The Bedford gazette. (Bedford, Pa.) 1805-current, November 16, 1866, Image 1

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page. It is also available as plain text as well as XML.

r sK BEDFORD OAZF.TTE is published every Fri
-4.,. morning by METERS A MBNGEL, at $2.00 per
Inum, / paid ttrict ly advance. ; $2.50 if paid
.;,jn is months; $3.00 if not paid within six
"the -4// subscription accounts MUST be
" ~'ful annually. No paper will be sent out of
Btate unless paid-for IN ADVANCE, and all such
~r j ptions will invariably be discontinued at
, M piration of the time for which they are
q]l ADVERTISEMENTS for a less term than
ee months TEN CENTS per line for each !n
--ulion. Special notices one-half additional All j
•,i!uti'ns of Associations; eonimunieations of'
; ;e d or individual interest, and notices of mar- i
and deaths exceeding five line*, ten cents
, line. Editorial notices fifteen cents per line.
; legal Notices of every kind, and Orphans'
.■ a and Judicial Sales, are required by laic
, pu Hi shed in hath pajiers put! i shed in this
■ :■ All advertising due after first insertion.
X liberal discount is made to persons advertising ;
-ha quarter, haif year, or year, as follows;
i months. 6 months. I year :
ige square - - - $4 50 sfi 00 $lO 00 !
jiuarei - - - 600 UOO 16 00 j
- .-a squares - - - 8 00 12 00 20 00 '
,rter eolufOti - - 14 00 20 00 35 00!
Si'-' olumn - - - 18 00 25 00 45 00 ,
column - - - - SO 00 45 00 80 00 ;
•One squar# to occupy tne inch of space.
JOB PRINTING, of every kind, done with !
E, O EM and dispatch. THE GAZETTE OFFICE has !
, t .. scan refitted with a Power Press and new type,
; . rervthing in the Printing line can be execu
.. 2 the most artistic manner and at the lowest
gr* ill letters ahould be addrcssd t
.Mtontnis at £au\
J aT LAW, BEDFORD, PA., will promptly
, nd to collections of bounty, back pay. Ac..
•"! j-i all business entrusted to bis care in Bedford
1,-! I adjoining counties.
I V-h advanced on judgments, notes, yiilitary
! I , . -her claims.
iis for sale Town lots in Tatesville, where a
5 . i Church is erected, and where a large School
m j shall b# built. Farms. Timber
• from one acre to 500 acres to suit pur
Hg tbtfers.
5-e nearly opposite the "Mengel Hotel" and
i: Bak of Reed A Scbell.
April 1,1864—1y
1 J SOD. snanPE. E. P. KF.RR.
1 AT LAW. BEDFORD, Pa., will practice in
W d- courts of Bedford and adjoining counties Of
-1 : Juliana St., opposite the Banking House of
.. 1 A Schell. [March 2, '66.
j 1 1 attend promptly to all business intrusted to
, rcare. Collections made on the shortest no-
Ihey are. also, regularly licensed Claim Agents
still give special attention to the prosecution
J . ins against the Government for Pensions,
J .. k Pay. Bounty, Bounty Lands, Ac
>sc on Juliana street, one door South of the
Mengel House," and nearly opposite the Inquirer
&1 5 *e.
• I LAW, BEDFORD. PA Respectfully tenders
; ■ 'crvices to the public.
? See second door North of the Mengel House.
Bedford, Aug, 1, 1861.
•J LAW. BEDFORD, PA. Will promptly attend
all business entrusted to his care.
I Particular attention paid to the collection of
Military claims. Office on Juliana Street, nearly
i >-ite the Mengel House.
: It rd. Aug. 1. MB.
1 j LAW, BEDFORD, PA. Will faithfully and
: uiptly attend ta all business entrusted to his
ie:e in Bedford and adjoining counties. Military
*.iius. back pay, bounty, Ac., speedily collected.
| Office with Mann A Spang, on Juliana street.
