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LITE GFTLLOWL ILAIFTTE. ADDRESS BY GEN. WM. McCANDLESS. Delivered at the meeting of the Pennsyl vania Reserve Corps Association, in the city of Harrisburg, May 30, 1867. COMRADES : Truly,and with great sat isfaction can I say to you that "now are our bruised arms hung up for monu ments:" our stern alarms changed to merry meetings, our dreadful marches to delightful measures; grimvisaged war has smoothed his wrinkled front. Witnessing this scene, the proudest tri bute to your organization is paid in the flashes of the bright eyes of ladies pre sent in this assemblage, seated among the hardy veterans who have met de struction face to face in all its ways, proud of the companionship, and ex emplifying the line that "none but the brave deserve the fair." I propose to-day to examine hastily, a few of the decisive battles of the world with a view of noticing these EFFECTS upon the nations engaged, in order that, as history repeats itself in its various cycles, we in our march to em pire and to greatness, may profit by their example and avoid their errors. It is instructive to notice at the outset that from the organization of society into national communities up to the present time, the peoples of all forms of government have been warring with each other for the purpose of po litical aggrandizement under every con ceivable pretext, occurring either be tween Republicanism and Monarchy, or kingcraft and kingcraft, or civiliza tion and barbarism, or race and race, or that which has been the bane, in all ages, of government assimilating to our own— civil war. Of all the various and almost number less battles, sieges and combats of every description, where blood has flowed like water, writers versed in military historic lore declare that from Marathon to Waterloo, there are scarce a score that have been decisive of the fate of nations; either overthrowing govern ments or establishing dynasties; yet each has had a direct effect on nations, or political results have flowed from them that in time produced conseqen ces which controlled their history.— Marathon! How the name revives the memories of our schoolboy days, when we read, gloried in and panted to em ulate the deeds of Greek valor perform cil uu tliat field t.hft VtttHrdll iliid hitherto invincible masses of the great Persian monarch. From hergeograph ical position as well as from her form ot government, Greece was at that time the natural vanguard of European civ ilization against the ambition of Dari us. This, then, (even at such an early day) was the battle-field of a free peo ple against the encroachments of mon archical power, a power which, with the exception of the Chinese Empire, ruled the entire continent of Asia. — The Greeks, fighting on their own soil, not only for their institutions but for their political existence as a na tion, achieved a success beyond their most sanguine expectations. It is not to be considered at this time how far the innate love of liberty in the Greeks aided in this combat. But we venture to say that the mass of the army struck for their country, their altars and their homes, and as liberty gives to each of its sons that individuality which e volves the responsibility of action, this host, under such influences, became all powerful. Comrades, need I say to you that in the dark moments of the late struggle, how often this feeling in your hearts nerved you, whether in the cold wet bivouac, or the deadly strife? Thus it is that from Marathon till now, the liberty we adore, is the stimulus of its defence, and from it spring free gov ernment and true patriotism. But now the assailed became the as sailants. With pure lust for dominion the'Oreeks'fitted out a powerful expedi tion against Syracuse, in Sicily. This city at Jiat day, was the Gibraltar of the Mediterranean, and had been attack ed periodically by all the great pow ers that figured on the continents of Eu rope, Asia and Africa. In this ambi tious and oppressive movement, after terrific conflicts, Greece was defeated. Had it been otherwise, historians agree that Greek, not Latin, would have been the governing race in Northerri Africa! and Southern Europe. Mark again the aggressions of this now rich and pow erful commonwealth. Foiled in herat tempt for empire in the west, she a chieved it in the east, where under the might and genius of the pupil of Aris totle, the great Alexander, she conquer ed Asia Minor, Tyre, Egypt, Media, Sy riaand Persia,and pushed her victorious arms beyond the Indus. At the great battle of Arbella, Oriental despotism was overthrown by Greek power and European civilization established, which continued to exist throughout those vast domains for over one thous and years. The Persian empire, which had menaced the nations of the earth with subjection, was no more. Instruc tive and useful lessons are taught from this action of Greece, which, likeo.ther Republics in their day, have given free ly of their blood and treasure to main tain the national independence; but when ambitious, they have conquered their less powerful neighbors with as little scruple as the most absolute mon arch. Can we passover this brief sketch without calling to mind the consequen ces which armies have produced? The BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY MORNING, JUNE 14, 1867. effects on nations