TERMS OP PUBLICATION. THE BEDFORD GAZETTE is published every Fri day morning by MBVKRS & MBRGEL, at $2.00 per annum, if paid strictly in advance ; $2.50 if paid within six months; $2.00 if not paid within six onths. All subscription accounts MUST be settled annually. No paper will be sent out of the State unless paid for IN APVAHCE, and all such subscriptions will invariably be discontinued at tbe expiration of the time for which they are paid. All ADVERTISEMENTS for a less term than three months TEN CENTS per line for each In sertion. Special notices one-half additional All resolutions of Associations; communications of limited or individual interest, and notices of mar riages and deaths exceeding five lines, ten cents per line. Editorial notices fifteen cents per line. All legal Notices of every kind, and Orphans' Court and Judicial Sales, are required by law to be published in both papers published in this place. IST All advertising due after first insertion. A liberal discount is made to persons advertising by the quarter, half year, or year, as follows : 3 months. 6 months. 1 year. ♦One square - - - $4 50 $6 00 $lO 00 Two squares ... 600 900 16 00 Three squares - - - 8 00 12 00 20 00 Quarter column - - 14 00 20 00 35 00 Half column - - - 18 00 25 00 45 00 One column - - - - 30 00 45 00 80 00 ♦One square to occupy one inch of space. JOB PRINTING, of every kind, done with neatness and dispatch. THE GAZETTE OFFICE has just been refitted with a Power Press and new type, and everything in the Printing line can be execu ted in the most artistic manner and at the lowest rates. —TERMS CASH, ur All letters should be addressd to MEYERS & MENGEL, Publishers. ftr. Q ASH BUYERS, TAKE N< )TICE! SAVE YOUR GREENBACKS! NEW FALL AND WINTER GOODS, just received, At J. M. SHOEMAKER'S Store, AT GREATLY REDUCED PRICES! Having just returned from the East, wo are now opening a large stock of Fall and Winter Goods, which have been BOUGHT FOR CASH, at nett cash prices, and will be SOLD CHEAP. This be ing the only full stock of goods brought to Bedford this season, persons will be able to suit themselves better, in style, quality and price, than at any other store in Bedford. The following comprise a few of our prices, viz : Calicoes, at 10, 12, 14, 15, 1(5 and the best at IS cents. Muslins at 10, 12, 14, 15, IG, IS, and and the best at 22 cents. All Wool Flannels from 40cts. up. French Merinoes, all wool Delaines, Coburgs, Ac. SHAWLS —Ladies', children's and misses' shawls, latest styles; ladies' cloaking cloth. MEN'S WEAR—Cloths, cassimeres, satinetts, jeans, Ae. BOOTS AND SHOES—In this line we have a very extensive assortment for ladies, misses, chil dren, and men's and boys' boots and shoes, all sizes and prices, to suit all. HATS—A large assortment of men's and boys' hats. CLOTHING—Men's and boys' coats, pants and vests, all sizes and prices. SHIRTS, Ao.—Men's woolen and muslin shirts; Shakspeare, Lockwood and muslin-lined paper collars; cotton chain (single and double, white and colored). GROCERIES—Coffee, sugar, syrups, green and black teas, spices of all kinds, dye-stuffs, Ac. LEATHER—SoIe leather, French and city calf skins, upper leather, linings, Ac. Fir We will sell goods on the same terms that i we have been for the last three months—cash, or note with interest from date. No bad debts con tracted and no extra charges to good paying cus tomers to make up losses of slow and never paying customers. Cash buyers always get the best bar gains, and their accounts are always settled up. J. M. SHOEMAKER. Bedford, 5ep.27,'67. No. 1 Anderson's Row. 10 per cent, saved in buying your 1 goods for cash, at J. M. SHOEMAKER'S cash and produce store, No. 1 Anderson's Row. sep27 /NJIEAT BARGAINS! The undersigned have opened a very full supply of FALL AND WINTER GOODS. Our stock is complete and is not surpassed in EXTENT, QUALITY AND CHEAPNESS. The old system of "TRUSTING FOREVER" having exploded, we are determined to SELL GOODS UPON TUE SHORTEST PROFIT FOR CASH OR PRODUCE. To prompt paying customers wo will extend a credit of four months, but we wish it expressly understood, after the period named, account will be due and interest will accrue thereon. BUYERS FOR CASH may depend upon GETTING BARGAINS. n0v1,'67 A. B. CRAMER A CO. Thankful for past favors, we solicit a con- j tinuance ot the public patronage. Call and examine our goods. may24,'67. G. \EAGER NEW ARRIVAL.