•e doors South of the Mengel House,
i Jan. 22, 1864,
Have formed a partnership in the practice of
Law. Office n Juliana street, two doors South
•Hue 'MCMC\ Houfe. '
\ LAW BEDFORD. PA. Will promptly at
:> nd to collections and all business entrusted to
his earo in Bedford and adjoining counties.
Office on Juliana Street, three doers south of the
Mengel Howe," opposite the residence of Mrs.
May It, 136-1
TORNEYS AT LAW, Bedford, Pa., office
! -MSI: as formerly occupied by Hon. W. P. Schell,
*o doors east of the GAZETTE office, will practice
: r. the several courts of Bedford county. Pensions,
any and Dack pay obtained and the purchase
! sale of real estate attended to. [mayll.66.
TOHN H- FILLER, AttorneyaL Lone,
' Bedford, Pa. Office nearly opposite the Post
See. [apr.20,"66.—ly.
i l luiiirians and pcntists.
I) H. PENXSYL, M. P., Bixxjdy
I . Rry, Pa.. • I;tte surgeon 56th P. V. V.,) ten
'■'■n his professional services to the people of that
| i.e anj vicinity. Doc. 22. '6.0-ly*
\y W. JAMISON, ML I)., Bi.<<<ii>v
> Y r*!. Pa., tenders his professional servi
-to the people of that place and vicinity. Office
• door west of Richard Langdon's store.
Sot 24. '6s—l y
nit. J. 1.. MARBOUBG, Having
perinonently located, respectfully tenders
- professional services to the citizens of Bedford
i vicinity
OSee on Juliana street, cast side, nearly opposite
Hanking House of Reed it Schell
L. iford. February 12, 1864.
'See in the Bank Building, Juliana St.
All operations pertaining to Surgical or Me
ani--ul Dentistry carefully performed, and war
• 4 Tooth Powders and month Washes, ex
::t article-. Bvays on hand.
Bedford, January 6. I
\ 18. GEO. C. DOUGLAS, Respect-
I /fully tenders his profrflsional services to the
est' Bedford and vicinity,
r FTCiJ—2 doors West of the Belford Hotel,
■ 15Jt-iler's Silver Smith Store.
• i'Oice at Maj. Washabaugh's.
V.a? nhcr'z.
■ | J.J. SCBBLL,
lieed ANI) schell,
II Banters anrl
DRAFTS bought and sold, collections made and
®';"7 ptjmptly remitted.
's solicited.
U ERS, Bedford, Pa.
SECTIONS made for the East, West, North
•uth. and the general business of Exchange
.'*■ a.ctbd. Notes and Accounts Collected and
ttausei promptly made. KEAL ESTATE
: '*gatwni sold. Oct. 20, 1865.
• ' Pitt street, two doors west of tub bed
ATCIIMAKER and dealer in JEWEL
, "teens on hand a stock of fine Gold nnd Sil
.' , a iche, Spectacles of Brilliant Doahle lie*
, ''**■•, also Scotch Pebble Glasses. Gold
s, -h Chains, Breast Pins. Finger Kings, best
JMlitv of (Jold Pens. He will supply to order
'-'"g in his line not on hand.
'•'t 20. 1665-
rvted Scrivener and Conveyancer,
i the writing of Deeds, Mortgages,
'' Articles of Agreement, and till business
1 -y tratuiacteil by a Scrivener and Convevan
l'4trontt o i; ,J f the public is respectfully
Ttimluhirc, &r.
" I having formed a partnership, on the 6th of
March, 1866, in the
respectfully invite the public to their new rooms,
three doors west of the old stand, where they will
find an immense stock of the most splendid goods
ever brought to Bedford county. These goods
will be gold at the lowest possible prices. Persons
desirous of purchasing BUILDING HARDWARE
will find it to their advantage to give us a call.
WHITE LEAD.—We have on hand a large
quantity of White Lead, which wc have been for
tunate to buy a little lower than the market rntcs.
The particular brands to which we would invite
attention, are the
Pure Buck Lead.
Liberty White I .end.
