE. and nil such
subscriptions will invariably be discontinued at
the expiration of the time for which they are
paid.
All ADVERTISEMENTS for a less term than
three months TEN CENTS per line for each In
sertion. Special notices one-half additional All
resoluti' ns of Associations; communications of
limited or individual interest, and notices of mar
riages and deaths exceeding five line-, ten cents
per line. Editorial notices fifteen cents per line.
All legal Notices of every kind, and Orphans' 1
.Court and Judicial Sales, are required by law
to be published in both papers published in this
place.
All advertising due after first insertion.
A liberal discount is made to persons advertising
by the quarter, half jear. or year, as follows :
3 months. 6 months. 1 year.
♦One square - - * $4 50 $6 00 #lO 00
Two squares - - - 000 900 18 0
Three squares --- 800 12 00 20 00
Quarter column - - 14 00 20 00 3o 00
Half column - - - 18 00 25 00 45 00
One column - - - - 30 0U 45 00 80 00
♦One square to oeeupy one inch of space.
JOB PRINTING, of every kind, done with
neatness and dispatch. THE GAZETTE OFFICE has
just been rofitted with a Power Press and new type,
and everything in the Printing line can be execu
ted in the most artistic manner and at the lowest
rates — TERMS CASH.
Vft' All letters should be addressd to
MEYERS A MENGEL,
Publishers.
ill? fWffliil Csa?rttr.
'VSSPI.'ZSSiVJSSSPS^'
MR- DOOLITTLE— Mr. President, the
question presented in tlie amendment
offered by me is whether Congress is
still resolved to subject the white peo
ple of the Southern States to thedomi
nation'of the negro race at the point of
the bayonet, or whether* Congress, in
deference to the recently expressed
will of the American people, will now
so far modify their policy as to leave
.the governments in those States in the
hands of the white race and of the more
civilized portion of the blacks? That
is the naked question.
Sir, why press this negro supremacy
over the whites? What reason can
you give? I have heard three distinct
answers to this question worthy of no
tice: „ xl
First. Because the States of the
South rejected the constitutional a
mendment submitted by Congress;
Second. Because the negroes are
loyal, and the whites disloyal; and
Third. Because it will secure party
ascendancy.
Let us consider the first answer, that
the States of tlie South have rejected
the constitutional amendment submit
ted by thf- last Congress as the basis of
reconstruction.
I admit the Legislatures of all the
Southern States rejected that amend
ment with great unanimity; but is that
any sufficient reason for the adoption
of this harsh policy? I think not. In
the tirst place, that amendment con
tains one provision which made its a
doption impossible by the Sonthern
people, at least until you change the
human heart and destroy all sense of
personal honor. It disfranchises from
holding office all the men of the South
in whom they had ever placed any
public confidence- all who had ever
held any office, State or Federal. And
disfranchises them for what ? For sim
ply doing what they themselves had
done.
I can understand how one may say i
in argument that the leaders should he
disfranchised. But how any man of
common sense, or common manhood,
could ever suppose it possible for the
people of the South to wte to disfran
chise men esteemed by them as equal
to, if mn better than themselves, for an
offense of which they theii#selvi9S were
equally guilts', is beyond my compre
hension. You ask the Southern peo
ple to betray the men whom they trust.
You ask them to dishonor those whom
they honor, to uproot the affection of
years from their hearts. You ask them
to strike with a serpent's tooth the
00-som of a friend. But until human
nature shall cease to he what God has
made it, honorable men, to save them
selves, to save even their lives, would
not incur the guilt of cqch unnatural
treachery by voting for such a provis
ion. When it was pending before the
HeuatCj June 8, I urged and im
plored {Senators to allow the several
provisions of that amendment to be
separately submitted and voted upon,
and I warned the friends of the meas
ure that this provision would inevita
bly defeat its adoption by every South
ern State. But sir, the majority were
deaf to all appeals, The caucus had
resolved s the deed was to be done. On
account, mainly, of that provision, the
amendment was rejected almost
unanimously by every Southern State,
Again, when examined more closely
we find that provision required them
to vote to disfranchise thousands who
have received pardon and amnesty,
and a restoration to all their rights as
citizens under the proclamations of
President Lincoln and President John
son, by virtue of a ia\y of Congress,
which you yourselves enacted, which
expressly authorized them to grant
such pardon and amnesty u.on just
such terms as they thought proper.