and peoples of this frenzy for political power though notim mediately seen, bear fruit in due sea son. The harvest was yet to come in the epochs to which we have referred. Here we see a powerful empire de stroyed, and effects, wonderful in them selvs, growing out of military achieve ments; time which "at last sets all things even," has proven these succes ses to be ephemeral, and lacking that solid foundation and sound policy which the victories of peace alone pro duce. We now, briefly as possible, propose to speak of the Punic wars, the most memorable of all the contests among the ancients; waged by the rival com monwealths of Rome and Carthage, not for dominion, but to decide wheth er the Indo Germanic or the Semitic family of nations should govern the world. These races appear to have been natural enemies and have bat tled with each other time out of mind, in Asia, along the Med iterranean and only concluded in the contests between the Crusaders and the Saracens in the Holy Land. This strife was long and deadly; it was hand ed down from sire to son, from Hamil car to Hannibal, that great pioneer of military movements across the Alps, who kept Rome in continual dread for seventeen years. Notwithstanding his genius, the words of Cato, " delenda est Carthago ," were carried out to the let ter. Carthage was destroyed. The French historian Michelet says, "Rome annihilated it—an entire civilization perished at one blow—vanished like a falling star. The Periplus of Hanno, a few coins, a score of lines in Plautus, and, lo! behold all that remains of the Carthagenian world!" This question of race, comrades, has always been an interesting one. At its mention you involuntarily pause and consider. You cannot ignore it; it belongs to history, it sinks into the very marrow of phil osophy. Among all people the purity of the'race is primary to the greatness of the nation. We will not stop to trace this now, but only remind you that, the races which conquered then, and have governed since, belong to the white type. But let us pass on. Rome is now the quarry for attack, and Attila (the scourge of God) swept down upon her in the fifth century ofourera, with his hordes of Asiatic barbarians for the purpose of founding a new anti-Chris tian dynasty, on the ruins of the tem poral power of Imperial Rome. Chal ons was fought, and Rome was trium phant for the last time. The Teutonic tribes on the north,and Arabs on the south, began to snatch from her now feeble grasp whole prov inces, until these spoilers stood face to faceatTours. Thatadmirable historian, Gibbon, says: "If the Saracen power had not then been checked, the inter pretation of the Koran would now be taught in the schools of Oxtord, and her pulplto might c to aoir cuincised people the sanctity and truth of the revelations of Mohammed." This was not to be. Christianity achieved success over the Prophet of Islam—the Cross remained above the Crescent, and Charles Martel. better known as Charle magne, in gaining that victory, won for himself imperishable fame. Need it be said that the enfranchising influence of Christianity, made political liberty a corollary to religious freedom. How clear we can now see those influ ences on nations; they are regarded as elemental both in war and peace; they stamp theindividualityof men, whether in the ranks of the soldier or the citizen. Christianity has done this for mankind, and this has made representative gov ernment the outcropping from the Di vine truths of this dispensation. From this epoch in history we follow the changes of nationalities across the Channel to " Merrie" England, to the battle of Hastings, fought by William the Conqueror against Harold, the last of the Saxon kings. The success of Wil liam changed everything in England, from the tenure of the land to the classes in society. The Saxons were reduced to serfdom and never represented in the governing class for a century after the conquest, until Henry 11. made Thom as A' Becket Archbishopol Canterbury. The popular term of Anglo Saxon, in my judgment, is a misnomer. The de scendants of that age might be with greater propriety termed Anglo No rmans. Paradoxical as it may seem, we can agree with Guizot, the French histo rian, "that England's libejties are ow ing to her being conquered by the Nor mans.'" Upon the world's highway the next great contest is had, between the Span ish armada of Philip and the English fleet of Elizabeth. Hallam, in his Con stitutional history, beautifully says; "In that memorable year, when the dark clouds gathered round our coast, when Europe stood by, in fearful sus pense, to behold what should be the result of that great cast in the game of human politics ; what the craft of Rome the power of Philip, the genius of Farnese could achieve, against the Is land Queen, with her Drakes and Ce cils?" This was a tilt between Protes tant faith and English policy, and Cath olicy backed by Spanish power; En gland then, as always before and since, successful on the ocean. But let this proud queen of the sea beware. There are now in her march for suprema cy, on her favorite element, floating monitors in this Western World to halt and hearken to. Leaving the wide waste of waters, we pass to the battle of Blenheim, which broke the power of Louis XIV. in Ger many. His schemes of conquest were dissolved by the bright genius of the Duke