SHOW Franklin White Lead,
Washington White T.ead,
Washington Zinc White Lead,
Netc York White Tjeml.
ALSO:— French. Porcelain Finish;
Demur Varnish;
Varnishes of all kinds.
Flaxseed Oil, (pure.)
Turpentine and Alcohol.
All kinds of IRON and NAILS.
LAMPS in profusion.
We would invite persong wanting Saddlery
Hardware, to give us a call, as we have every
thing in the Saddlery line, such as Buekles,
Rings, Hames and Wehbing Leather of all kinds;
also a variety of Shoe Findings, consisting of
French Calf Skins. Morocco Linings, Bindings,
Pegs, etc.
Housekeepers will find at Blymycr A Son's
store a great variety of household goods. Knives
and Fork of the very best quality; Plated Table
and Tea Spoons at all prices.
Give us a call and we can supply you with Barn
Door Hollers, the latest improvements; NOVR Scotia
Grindstones, better than any in use; Shovels,
Forks and Spades.
Grain and Grass Scythes and Snathes; Fishing
Tackle; Brushes of ail kinds; Demi-Johns; Patent
Wheel Grease. Tar and Whale Oil, and an infinite
variety of articles.
$20,000 WANTED—WouId like to get it if our
friends weuld let us have it. Less will do; but
persons having unsettled accounts will close them
up to the first of March, to enable us to close our
old books. This should be done.
may4,'66. GEO. BLYMYER A SON.
lUutvs, ks.
T L. LEWIS having purchased the
fj 0 Drug Store, lately owned by Mr. H. C. Rea
mer takes pleasure in announcing to the citizens
of Bedford and vicinity, that he has just returned
from the cities with a well selected stock of
The stook of Drugs and Medicines consist of the
purest quality, and selected with great care
General assortment of popular Patent Medicines.
Tho attention of the Ladies is particularly invi
ted to the stock of PERFUMERY - , TOILET and FANCY
ARTICLES, coßsistiDg of the best perfumes of the
day. Colognes, Soaps, Preparations for the Hair,
Complexion and Teeth ; Camphor ice for chapped
hands; Teeth and Hair Brushes, Port Monaies, Ac.
Of Stationery, there is a fine assortment:
Billet, Note, Letter, Leaf and Mourning Paper,
Envelops, Pens. Pencils, Ink, Blank Deeds, Power
of Attorneys, Drafting Paper, Marriage Certifi
cates. Ac., Ac. Also, a large quantity of Books,
which will be sold very cheap.
Coal Oil Lamp Hinge Burner, can be lighted
without removing the chimney—all patterns and
prices. Glass Lanterns, very neat, for burning
Coal Oil. Lamp chimneys of an improved pattern.
Lamp Shades of beautiful patterns.
Howe's Family Dye Colors, the "hades being light
Fawn, Drab. Snuff and Dark Brown, Light and
Dark Blue, Light and Dark Green, Yellow, Pink,
Orange. Royal Purple, Scarlet, Maroon, Magenta.
Cherry and Black
Humphrey's Homeopathic Remedies.
Cigars of best brands, smokers can rely on a
good cigar.
Rose Smoking Toheeeo,
Michigan and Solace Fine Cut,
Natural Leaf, Twist and Big PI tig,
Finest and purest French Confections,
Consist in g of Grape. Blackberry and Elderberry
RpThe attention of physicians is invited to the
stock of Drugs and Medici net, which they can
purchase at reasonable prices.
Country Merchants' orders promptly filled. Goods
put up with neatness and care, and at reasonable
J. L. LEWIS designs keeping a first class Drug
Store, and having on hand at all times a general
assortment of goods. Being a Druggist of several
years experience, physicians can rely on having
their prescriptions carefully and accurately com
pounded. [Feb 9,'66 —tt
nothing etc.
Come one, come all,
and examine
A rare chance is offered to ALL to purchase good
and seasonable goods, at the lowest prices, by cal
ling at Lippel's.
If you would have a good suit of Ready-Made
Clothing call at Lippel's.