An amendment offered by ire in the
Senate the 31st day of May, 18G6, to ex
cept those men who had duly received
pardon and amnesty under the Consti
tution and laws, was voted down by
an unyielding majority, J. can never
j view this provision in any other light
than a most palpable violation of the
plighted faith of this government giv
en to those persons in the most solemn
' x . JLL 7C * * *
form, * .
Mr. President, Congress has pruPXCC!
I from time to lime many schemes, hut
! they may all be resolved into distinct
policies, radically opposed to each oth
, er.
First. Reconstruction by the Con
stitutional amendment on the white
basis.
Second. Reconstruction by negro
I suffrage and military force.
The first assumed that peace had
come; that the States were in the U
nion, with governments organized,
with Legislatures having pewer to rat
ify or to reject Constitutional amend
ments; and, furthermore, that those
governments were in the hands of
white men, with power, as in all the
other States, to admit or to exclude ne
i groes from suffrage. And, in case the
BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 21, 1868.
amendment were adopted by three
, fourths of the States, the only effect of
! admitting or excluding negroes from
the ballot, in any State, would be to
change its number of votes in theother
House of Congress, antl in the Elector
al College.
The second assumes that we are still
at war; that the Southern States are
not States in the Union at all, but con- j
quered provinces, with no Legislatures ■
which can either ratify or reject a c<*i-1
stitutional amendment ; that the white |
people of these States shall no longer
i have any power over the question of j
I suffrage; that Congress by the bayonet j
will disfranchise the whites and en
franchise the blacks; and thus by mili-
I tary power and negro votes compel the
i adoption ofa new Union and a new
Constitution. Because they rejected ,
the constitutional amefidinent Con-;
gress now resorts to the bayonet and !
j negro suffrage to com pel its adoption.
True, I admit they did reject the a
i mendment. But how, did they reject
jit ? By the votes oft heir Legislatures.
1 They could reject it i| no other way;
I for it was only to tUeir Legislatures
' that Congress submit <1 the question.
But how could their Legislatures re
ject it if they had no Legislatures at
all? If they had Legislatures which!
: could reject 'it they had Legislatures
; which could ratify it. To do either is i
the highest act ofa State Legislature,
for it then acts upon the fundamental
law not only of its own State and poo- j
pie, but of all the people of the United j
States. Conceding they had power, as '
you claim, to reject your amendment,
by what shadow of right do you deny i
I to those- Legislatures power to choose
! Senators in this body ? As well deny
to a living body the right to breathe, j
But perhaps you say if they had rat
ified the amendment, then they had
1 Legislatures which had the right to ,
1 vote. But as they voted to reject it, j
they had no Legislatures, and no right i
! to vote. In other words if they voted ;
; with vou they had a right to vote; if.
they voted against you, they had no!
right to vote at all.
| Again, sir ; all the world knows the
whole object of the war was to putdown
the rebellion and to maintain the union
l of States under the Constitution. Ev
ery act and resolve of Congress, every
dollar spent, every blow struck, every (
drop of blood shed, was to compel the ;
people ami the States of the South to
live in the Union and obey the Cqn
-1 stitution. And now that we havesuc
j ceeded, now that tlie people and the
States of the South have surrendered
to the Constitution and laws, you say
they shall not Jive In the Union under
this Constitution at all.—They shall
first form another Union, and come into
: that Union under another or an amended'
Constitution.
Mr. President, having thus shown
that this first answer to that question
I is unreasonable, inconsistent, and ab
surd, I repeat tho question a second
time, Why press this negro domina
tion over the whites of the South?