—Just received at M. C. FETTERLY'S FANCY STORE, Straw Hats and Bonnets, Straw Ornaments, Rib- [ bons Flowers, Millinery Goods, Embroideries, j Handkerchiefs, Bead-trimmings, Buttons. Hosiery and Gloves, White Goods. Parasols and Sun-Lm brellas, Balmorals and Hoop Skirts, Fancy Goods and Notions, Ladies' and Children's Shoes. Our assortment contains all that is sew and desirable. Thankful for former liberal patronage we hope 1 to be able to merit a continuance from all our cus tomers. Please call and see our new stock, may 31 A RARE CHANCE IS OFFERED J\_ ALL PERSONS To display their Goods; Tc sell their Goods: To gather information; To make known their wants; Ac., Ac. Ac. Ac., Ac., Ac., Ac., Ac., by adTertisingin the columns of THE GAZETTE. BY MEYERS & MENGEL. svit-00(l$, &c. /GLORIOUS NEWS! FOR THE PEOPLE! TELL IT! EVERYBODY TELL IT! COTTON NO LONGER KING! G. R. OSTER & CO. Are now receiving at their NEW STORE a large and carefully selected stock of new and CHEAP Dry Goods, Furs, Clothing, Carpetings, Oil cloths, Hats, Caps, Boots, Shoes, Wall papers, Willow-ware, Queens-ware, Oils, Tobaccos, Segars, Ac., together with an extensive assortment of Fresh Groceries, which for extent and CHEAPNESS is unrivaled in Central Pennsylvania, all of which they offer wholesale or retail at prices that defy competition. Piles of calico prints anil muslins from 6i cents up to sublime quality. They invite all to call, see for themselves and be convinced. TERMS .—POSITIVF.LY CASH on DELIVERY, un less otherwise specified. Beoford, Pa., Dec.13,'67m3. gWorneirs at £ USSELL & LONGENECKER, l~\i ATTORNEYS AND COUNSELLORS AT LAW, BEDFORD. PA., Will attend promptly and faithfully to all busi ness entrusted to their care. Special attention given to collections and the prosecution of claims for Back Pay, Bounty, Ponsions, Ac OFFICE, on Juliana Street, south of the Court House. aprs,'67tf J. MCD. SHAUPE. E. F. KERR. SHARPE & KERR, ATTORNEYS AT LAW. BEDFORD, PA., will practice in the courts of Bedford and adjoining counties Of fice on Juliana st., opposite the Banking House of Reed A Schell. [March 2, '66. J. R. DURBORROW. | JOHN LUTZ. DURBORROW & LUTZ, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA., Will attend promptly to all business intrusted to their care. Collections made on the shortest no tice. Thor ra also, rei/lilft rlir li/w A and will give special attention to the.-prosecution of claims against the Government for Pensions, Back Pay, Bounty, Bounty Lands, Ac. Office on Juliana street, one door South of the "Mengel House," and nearly opposite the Inquirer office. JOHN P. REED, ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA. Respectfully tenders his services to the public. Office second door North of the Mengel House. Bedford, Aug, 1, 1861. I7ISPY M. ALSIP, ATTORNEY AT L LAW, BEDFORD, PA. Will faithfully and promptly attend to all business entrusted to his care in Bedford and adjoining counties. Military •laims, back pay, bounty, Ac., speedily collected. Office with Mann A Spang, on Juliana street, t to doors South of the Mengel House. Jan. 22, 1864, F. M. KIMXIELL. | J- W. LINGENFELTER. KIMMELL & LINGENFELTER, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA., Have formed a partnership in the practice of the Law. Office on Juliana street, two doors South ofthe "Mengel House," GIL. SPANG, ATTORNEY AT . LAW BEDFORD, PA. Will promptly at tend to collections and all business entrusted to his care in Bedford and adjoining counties. Office on Juliana Street, three doors south of the "Mengel House," opposite the residence of Mrs. Tate. May 13, 1864. B. F. MEYERS. | J- W. DICKERSON. MEYERS & DICKERSON, AT TORNEYS AT LAW, Bedford, Pa., office same as formerly occupied by Hon. W._ P. Schell, two doors east of the GAZETTE office, will practice in the several courts of Bedford county. Pensions, bounty and back pay obtained and the purchase and sale of real estate attended to. [mayll,'66. HAYES IRVINE, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Will faithfully and promptly attend to all business entrusted to his care. Office with G. H Spang, Esq., on Julianna Street, two doors South of the Mengel House. [may24,67. genttetrjj. 3.N.HICKOK, | J. G. MINNICH. JR., Dentists, BEDFORD, PA. Office in the Bank Building, Juliana St. All operations, pertaining to Surgical or Me chanical Dentistry carefully performed, and war ranted. Tooth Powders and mouth Washes, ex cellent articles, always on hand. TFRMS —CASH. Bedford, January 6,1865. TAENTISTRY! Dr. H. VIRGIL PORTER, (late of New York city,) DENTIST, Would respectfully inform his numerous friends and patrons, that he is still IN BLOODY RUN, where he may be found at all times prepared to insert those BEAUTIFUL ARTIFICIAL TEETH , at the low price of from TEX to EIGH TEEN DOLLARS per set. TEETH EXTRACTED, without pain. Temporary sets inserted if desired. L®" 3 All operations warranted. Special attention is invited to Dr. Porter s scientific method of preserving decayed and aching teeth. H. VIRGIL PORTER. jan3,'6Btf IVTOTICE OF DISSOLUTION.