of Marlborough, who never fought a battle he did not win, or be sieged a place he did dot take. On this sanguinary field he crushed the aggres sive policy of France, and by a single blow almost annihilated their grand army. Let us now leave the monarchs of the old world struggling for ascendency and as "westward the course of empire takes it way," sweep across the broad Atlantic and locate ourselves in the month of October, 1777, at Saratoga, where Gates and Burgoyne confronted each other; where, figuratively speak ing, Greek was about to meet Greek ; ! where men who were the consolidation ; of the fighting stock of Europe were about to do battle; men in whose veins the blood of the Celt, the Norman and the Saxon, was commingled; forming ' a grand aggregate of genius and perso nal daring, which seemed to stamp them as the governors of the world. One was fighting for the dominion of a king; our Revolutionary fit herd for lib erty ; and we are taught that "Freedom's battle once begun, Bequeathed from bleeding sire to son, Though baffled oft, is ever won." You are familiar with the result—the capitulation of the entire English army, which led to the recognition by France, Spain and Holland, of the 'lndependent United States of America' as a power among the nations. To speculate on this victory would be the province of the historian, but we cannot pass it over without a reflection which necessarily belongs to the time, the place and the contest. Civilization had taught mankind many lessons from Marathon till then. It had fixed the state of man's relation to the State; it had taught other sciences than war; it had given to other powers than force of arms influences and consequences; it had raised political rights to the equal ity of the victor's glories; it had tried the experiment on the American conti nent of the government of the people against the government of the crown. Here it was, comrades, at Saratoga, the decisive battle was fought which made this system of government a living fact, a beacon to light all mankind. No greater surrender than that of Burgoyne was ever made. It was the surrender of Monarchy to Representative Govern ment. From this surrender the flag of the Stars and Stripes was stamped as the symbol of a nation. This flag has grown to be the representative of great truths—a written constitution; equal political rights; representation and tax ation to be coequal and coincident ; the right to bear arms; the right to vote. These rights involve a sacred duty—to maintain the honor of that flag and the nationality of which it is the symbol and the sign. We recross to the continent of Furope, to find republican France crossing swords against banded monarchs on the field of Valniy. Alison writes, "From the field of Valmy may be dated the course of victory which carried the French arms to Vienna and the Krem lin." The French, commanded by the elder Keller/nan, won a great victory, and the battle monument on this Held, shows the spot where rests the heart of this grand old soldier, whose dying re quest was that it should b buried among the remains of his old companions in arms. Goethe the scholar and poet of Germany, who was present at this en gagement, in speaking of it to some Prussian officers,said: "From this place, and from this day forth, commences a new era in the world's history, and you can all say you were presentat its birth." The Republic of France, from the characteristics of the people, passed, by natural transition, into the Empire. It was the love of glory, the sounds of victory, the excitement of arms, the ever so tempting hope of conquest, for conquest's sake, which took them to Moscow. They lusted for battle, but cared not who led, Emperor, King or Convention. On the ISth of June, 1815, a portion of those monarchs who rule by the grace of God and the custom of nations, confronted, on the field of Wa terloo, the "Little Corporal," whose power was the result of his own genius, who ruled as absolute monarch in the hearts of his heroic veterans, upon whose bayonets he founded, and by which he battled to maintain his dy nasty. The legitimacy of monarchy said,' this Corsican must be crushed; he interferes with the balance of power; the Bourbons must be replaced upon the throne of France. Victor Hugo, that versatile French writer, declares that Waterloo was not only a great battle, but, to use a quasi military phrase, it was a change of front of the universe. It was a chapter of accidents against the skill and power of Napoleon. The rain in the morning, delaying the at tack ; the failure of Grouchy to follow up the Prussians; the fortunate arrival of Blucher; the French cavalry swal lowed up in the sunken road of Ohain ; the charge of the "Old Guard;" the counter charge of Wellington's guards; the Celt and the Gaul closed in the death struggle ; the reply of Cambronne when asked to surrender—"The Guard dies, but never surrenders!"