: What reason can you give?
i A second answer is, because the tie
! groes were loyal and the whites disloy
: at. Let us examine this bold asser
tion. Is it true? Were the negroes
! loyal during the rebellion ? Recall the
facts. Who does not remember that at
; least three-fourths of all the negroes in
those States during the whole war did
all in their power to sustain the rebel
| cause? They fed their armies; they
j dug their trenches ; they built their
I fortifications; they fed tljeir women
! and children. There were no insurrec
tions, no uprisings, no effort of any
| kind anywhere outside the lines of our
I armies on the part of th • negroes to aid
the Union cause. In whole districts,
in whole States even, where all the a
ble-bodied white men were conscripted
! into the rebel army, the great mass of
' negroes of whose loyalty you boast, un
j der the control of women, decrepid old
men and boys, did all they were capa
•; ble of doing'to aid the rebellion,
| And, sir, shall we make no allowance
j for the great mass of the Southern peo
ple who, by force, by terror, by per
suasion, by the abandonment of the
government, and by all the excite
■ : nients, passions, and necessities ot ac
-1 tuai war, were plunged into that terri
ble conflict by the Radicalsor thefcouih
as by a power they could nor control?
We all know the'influence over any
' party or community of -a small, well
organized minority, strong in will and
• reckless of consequences. What have
we seen in the Republican party itself
i i within the last three years?
We have seen a comparatively small
number of earnest Radicals reverse and
absolutely overturn from its founda
tion the oolicv of reconstruction a opt
ed by Mr. Lincoln before his re-elec
tion, and sustained by the convention
! which re-nominated him and the party
• which re-elected him in IBt>4, His
, I policy was reconstruction upon the
• ; white basis, The negro was excluded
■ j altogether.
Even the Wade and Davis recon
> I struction bill, which passed Congress
I by Republican votes, and which Mr.
i j Lincoln refused to sanction, but not for
| that reason, confined reconstruction to
the white basis alore. It excluded ul!
,! negro suffrage. It left that question,
■ i where it belongs, to the white ruee
i j to determine in each State for them
> i selves.
, | Upon this subject I quote and adopt
; | the language of the Senator from Indi
f j ana (Mr. Morton) white Governor of
; that state;
"I call your attention to the fact that
i j Congress itsell, when it assumed to
: I take the whole question of reoonstruo
; ! tion out of the hands of the President,
. ' expressly excluded the negro from the
s ! right of suffrage in voting lor the men
• j who were, to frame the now uonstltu?
I lions lor the rebel states," * *
"If Mr. Lincoln had not refused to
r sign that bill there would to-day be
r an act of Congress on the statute books
t absolutely prohibiting negroes from
j any participation in the work of roor
- j gaulxation. and of pledging tho gov*
i eminent in advance to accept of the
• constitutions that might be formed un
l der the bill, although they made no
t provision for tne negro neyonct the
t fact of his personal liberty."
I repeat, we have seen a little hand
ful of Radicals, by their boldness, per
- sistency, and force, persuade, cajole, or
j drive the great majority of the Repub
lican party away from their own a
> vowed policy of reconstruction upon
the white basis, and compel them to
1 adopt the policy of universal negro
- ! suffrage, to establish negro govern
, ! ments, and now, at last to propose an
- absolute military dictatorship in all the
- ! States of the South. I shall say noth
j ing unkin<t of the Senator from lndi
f ana; 1 admit his patriotism and emi
-2 nent abilities. But if anything were
- wanting to demonstrate the power
? which these Radicals have had oyer
the masss of the Republican party in
changing their opinions and reversing |
their policy, wo have only to point to ;
the able Senator, from Indiana, him
self, once among the most powerful ad
vocates of the Lincoln-Johnson policy
of restoration upon the white basis, |
now bound hand and foot, and dragged i
in chains at the victorious chariot
wheels to grace the triumph of Wen
dell Phillips and the Senator from Mas- ,
sachusetts. Even his great mind now 1
lends its powerful influence to favor
the establishment of governments bas
ed upon universal negro suffrage, to j
hold,, it may be, the balance of power
in this Republie under the control of;
the bayonets of the regular army.