—The l\ partnership heretofore existing between Richard Langdon and James G Slenker, under the style and title of Langdon and Slenker, is this day dissolved by mutual consent. The business will hereafter be continued by the said Richard Lan "don RICHARD LANGDON. ° JAS. G. SLENKER. Riddlesburg, Pa., Oct. 11, '67.—m3 YES! O YES! O Yes!— The un dersigned having taken out auctioneer li cense holds himself in readiness to cry sales and auctions on the shortest notice. Give him a call. Ad i, r | m " K,J * H '"fciLuAMOH&fr: METHLN G YOU NEED.—Cleav er'* Wonderful Liniment..—lt is efficacious and cheap. If you have a cut, old sore, frost uite, tetter or any ailment requiring outward applica tion, you should use it. If your horses or cattle have cuts, kicks, sprains, grease, scratches, or old sores, you should use it, for you can get nothing better, either for yourself, or your horses and cat tie. You can procure it of Store Keepers and dealers in patent medicines throughout the cot in ty. Manufactured only by JAS. CLEARER Hopewell, Pa. novBm3 BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY MORNING, JANUARY 10, 1868. jlllC 1 .11 IE AOH 3I EXT. I The Minority Report of the Impeach uient Committed. The following is the report of Messrs. Eldridge and Marshall, members of the Judiciary Committee, to which was referred the subject of Impeaching the ! President. Read it. The undersigned, agreeing with our | associates of the minority of the com mittee in their views of the law, and j in the conclusions that the evidence before the committee presents no case for the impeachment of the President, might, if they had stopped there, have | been content simply to have joined in the report which they have submitted. But as they, as well as the majority, have felt it their duty to go further, and express their censure and condem nation of the President, we feel that it is due to ourselves, and to the position we occupy, to present as briefly as possi ble a few additional remarks for the consideration of the Mouse and of the country. Having determined that the evidence does not show that the President has been guilty of any act or crime for which, under our Constitution and laws he can or ought to l>e impeached, this conclusion, it seems to us, is the deter mination of the whole question sub mitted by the House to the committee. It is the commission by the President of an impeachable offense only that can subject him to ouroflicial jurisdic tion, or justify us, a committee of the House of Representatives, or even the House itself, as such, in challenging his official acts. As the report of the majority does not charge the President with any act recognized by any statute or law of the land, as a crime or misdemeanor, we can but regard the charges preferred as a political or partisan demonstration, tendingand intended to bring him into odium and contempt among the peo ple. As an unjustifiable attempt to excite their suspicions, " Spargere voces in vufgum ambiguas ," we utterly deny the right of the committee, or any member thereof, as such, to do this. As citizens, as politicians, we may criticise, find fault with and condemn the entire administration of the Presi dent; but as a committee of the House, considering the charge referred to it as members of Congress, acting official ly, we have no such right, power or jurisdiction. The Executive is one of the co-ordi nate departments of this government, invested with certain defined constitu tional powers and prerogatives, over which the Legislature has no control, and with the constitutional exercise of which the Legislative Department has no right to interfere. The original source of all executive and legislative power is the same—the people; the warrant and measure of those powers the same—the Constitution. In his con stitutional and legislative sphere; in the exercise and conduct of his depart —— ——*■ J iLv I V I V-oldvutj la ZKQ frco to act and as independent as the Congress. While acting within the bounds prescribed for it by the Constitution, he is no more accountable or responsi ble to Congress than Congress is to him. Congress has no more authority to censure and condemn him than he has to censure and condemn Congress. His discretion exercised within the bounds of the Constitution, is no more subject to the animadversion or