—these are inci dents amid such scenes that fix the stamina an I power of a nation. These battles of the world which I have re ferred to, whilst they show the condi tion of the mere science of arms at their several epochs, and also the power of nations, yet, they prove that mere phys ical power had but little to do with the greatness of the State. It is to be ob served, that the men who fought in all these armies were trained, either by custom, by law, by the rude condition of social organization, by the necessities of class, by other or like physical caus es, to deeds of arms, and yet they little understood why they fought. They were people, in every sense except that sense in which we use the term —ele- ments of political organization. They had but little, if any part in the con duct of public affairs; they were not ed ucated and trained to govern in peace. Even the Greek and Roman Republics failed to express the elemental power of the people during times of peace. Both looked to organized power in arm ies and what it could accomplish. Civ ilization and Christianity have added that one thing needful to make a na tion of men the sovereigns in a free representative government. Time will not permit me to make those philosoph ic deductions which properly belong to the relations and effects of these ba.tles to nations and on peoples. I have re ferred to them now only to show that there are pivotal points in the history of every country, on which turns its desiiny. In our own late contest for political unity, history,judging by republicsthat had gone before, prepared to write self government a failure on the American c ntinent, and upon the tombstone of this nation, as she has on all others of like form, with scarce an exception, place the substance of this: "In uiem oriam—A. 1)., 1861, Uhited States of America, fallen, like all republics that have gone before, upon their own sword, leaving the closing page of their history blackened by the horrors of a suicide's death." The citizen soldiery of the nation said nay to this. How well they maintained it, the bloody contests of this war of insurrection will show. We will take those of the noble army of the Potomac, which faced, in its zone of operations, the elite of the pow er and chivalry of the confederacy. Prominent in this Potomacarmy, stand ing out in bold relief as the flower of this State, the Pennsylvania Reserve ; Corps, formed by thesuggestive wisdom 1 of the then Executive of the Common wealth, apparently sprang, like Min erva, from the brain of Jove, full arm | ed, and entered upon its career of blood bought victory, and that, too, when ! the nation, panic stricken, wasstagger | ing under the fearful blows delivered VOL. 61.—WHOLE No. 5,397. against her at the first Bull Run. Shall I, comrades, attempt, in your presence, to place 'an additional laurel on the brow of a M'Call, a Meade or an Ord, or drop a tear to the memory of the la mer.t >d Reynolds ? No! comrades; this would beawork ofsupererogation. Those names are enshrined in the hearts of their surviving comrades; men who formed a division that sealed its valor by leaving three-fourths of its number upon the various fieldsofstrife, made red by bloody victory ; a divis ion that has'earned'a fame as historic as the Greek Phalanx of Alexander, the Tenth Legion ofCsesar, the Irish Guard of Wellington, or the Old Guard ofNa poleon. Would you know where thisfame was won ? Go back with ine on the sultry afternoon of the 2Gth of June, 18G2, to the banks of Beaver Darn creek at Me chanicsviile. Mark this division, form ed upon the extreme right flank of the army of the Potomac; see the solid col umns of Confederates advancing to turn this point; hearken to the thunders of artillery—the sharp rattle of the mus ketry—the Confederate yell—the stur dy cheer of the Reserves in reply ! Still on the column comes! See the charge, the repulse. Again they come, and a gain, but all to no purpose. That line stands firm as adamant until night ends the strife. But night brings no rest—"Fall in," steadily, for Gaines' Mill. Why? Because Jackson, that wily beau ideal of the Southern soldier, is at Cold llarbor, on our fiank. He has beaten in detail, and slipped away from, our tardy commanders in the Shenandoah Valley ; the 27th sees us again engaged, and our gallant Reyn olds captured. The 30th, prodigal with the slaughter of our comrades in that bloody struggle at Charles City Cross Roads—the gallant M'Call captured— the stern, steady Meade wounded— the noble Seneca Simmons killed, and only cool, brave Seymour left us. March oh to Malvern Hill, July 2d, where the military genius of our George B. M'c- Clellan blazed with the splendor of a Napoleon ; the hearts he formed and led showed themselves worthy of his training, when after a retrograde move ment of six days they turned on their pursuers and hurled back with indes cribable slaughter, the masses who con sidered the army of the Potomac a thing of the past. Those seven days, comrades, have become historic— marching by night and fighting by day, listening each morning to hear the guns of M'Do well on Jackson's left flank as eagerly as Jennie Brown, the High land lass in Lucknow, listened for the slogan of the Campbells. But, alas ! not with the same result. Animated solely by fear of personal danger, there suit of military ignorance, the fiat of the modern Aulic Council, halting Mc- Dowell in his march to join us, we were left to struggle alone. Manfully it was done. You are entitled to the green est laurels, won by the sacrifice in these sanguinary contests of one-fifth of your beloved comrades. Transport yourselves with me from Harrison's Landing to the plains of Manassas : Again you occupy the post of honor. Lee's object was to turn Pope's left flank. Thereyou stood, with you rßrigade