Again, sir, if it were true that the j
whites were disloyal during the rebel
lion, they are not rebellious now. lie- j
hellions cannot exist or continue with
out real or supposed cause. Slavery,-
the cause and the pretext for the late
rebellion, is gone forever. It can nev
er be revived. Nothing can incite an
other rebellion at the South, for they
have no power-to organize one against
the Government, and will not have for
many years to come.
And why, sir, why should they not ■
desire peace? For that rebellion, into
which in an <*vil hour the Radicals of j
the South plunged them, they have
been punished already by the sacrifice
of all their slave property, valued at
three to four thousand million dollars; :
by the sacrifice of more than three- j
fourths of all other personal property,
probably two thousand millions more; !
by tlie sacrifice of their public and pri- j
vate credits—at least a thousand mil- j
lions more; by the depreciation of the j
value of all their real estate at least sev
enty-fiv" per cent—amounting proba
bly'to more than two thousand mil
lion dollars more—making in all a;
sacrifice of property, credits, and val
ues in the Southern States alone of at
least nine thousand million dollars.
But there is another bloody and ter
rible page in this account —a page in
account with death. It is estimated
there have perished in battle by_ (lis-;
ease, exposure, or other cause incident;
to the war, at least three hundred thous- j
and able-bodied white men of theSouth.
I take no account of the unutterable
anguish of millions of crushed and
bleeding hearts. No language can ex
press, no figures measure that! For:
that rebellion the white man of the j
South, has keen most terribly punished S;
Nine thousand millions of values are
gone—lost foivvcr! Three hundred j
thousand able-bodied white men of the •
flower and strength of the South now
lie therein bioody orprematuregraves ! j
Great God! Is not this punishment j
enough? Must we go further? Must j
we now punish the \yhite men of the
South by placing them under thedom
ination ot half-civilised Africans? —
And in order to do that shall we pun
ish ourselves by giving over to stolid
and brutish ignorance the political
control of one-fourth of the States, and,
it may be to the control of the ar
my the balance of power in the United
States? Shall we Africanize the South
and Mexieanize the whole Republic?
1 know these measures of Congress
have done much to wound, nothing to
heal. Vet, notwithstanding all that
Congress has done to embitter their Ha
tred toward the Radical policy, there
is neither thought, nor wish, nor hope
to restore slavery, nor to separate from
the Union, nor of rebellion against the
authority of the government} all evi
dence proves the contrary.
In the whole rebel army which sur
rendered, I challenge any renator to
point me to*a single instance in which
the rebel officer lias violated his parole;
or to a single man, of any position or
prominence at theSouth, who after ta
king tee oath of allegiance has violated
his plighted faith.
No man can more deeply feel than I
do the great and monstrous folly and
crime of that rebellion, whion brought
so much of agony an<X of blood upon
all parts of our beloved land, which
robbed us of our sons and dearest kin
dred, and threw a shade of sorrow over
our hearts which will never pass away
until they cease to beat. But now that
blood had ceased to flow; now that
three years of peace have elapsed; now
tiiat the wiioie south hasjsuirendered,
and every interest they have or can
hope for is to be found under the Con
stitution ; now that they have in good
faith pledged anew their allegiance,
i and desire to join with us in rebuild
ing the waste places overrun bythisdes
i'elating war; now that they have in,
fact, ceased to lie rebels, why shall we
i continue to denounce them as rebels,
and do all in our power to compel them
to be rebels, and to remain rebels and
eneiftipa forever? is that it.e way to
restore prosperity? Is that the course
of wise statesmanship? Will that
bring permanent peace?
What do the great examples of his
tory teach us in dealing with rebel
; lions, if not that, after force has been
subdued by force, magnanimity is
more powerful than rev enge; that
love conquers what hate never can—
the hearts and affections of a people?