reproof of Congress than are the constitutional and discretionary acts of Congress to his. Neither Congress or the President has any powers or authority not de rived from and found in the Constitu tion. The only question with reference to which the committee were authorized to inquire, was whether the charge a gainst the President were true, and con stituted an offence or offences subjecting him to impeachment. Certainly if this is not the only question referred to the committee, it is the only one which the committee, as such, has investigat ed. The political purpose by the acts of the President has not for one moment engaged theattention of theeommittee. We most certainly have no other motive than to serve our country and do our duty. In the matter referred to us we have never once, in the taking of tes timony or the examination of witness es, supposed that any question other than the impeachment was properly before us. The impeachment of the President, the chief officer of this great Republic, the bare inquiry with a view to ascertain whether he had committed any offense for which he ought or might be put upon trial before the most august tribunal of the world, im pressed us from the beginning with most solemn awe. We endeavored, in the investigation, to exclude from our minds every ques tion of mere politics, and as far as possible, to be uninfluenced by party bias. We were admonished that in one sense, the nation, the people, in the person of their Executive head, were on trial before the world, and that personal animosity and party politics should be inflexibly and scrupulously forgotten and ignored. For any cause, to have shrunk from a full and careful investigation of the great question of impeachment, was cowardice; to have pursued it in the spirit of party, to have degraded it in to a mere investigation of political policy, with reference to partisan suc cess, would have been meanness, and would have disgraced the nation's con stitutional head. We repeat, therefore, that the in vestigation of the committee was, so far as we took part in it, with the sole view to ascertain whether the Presi dent, under the charge preferred a gainst him, was guilty of any impeach able offense. Not only so, but with the belief that it was the only question we were authorized or expected to in quire into. Not a witness was called or examined with any view to proving a case for merely censuring or condemn ing the political action of the Presi dent. No suggestion was made, or intima tion given by the majority of the com mittee, until the resolution of censure was offered, that there was any purpose of considering, as a committee, any but the question of impeachment, nor was there then, as we understand it, any purpose of reporting such resolu tions in the House, for its official ac tion. We think, therefore, that we are warranted in saying that although much testimony, irrelevant, illegal and experimental, was taken, much that had no bearing upon the question of impeachment, and much more that was not testimony in any case, or for I any purpose; that none was taken with : any view except the impeachment, and hence we insist that if the com mittee had the right and jurisdiction, which we deny, to inquire into the po litical and discretionary acts of the President, with a view to his condem nation, that it has not in any legitimate and proper manner, investigated, or attempted to consider that subject.— We do not impugn the personal mo tives of any member of the committee who differs with us. Our intercourse upon the committee has been pleasant, and the courtesy with which we have been treated, uniform and uninterrupt ed. We entertain none but the most kindly personal feelings towards every member, but candor and a sense of du ty compels us to declare that we can find no warrant or excuse for this traveling outside or beyond the subject with which the committee was charg ed, to censure and condemn the Presi dent, except in the prejudice and zeal of overheated partisanism. The President needs and can ask no defense from us upon party grounds, upon any other than those which spring from official obligation and duty. He was not the President of our choice and was not elected by our votes; nor is it necessary that we should agree with him or justify or approve all he has done. Neither do we feel called up on to review all the great mass of testi mony taken by theeommittee, to show that his censure and condemnation are not warranted by it, though taken as it has been, anil unchallenged as it was. In that regard, we do not, however, believe the