front and Divisionln mass, Reynolds at your head; there you won additional honors by stemming awhile the torrent of con federate victory which drove, from sheer lack of generalship, the devoted soldiers of the Potomac army into the fortifications of the Capi tal. "Fall in!" "forward!" istheor der of your old commander. At the sound of that voice the shattered col umn is reformed as if by magic; you climb the rugged sides of South Moun tain, and drive the foe before you ; pass down its western slope and debouch in the valley to meet again the 'veterans of Lee, posted in the acute angle form ed by the junction of the Potomac riv er and Antietain Creek. Under M'Clellan's plan of battle the Confederate left was the point to be as sailed. Who were selected as the as sailants of this post alike of honor and of danger? History records that "the assault was made by the centre division of Hooker's corps, the Pennsylvania Reserves, under command of Gen. Geo. G. Meade, with wonderful impetuosity, which forced back the Confederate lines over the Hagerstown road and into the woods around the Dunker Church." Victory here perched upon your ban ners. The series of di-asters which had swept, from sheer lack of general ship, the Union arms from the Rapi dan into the lines of Washington, were at an end. The veteran and hitherto invincible legions of Lee, were compell ed to seek refuge behind the waters of the Potomac ; and here, as heretofore, tiie brightest page of the history of this contest is your own. "Fall in !" "Forward !" is the order, and on a bleak December day you pass the Rappahannock and meet your foes perched upon the heights ot Freder icksburg. Are you selected for any special or perilous duty here? Yes, the commander-in-chief has directed Franklin to charge with a division on his front, and he ordered the Pennsyl vania Reserves forward. That stern old warrior, Meade, marshalled forward the debris of that veteran band he had so often led into the very jaws of death! Then came the rapid advance, (start ing beyond our lines like a gladiator of old, to grapple with the power of an adversary), then the sharp volley, the fixed bayonet, the cheer, the charge, the rush, the first line of the enemy car ried, their second wavering, our flanks enveloped, our line enfiladed, over whelmed with numbers, the ordered support not advanning toour assistance. O! how we wished for the presence of those noble souls, our fallen comrades, whose bones lay bleaching 011 every field of carnage from the outset, by which our numbers were reduced from 15,000 to 4,000; then would we have stood in our power and pride, numeri cally strong enough to win our way without support. Alas! this could not be, and we emerged from that useless charge a fragment of our former selves; the gallaut General Jackson, of the Second brigade, no more, and forty per cent of our entire number placed hors du combat! The magnanimity of your command ers gave you an opportunity to recuper ate and fill up your shattered aud deci mated ranks. You are removed from the front; the foot of the invader is upon the soil of your native State; you ask to have an opportunity to meet him. It is grauted. You rejoin your old command ers of the army of the Potomac, who receive you with open arms. Your toil some marches bring you to the spot where, under the commandof the brave Crawford, you reach the acme of your greatness upon the Little Round Top, at Gettysburg. Shall 1 describe this fearful contest, which future historians willde ! Clare to lie the one which decided the : supremacy of the Union and the down* | fall of the Confederacy? Before pro ! ceeding to do so, Jet uts pay a willing tribute to the memory of one whom you all delight to honor, and whose image you cherish in your hearts with a feeling strong as the first love of bud ding womanhood— he whose discipline in the camp and bravery in the field made his imprint on the officers and soldiers of this Division. We imagine we still see him '•Through the smoke created night Ot (he black and sulphurous fight, There, where death's brief pang wasquickest Aud the battle's wreck lay thickest. Whilst the broken line enlarging Fell, or fied along the plain, There, be sure, was Reynolds charging ' There he ne'er shall charge again!'' Well might Meadeexelaim at Gettys burg, on the death of this patriot, as Napoleon did at Marengo, 011 the death of his great Lieutenant—Dessaix—that "Victory at such a price is dear!" How clear the memory, how vivid the recol lections of this decisive battle. Let 11s state the positions of the contending forces as planned. General Lee says "it was determined to make the principal attack upon tne enemy's left, and en deavor to gain a position from which our artillery could be brought to bear with effect. The point to be carried was the little Round Top." This, the Confeder ate commander directed General Long street to do, Opposed to him was the Third Corps, and to this menaced point —the key of the whole po ition—was moved (with other troops) the Pennsyl vania Reserve Corps. On came the masses of Longstreet, without even be ing preceeded by a skirmisher. The Third Corps, alter a manful resistance, is forced back; the first Division of the Fifth Corps meets the same fate, and then the steady valor ot the Reg ulars is opposed to this on-coming tide. They are outflanked—compelled to change front and fight their way back.