When L a tsuii, one of the Roman pro
vinces, revolted, and the revolt was
put down by arms, the question arose
in the Roman Senate, what shall be
done with Latiuin and the people of
Latium? There were some then who
| cried, "disfranchise themothers
•qui, "confiscate their property. 1 —
There were none who said, "subject
! them tn vassalage their slaves."
But old Camillus, in that speech
which revealed his greatness, and made
ids name immortal, said: "Senators,
I make them your fellow-citizens, and
thus add to the power and glory or
Bome," In thL high place, In this
Senate of the great Republic of the
: w ( ff'<L thp outgrowth of the wviiiaatiou
ofati the ages, cannot we, Senators, rise
to the height of this great argument?
At present, what do we behold?—
Now that the war is over-, now that
eyery rebel has laid down his arms,
, now that the people ot the South have
unanimously agreed to abolish slavery
forever, to obey the Constitution, and
discharge every quty gs c}tl*enx ot' the
: United"States, the Radicals of the
j North have morally begun a new re
, be)lion gainst the Union iui me Com
stitution; for raising anew the old cry
I of the Radicals of the South, they now*
declare that the States of the South are
1 outside the Constitution, and that Con
gress, acting outside the Constitution
has unlimited power over them as over
conquered territories. In their blind
zeal for the advancement of the negro
they propose to overthrow the Consti
tution in order to practically subject
the white race to the domination of
the negro. _ • -
As men who claim to be the friends
of liberty, we have no right to do that.
As Christians who claim to have
• learned something of forgiveness from
VOL. 62.—WHOLE No. 5,431.
the teachings of our Savior, we have j
no right to do that.
As members of that great Caucasian I
race which has given the world its;
civilization, we have no right to do
that.
As statesmen who desire to restore
the blessings of peace, we have no right
to do that which would inevitably
make eight millions of our own race!
and kindred in our own land eternal
enemies of the government.
As statesmen who, with ordinary
sagacity, should look to the future and
possible wars with foreign powers, we
ought to make haste to restore senti
ments of affection and patriotism in all
that vast region, larger and richer by j
far in natural resources than England, j
France, and Prussia all combined.
And 1 ask, Mr. President, with all
the earnestness of which the soul is
capable, can any human being con
ceive of a measure so well calculated to
make the whole white people of the
South, men, women, and children,
hate and loathe our government, to
hate it with a porfect hatred, to gather i
around the family altar upon their
bended knees to curse it, and in the
agony of prayer to call upon God to
curse it, as this Radical reconstruction
which seeks to disfranchise the heart
and brain of the South and to subject
at the point of the bayonet the white
race to the dominion of their late half
civilized African slaves? Instead ofj
peace it gives them a sword; instead
of civil liberty it gives them military
despotism. White disfranchisement
tind negro domination was ttie idea
which inspired and provoked the riot
at New Orleans. J t has arrayed every
where the blacks and whites iq hostil
ity to each other, often resulting in
bloodshed all over the South. It tends
directly to bring on that war of races ■
which in the West Indies enacted scenes !
of horror to sicken and appal the world, j
That war is now impending over all j
theSouth —it is only the presence of
the Federal Army which prevents its
outbreak upon a gigantic scale—a war
which, once begun, will end, i fear, in '
the exile or extermination of the blacks i
from the Potomac to the Rio Grande. I
I know the Senator from Ohio (Mr.
Wade,) in a speech in the late canvass, j
had no fears of such a war or of its re- j
suits. He is reported to have said, "let
that war come; let them fight it out." i
God grant that war may never come! i
but, if it does come, no amount of mil-1
itary discipline can compel the white
man of the North, to take part in the
massacre of their own race and kind
red.
Mr. President, having considered at
some length the second answer to my
question, and finding that it is not sus
tained by the facts, that it is had in
principle and worse in policy, I repeat
tho question a third time—why press
this negro supremacy over the whites
of the South? What reason can you
give ?