unbiased, the unprejudiced mind will be able in the testimony to discover any just or reasonable cause for condemning or impugning the motives by which he was actu ated. Indeed, differing from him in opinion, as we have, as to the policy and propriety of many things he has done, and many more that he has left undone, we feel compelled to declare that the proofs before us will not, war rant a charge that he was in any in stance controlled by motives other than those pure and patriotic. His greatest offense, we apprehend, will be found to be that he has not been able or willing to follow those who elected him to his office, in their mad assault upon and departure from the constitutional government of the fathers of the Republic, and that, standing where many of his party pro fessed to stand when they elevated him to his present exalted position, he has dared to differ with the majority of Congress upon great and vital ques tions. He has believed in the Consti tution and binding obligations of the Constitution; that the suppression of the rebellion against the Union was the preservation of the Union and the States composing it; and that when the rebellion was put down, the States were all and equally entitled to repre sentation in the Congress of the Uni ted States. Planting himself firmly and immov ably upon this position, he has incur reir me nerce and ming-nani natron ana oposition of all those who claim, by virtue of the alleged conquest of the territory, and the subjugation of the people of the lately rebellious States, the power and right to dictate to them the constitution and laws they shall' live under, and the liberties they shall be permitted to enjoy. In this differ ence between Congress and the Presi dent, and the desire of each for the a doption by the country of their respec tive views, is, we suppose, to be found not only the cause for the movement to impeach the President, but of his cen sure and condemnation. Out of it has grown the embittered feeling and vio lent hatred of the President by his for mer friends. The majority of Congress and of the committee have entertained, and been prepared, to declare at all times, in Congress and out of it, even more strongly than is expressed in their re port, the same censure and condemna tion. This opinion was not formed up on any testimony taken before the committee, or upon any facts elicited by its investigation. It wasa political opinion growing out of a difference of views upon political questions. It was the opinion with which the majority of the committee entered upon the in vestigation. It was that which in spired and stimulated all its inquiries and examinations. But notwithstand ing these pre-existing opinions and prejudices, the minority of the Com mittee have been compelled to find, af ter the fullest examination and the most protracted deliberation, that the President has committed no offense for which, under our laws, he can or ought to be impeached, and hence none, as we insist, subjecting him to the official jurisdiction of the commit tee of the House. The censure and condemnation of the President, either by the majority or minority, is without our jurisdiction, notjustified by the facts, or becoming one department of the government to wards the other, and calculated to bring reproach upon the committee, the House and the nation. We cannot ignore the fact that time has been spent, and testimony taken by theeom mittee, endeavoring to ascertain if the President, in his official capacity, has spoken censoriously or condemnatory of Congress, with a view to his im peachment. Therefore, can it be more becoming in a committee of this House, or in the House itself, to go beyond its jurisdiction and censure and condemn the President, than for him to censure and condemn Congress? Is not the impropriety of the one as apparent as the other? If one is im peachable is not the other wrong? What would be thought of the Supreme Court, if, after having been compelled, in a case properly pending before it, to decideanactof Congress unconstitution al, it should, because it did not agree to the propriety or policy of the enact ment, declare its "severe censure and condemnation of Congress for having passed it? Who would hesitate to pro nounce this an unjustifiable and even an unwarrantable interference with the rights and duties of Congress by the Supreme Court calculated to dis turb the harmony of our governmental system, and to bring into unhappy, if not fatal, collision, the co-ordinate de partments ? Like this attempt to re prove or censure the President for acts or wrongs not amounting to offenses subjecting him to the legal jurisdiction of the House of Representatives, such an act would, it seems to us, be sheer imprudence ; an act on the part of the court justly meriting obloquy and re proach. Such interferences by one de partment of the government with the others, must and will most assuredly break off that courtesy which should VOL. 62.