- Yet on comes the column of Texans, headed by Hood, shattered, but steady. They essay to carry the slope ofthe little Round Top. You had the proud privilege of meeting them midway You had the honor of re pulsing them. You threw them back as the rock hurls the ocean wave in fragments from its front. On the day succeeding, your determined courage broke their line and added fresh laurels to your brow. But why particularize? Your action won the admiration of your comrades, the commendation of your officers, and tended to free the s< >il of your State from the foot of the invader. This engagement requires more than a passing notice. It was the spot where the aggregate powers of the Confedera cy had set their fortunes on a single east, resolved to stand the hazard of the die. The stake was what ? Not inde pendence, but that which would have tended very much towards it. The rec ognition of the Confederacy by foreign powers as a defacto government. And if the Southern diplomats at the Euro pean courts will tell the truth, this in vasion was planned by them, with the guarantee that if successful their Euro pean sympathizers would hail them as a legitimate power among nations. What gave Franklin and hiscolleagues, under direction of our first revolution, recognition at the court of Louis? Was it not our prestige won at Saratoga? Asim ilar resultatGettysburg for the Confed erates, in my judgment, would have tended to the same end, dignified trea son, and changed the term insurrection into successful revolution. Let us yet advance. With the measure of your glory tilled to overflowing, you are cull ing 'fresh laurels from the thorns of danger strewed in your path, from the Rappahannock to the James. The Wil derness, Spottsylvania, the North Anns and Bethsada Church shine in lustre on your banners! Five Forks is fought; the strife is ended, and those massive columns of soldiery, organized with a speed that astonished the world and made inonarchs quake in their palaces, moved noiselessly from these warlike scenesofoperations to their quiet hon e<; not as Othello, "with their occupation gone," but Cincinnatus like, returning to their daily avocations, having served and saved their country. In a mo ment like this, when passions are lull ed and reason holds supreme sway, af ter traversing this sea of blood, it is of all importance to critically state results, especially as they apply to the govern ment of republics. Greece, as we have seen, although all powerful to defend herself, as at Marathon, against foreign invasion, finally wasted her sub stance in civil wars with her confed erate States, and fell an easy prey into the lap of monarchy. Rome, "she who was named eternal and arrayed her warriors but to con quer," became the victim of one of her own sons. Ctesar passed the Ru bicon, civil war was inaugurated, and Rome was free no more! Venice, the republican bulwark of Europe against Ottoman invasion, exists only in histo ry. In Holland the name of Common wealth is gone, and she bows to the sceptred sway of a king. The short lived republicanism of France is driven outoftheSenate chambers; and crush ed in the nation by the bayonets of Na poleon's grenadiers. I have read, some where, the no less beautiful than truth ful expression, "that the republics of old appear like an unhappy maniac, who, in a paroxysm of madness, crush ed at his f*rt a magnificent vase, gorge ous in hueand priceless in value, is seen, in the first interval of returning reason, endeavoring to gather up and re-unite theglitteringfragments,butstruggling, alas! in vain." Let us accept results from the pages of history. Let us be taught experience from others' errors. Let us bind up the wounds of the Republic. Let us like all brave men, have magnanimity in our hearts for a fallen foe. Let us be animated by the spirit that made Burke the great Irish statesman in the English House of Commons, pending the re volu tion of '7G, utter the sentiments "tnat he gloried in the bravery of the colon ies," our revolutionary forefathers; and when called to order for such disloyal utterances, replied that "had they not fought manfully for what they believed to be right, they would be unworthy scions of the stock from which they sprang." Our Southern breathren and ourselves sprang from the loins of one common mother, and we, at least, comrades, know that he who conquers them will find a stubborn foe. We must not, as in the days of Rome, make them pass under tiie yoke. We mustremembei that, as an element of weakness among the ruling powers of the world, in this epoch, England has her Ireland, Austria her Hungary, Rus sia her Poland, and the United States can afford to have no such germ of dis cord in her Union. Whilst we are carrying out our history, whilst our hardy pioneers are still advancing west ward, and with our right hand stretched into Behring Straits, ready to grapple the trade of Asia, and our left pointing to the key of the Gulf of Mexico, and asking Spain "how long before we shall hold it, comrades?" place upon the tablet of your memory this: That when yon see this land by faction tossed, Her freemen slain, her laws, her freedom lost, Let this reflection from the action flow, We ne'er f.om foreign foe can ruin know. Oh ! let us, then, intestine discord shun, We ne'er can be, but by ourselves, undone.