The leader of the Radical forces —that
inexorable Moloch of this new rebellion
against the Constitution,
i "The strongest and the fiercest spirit
. That fought in Ileavcn. now fiercer by despair,"
answers with boldness,' and in plain
English gives the true reason, namely,
to secure party ascendancy. This is
the third and last answer which I pro
pose to consider on this occasion. On
the 3d of January, ISU7, Mr. Stevens,
in the House of Representatives, used
language, which 1 find reported in the
Globe }
"Another good reason is, it would
insure the ascendency of the Union
party. Do you avow the party pur
pose, exclaims some horror stricken de
magogue ! .1 do."
The party purpose is here avowed in
the House. In his speeches and let
ters elsewhere Mr. Stevens again and
again, in stronger language, avows the
real purpose of this legislation ; to them
I mainly, refer. The negroes, under
the tutelage of the Freed men's Bureau,
I led by Radical emissaries, or pushed
1 by Federal bayonets, must take the
political control of these States in or
der to obtain their votes in the Elec
toral College or in the House of Repre
sentatives in the election of the next
President, Here is a reason, and just
I such a reason as the bold ; adical
would give. It is in keeping with his
revolutionary measures, and in keep
ing with his own revolutionary his
tory.
The letter of General Pope, when in
! command of one of the districts, reeent
[ ly published, draws aside the vail and
1 discloses the fact that the same party
; purpose seeks to control with the
; bayonet also,
This argument, for party ascendancy,
; all Can understand. It is the argu
ment of necessity addressing itself to
unscrupulous ambition. One syllo
gism contains the whole of it : "We
must," says the Radical, "elect the
next President. The negroes, under
the lead of our bureau or the control of
our bayonets, will vote for our candi
date. The whites, outraged by our at
tempt to put the negro over them, will
vote against him. Therefore the bayo
net must place the negro in power in
these States to give us seventy elec
toral votes for President, twenty Sena
tors, and fifty members of the House."
All honor to the Radical chief, the
great Commoner, who, with all his
! faults, is tuo great a man to resort to
, subterfuge or shame, or attempt to
conceal his real purposes in this lOgisla*
: tion.
i Some who favor these measures do j
: pot ndmil his leadership. But the |
j truth is, in some way or other he!
' does lead or drive the Radical party in i
J the end Into the support of all his rev- j
j olutionary schemes. Now and then j
| one shrinks hack, than once 1 j
1 have seen the *'gal led jade wince," but j
I never fail at the last to obey the lash of |
; Iter master. Would to heaven it were j
I otherwise! Would to heaven that the
: Radical party could pause and modify
| its suicidal policy! But I fear the ma
i joritv have become bound to it—bound I
hand and foot with chains they cannot j
; break ; that, however much some may ;
' res rut it or strive to conceal regret,!
political necessities compel you to go!
on, and right on the hitter end. You j
have Staked your all upon it. You must:
i live or die by it. \
The Senator from Massachusetts (Mr.
I Wilson), as if by authority, says : "We j
will take no step backward." Mr. Col-1
fax, in his recent letter re-echoes: "Not
a hair's breadth." Such, I fear, is j
the fatal resolution taken by the major
ity.
The result of the recent elections, j
showing that a majority in the North
ern and Western States is opposed to
that policy, -o far from changing a res
olution from which the Radical party J
dare not retreat, is pushing it on to the |
madness of tie-pair. It sees that its
majority in the North and West is al
ready lost. It dare not exclude the
I South in tho nexteiccHon. The South
must bo forced at the point of the bay
| onet, by white disfranchisment and
• negro suffrage, to vote for tlie Radical,
jor he will be beaten. The majority in
i the Northern and Western States a
gainst him must, therefore, be ovu
i come by the negro votes of the South,
i Sir we shall see if the people of the
United States will allow the regular
j army, which now controls this igno
rant negro vote in theSouth, to hold the
i balance of power in the Republic and to
' elect to the Presidency the candidate
| of negro supremacy, upheld by milita
. ry despotism. Shall Pretorian bands
control the Presidency, as in the degen
i erate days of Rome they set up the em
pire for sale? 1 am no prophet; hut,
if not mistaken in the signs of the
times, the American people are not
prepared for that. The Demociaic
party, everywhere ireeing itself from
the errors of the past, planting itself
upon the living issues o the hour,
welcoming into its ranks all who are
1 opposed to this radical and .barbarian
policy of subjecting the States of the
South to negro supremacy by military
dictatorship, all who ai'e in favor of
maintaining the integrity of the U
nion, the rights of the States, and the
liberties of the people under the Con
stitution, and all who neither admit
the doctrine of Southern Radicalism
which brought on this rebellion, that a
State may secede from the Union, nor
admit that other doctrine of the North
i ern Radical, no lessjrevolutionary, that
Congress may exclude or disfranchise
ten States from the Union, are now
together upon the platform of tho fath
ers of the Constitution, and in the same
fraternal spirit in which it was form
ed, and by which alone it can he main
tained.