—WHOLE No. 5.425. ! at all times characterize their relations : and intercourse. The end cannot but be foreseen ; the antagonism will ulti mately produce enmity, open hostility and aggression, which must result in the destruction of one or more depart ments, and as a consequence, destroy our system of government.—Altogeth er, with all due respect to the majority of the committee, we cannot regard the charges made against the President as a serious attempt to procure his im peachment, without dwelling upon their utter failure to point to the com mission of a single act that is recog nized by the laws of our country as a high crime or misdemeanor. The inconsistency of the majority cannot fail to challenge the attention of the country. Acts for which Mr. Lin coln, was unanimously applauded, are deemed high crimes in Mr. Johnson. For every act so gravely condemned the President had the sanction and ap proval of his Cabinet, and yet while he is arraigned before the world as a crimi nal of the deepest dye, they are not on ly not impeached, but are recognized as especial favorites of the impeaehers. The latter have even gone so far as to unite in the passage of an extraordina ry and unprecedented law to prevent the President from removing these officers from the places which they hold. Mr. Stanton, the late Secretary of War, gave his emphatic approval of the acts for which the President is ar raigned ; and yet the ex-Secretary is a favorite and popular martyr, and the whole country is vexed with clamors for his restoration to power and place. The President is held criminally res ponsible for the acts of subordinates of which he did not even have the slight est notice or knowledge; and yet those bringing him to trial enact a statute depriving him of all control over these same subordinates, and they are deem ed wort hy of the especial protection of Congress. The President has used every means within his power to bring the great State prisoner, Jefferson Davis, to a speedy trial, and yet he has been de nounced throughout the land for pro crastination and preventing the trial, while judges and prosecuting officers, having entire control of the matter, have been deemed worthy of the most honorable plaudits. Were ever inconsis tencies more glaring and inexplicable than these, and can we possibly be mis taken when we assert that however honest may be the majority of the com mittee, the verdict of the country and posterity will be, that the crime of the President consists not in violating but in the refusal, to violate the law, in be ing unable to keep pace with the party of progress in its rapid advancing movements, or to step outside of and a bove the Constitution in the admin istration of the government; in prefer ring the Constitution of his country to the dictation of an unscrupulous par tisan cabal; in daring.to meet the mal edictions of those who have arrived at the accomplishment of a most wick ed and dangerous revolution, rather than to encounter the reproaches of his own conscience uni 1 rneeUrwn of potior ity throughout time? If the subject were not too grave and serious a one for mirth, some of the grounds of im peachment presented by the majority would certainly be sufficiently amus ing. The President is gravely arraigned for arraying himself against the loyal people of the country, in vetoing the miscalled reconstruction acts of Con gress, when without dwelling upon the constitutional right and duty of the President in the premises, Congress itself has. for the same acts, just received the most withering and indignant con demnation and rebuke of the entire people from Maine to California. The impeaehers forgetting that they have been themselves impeached, and that the verdict of the tribunal of last resort has already been rendered a gainst them, still persist in trifling with the peace, safety and prosperity of the country by precipitating upon it this dangerous question, at a time so critical as this. It is wicked thus to trifle with the interests of a nation, and disregard the voice of a great peo ple, when spoken, as in this case, so emphatically in favor of the pre servation of our constitutional form of government, and the rights and liberties established