Sir, there are times when public opin
ion is like a placid stream gently llow
ing within its banks, when slight ob
stacles may for a time arrest or change
!or divert its course. Then, it may bo
said, the voice of the people is the will
of a party. Rut there are other times
when the heavens are overcast, the
rains have descended, and the floods
have come, that its majestic curreat
rollson,theemblem of wrath and power,
when resistance maddens its fury and
! increases its strength. Then it over
flows its hanks. The harriers of party
caucuses and politicians are all swept
away and become mere flood wood on
thesurfacoof the troubled waters. Tho
voice of the people then is no longer the
voice of politicians; then it is that
the voice of the people is the voice of
God. •
And now, sir, what do we behold ?
! A dominant majority in this Senate
| and in Congress, under the lead of
| Northern Radicalism, at the point of
I the bayonet forcing negro suffrage and
I negro governments upon ten States
of the Union, thus doing what the
j rebellion could never do, and what wo
! spent $o,tMH),000,000 and live hundred
thousand lives of our best and bravest
to prevent. For long months we have
seen them 'encroaching steadily and
persistently upon the just rights of the
Executive; and now, to rivet their
chains upon us, and to crown the whole
of their usurpations, they propose $o
subjugate the Supreme Court; to over
turn justice in her sacred seat in
this tribunal of lasc resort. They
would compdl the Court whose
office it is to hold an even balance be
tween the States on the one hand and
the Federal government on the other,
and also between the several depart
ments of the governments, to place
false weights in the balances. They
would make the weight of the opin
ions of three judges in favor of the u
surpations of Congress more than equal
the weight of the opinions of five
judges in favor of the rights of oth
er departments, the rights of the
States, and the liberties of the people.
Sir, we are in the midst of a new re
i bullion, bloodless as yet, but which
threatens to destroy the Constitution,
i and with it the last hope of civil liber
ity for the world. But let us not sur-
I render our faith in the people nor our
faith in the republican institutions.
! The people everywhere are coining
jto the rescue. They are again rising
above party and the eiatnors and de
' nuneiations of partisans. Hundreds
i and thousands of the earnest Rt-puhli
' j cans who supported Mr. Lincoln's ad
ministration have already severed
j their relations to this revolutionary
i party. Hundreds of thousands more
are ready to do so and to strike hands
i with the great mass of tho Democrat
-lic party to rescue the Constitution
I from this new rebellion against it.
j They are organized everywhere,
from Maine to California, not upon the
j dead issues of the past, for inglorious
i defeat. Thereis too much at stake, and
| they are too terribly in earnest for thai ,
Rut with living issues of the present,
they will organize for a victory so com
plete and overwhelming that the
| votes of the negro States of the South
cannot hold the balance of power and
| decide tho election against them.
■j That same patriotism which led hun
dreds of thousands of Democrats to
-ustain the Republican party in put
ting down the rebellion of the South-
I ern Radicals, will now lead hundreds
1 ! of thousands of Republicans to act with
the Democratic party to overcome
| the no less dangerous doctrines of the
; Radicals of the North. They are flght
• | ing in the same cause of the Union and
! the Constitution, and for the spirit
i which gives them life.
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