by our Revolu tionary fathers. We should not attempt to add any thing to the able, and as we believe, unanswerable argument just presented by the Chairman of our committee, upon the law of impeachment, had not experience taught us the wonderful di versity of human judgment and con clusions. We should find it difficult to believe that there could, upon the questions submitted to us, possibly be two opinions among candid and intel ligent men. Blind bigotry and unbri dled partisan rage, it is true, can see crime in the most meritorious actions, and men governed by these unhallowed passions do not hesitate to drag to the stake and torture of the inquisition,all who will not conform to their wretched creeds and miserable dogmas. Theysubstitute their own crudeand of ten crazy theories for truth and justice, and under pain of the severest penal ties demand of all men to bow down and worship the idol they have erec ted. That their own judgment may be fallible, or that other men, differing from them, may be equally wise and honest with themselves, does not occur to their minds, and they will, without hesitation, question thejustice even of the Almighty, if the ways of Provi dence do not conform to their own crude theories. This class of menj has constituted a considerable portion of mankind in all ages, and in none have they been more numerous than in our own. They have furnished the bigots and persecu tors of all time: and their pathway through the line of history, from its earliest dawn to the present time, has been marked with carnage and des olation. With such men, no argument based upon the Constitution and estab lished laws can have any effect. They are too pure and immaculate to be fetter ed by the restraint of constitutional or written laws. They are a law unto themselves, and both men and gods must conform to their views and theories, or receive their bitterest maledictions. But our people will never submit to have their Chief Magistrate arraigned for trial for offenses unknown to the laws, and which exist only in the heated brains of his political enemies. It would be a precedent disastrous in its consequen ces, and subversive of our political in stitutions. We cannot doubt that the evidence herewith, this day submitted, will be received with one universal burst of indignation by the American people. If they retain any just pride in their country and its institutions, they will blush to find that the chief officer of their government has for ten months i been subjected to the scrutiny of a i secret star chamber, an inquisition un j paralleled in its character in the annals I of civilization. A drag net has been put to catch eve ry malicious whisper throughout the land, and all the vile vermin, who had gossip or slander to retail, hearsay or | otherwise, have been permitted to ap pear and place it upon record for the delectation of man kind. Spies have been sent over the land to hear something which might blacken the name and character of the Chief Magistrate of our country. Unwhipped knaves have given information of fabulous letters and documents, that, like the ignis fatuus, eternally elude the grasp of their pursuers and the chase ever resul ted only in aiding the depletion of the public Treasury. That most notorious character,Gener- Lafayette C. Baker, Chief of the Detec tive force, even had the effrontery to insult the American people by placing his spies within the very walls of the executive mansion. The privacy of the President's home, his private life and most secret thoughts, have not been deemed sacred or exempt from in vasion. The members of his household have been examined, and the chief prose eeutor has not hesitated to dive into loathsome dungeons and consort with convicted felons for the purpose of ac complishing the object of arrraigning the President on a charge of infamous crimes. When we consider all these facts and that the investigation has been a secret and ex parte one; that it has been so persistent and untiring and carried on at a timeof most unparalleled party ex citement, when the masses of the dom inant party were lashed into a wild frenzy and led to believe that the Pres ident was guilty of treason, when thou sands all over the land really thought that it would be a righteous act to get him out of the way, by any means, fair or foul, and when lie has been hunted down by partisan malice as no man was ever hunted and hounded down before, it is really wonderful that so little has been elicited that tends in the slightest degree to tarnish the fair fame of the President. The American peo ple ought to congratulate themselves, for the sake of the reputation of their country, that the failure has been so emphatic and complete. In what we have said of the charac ter of the evidence taken before us and the means used to procure it, we must not be understood as reflecting upon the action of the committee or any member thereof. Such an interpreta tion of our remarks would do great in justice to us and to them. Whether such latitude should have been given in the examination of witnesses, we will not now inquire. In an investigation before the com mittee, it would be difficult, and per haps, impossible to confine the evi dence to such as would be deemed ad missible before a court of justice. Indeed, it may be questioned whether it would be proper so to restrict it; and it is, perhaps, better for the President that those who were managing the prosecution from outside, were permit ted to present anything that they might call or consider evidence, as the world can thus the better compre hend how utterly destitute of founda tion is all this clamor that has been raised against him. end Lafayette (JTBakery late Chief of the Detective Police, and although ex amined on oath, time and again and on various occasions, it is doubtful wheth er he has in any one thing told the truth, even by accident. In every im portant statement he is contradicted by witnesses of unquestioned credibili ty, and there can be no doubt, that to many previous outrages, entitling him to an unenviable immortality, he has added that of wilful and deliberate per jury. We are glad to know that no one member of the committee deemed any statement made by him as worthy of the slightest credit. What a blush of shame will tingle the cheeks of the American student in future ages, when he reads how this miserable wretch, for years, held, as it were, in the hollow of his hand, the liberties of the Ameri can people; that clothed with power by a reckless administration, and with his hordes of unprincipled tools and spies penetrating the land everywhere, with uncounted thousands of the peo ple's money placed in his hands for his vile purposes, that creature not only had the power to arrest without oath 01* writ, and imprison without limit, any citizen of the Republic, but that he actually did so arrest thousands all over this land, and filled the prisons all over the country with the victims of his malice or that of his master. This whole system, such an outrage upon the Constitution and every prin ciple of free government, anti-Ameri can and anti-republican, has, with its originators and supporters, thank God, been damned to eternal infamy; and it is pleasant to reflect that not only the system, but its unscrupulous agent, will go down to posterity loaded with in famy and followed by the curses of mil lions. It sometimes happens that the ad ministration of the most dangerous u surpation is placed in the hands of men so respectable for character and talent as to disarm suspicion, and conciliate even those whose liberties are endan gered. We have reason to be thankful to an ever-kind and merciful Providence that this despotism, when the attempt was made,in an unhappy hour, to trans plant it to our free American soil, was placed, for its administration, in the hands of a class of men so destitute of manhood and character as to arouse the undying scorn of the entire people; and as these infamous outrages were not sanctioned by any precedent in our own country, it is hoped and believed that they will never, throughout all time, be' deemed worthy of imitation. It is not our purpose now to attempt an analysis or discussion of the evidence taken before us or to point out the gross absurdities and inconsistency of of a very lage portion of it. It will be read and be considered by the A merican people, and we cannot doubt what their verdict will be when those who have been attemptingto load with disgrace and infamy the Chief Magis trate of our country, shall stand pillor ied in the undying scorn and indigna tion of a great people. . He, after passing through this fiery ordeal, we have no hesitation in pre dicting, will have, and retain, all over the land, even to a greater extent than heretofore, the respect and confidence of his countrymen. (Signed) S. S. MARSHALL., CHARLES A. ELDRIDGE. —At Lockport, Henry county, Ky., the other day, Dr. W. W. Johnson and his brother-in law, named I loyd, had a "difficulty." Floyd tried to shoot Johnson, but before he could carry out his design, the Doctor fell dead from disease of the heart. —lt is suggested that female suffrage be tried in Utah,