If you would have good and cheap
Ladies' Dress Goods. „
Ac.. Ac., Ac..
Call at Lippel's.
If vou would have furnishing goods of all de
scriptions, notions, etc., call at Lippel s.
If you would have the best quality of Groceries,
buy them at Lippel's
Goods of all kinds, sold at the most roasonablo
prices, and country produce of all kinds taken in
exchange for goods, at Lippel's
/ REIMUND, Merchant Tailor, Bedford. Pa.,
keeps constantly on hand ready-made clothing,
such as coats, pants, vests, Ac.; also a general as
sortment of cloths, cassimeres. and gents' furnish
ing goods of all kinds: also calicoes, muslins, Ac.,
all of which will be said lota for cash. My room
is a few doors west of Fyan's store and opposite
Rush's marble yard. I invito all to give me a
call. I have just received a stock of new goods.
Hie ?Brtlfnvtl (iVd.ncttc.
The Constitutional Amendment,
Attorney (Jeiiera! of the Tnitecl States.
WASHINGTON, D.C., Oct. 13,1866.
Vol. H'. //. Jiennevon and Maj. //. V.
Sullivan, Quincy, Illinois:
GENTLEMEN: It would give me |
great pleasure to comply with your re- j
quest, anil visit Illinois to meet my i
old friends and neighbors, and talk to i
them face to face upon the great (ques
tions now before the country. But it
is not practicable for me to do so. My
publie duties forbid it.
Our Government is worth preserv
ing. No people were ever blessed with
one better worth it. But it ie not certain,
that we will save it. There are now
two tendencies in public affairs, both
of which are fraught with danger. One
is to centralization of power in the
General Government; the other an ab
sorption by the legislative department
of many of the powers and preroga
tives of tiie executive and the judi
The safety of a free government is in
keeping the power near the people.
This was well understood by the states
men who formed the original thirteen
States, and united them and their peo
ple in one Federal Government. They
gave to the General Government only
sueh powers as were necessary for the
welfare of the whole people of the Uni
ted States reserving all other powers to
the States respectively and to their
people. And in framing State consti
tutions and laws they placed as much
power as was compatible with the gen
eral welfare of the State in the govern
ment of counties, townships and lesser
municipalities. To guard still farther
against abuse, or too great concentra
tion of power, they distributed the
functions of Government, State and
Federal, in separate bodies of magis
tracy. The natural tendency of power
is to strengthen its hands, and enlarge
its sphere of action; and if the Feder
al Government absorb great powers
heretofore reserved to the States, or if
one department usurp important func
tions of the others, the structure of our
complex system will be radically chan
ged, and our free government will de
scend into despotism.
The legislative is much the strongest
of the departments—and the most ag
gressive, because its members are re
sponsible to no power but the will of
the dominant party for acts of usurpa
tion. It is the only department from
the encroachments of which any seri
ous danger to our institutions is to be
apprehended, it luts heretofore exer
cised more influence than is compati
ble with safety and entire freedom over
both the executive and the judiciary.
It hits sometimes impressed a perni
cious influence upon judicial action,
and where it has failed to accomplish
that in advance of judgments, has sub
sequently overrulet I and annu 1 led them.
And, without at all impugning the
motives of legislators, 1 may venture
to say that if the present Congress
were not restrained by positive and
emphatic provisions of the Constitu
tion, they would greatly abridge, if
they did not altogether annihilate, the
power of appointment to and removal
from office, now confided to the Exec
utive, and the salutary restraint which
he holds over legislation through the
veto power. This is a danger always
present when the executive and the
legislative departments arc in antago
nism, and it is certain in times of high
party excitement to manifest itself, no
matter what [tarty may be in power.
Safety is to be found only in holding
each department firmly and eloseiy
within its orbit.
If the projtosed amendments of the
Constitution bo adopted, new and enor
mous powers will be claimed and exer
cised by Congress as warranted by such
amendments, and the whole structure
of our Government will, perhaps grad
ually, hut yet surely, be revolutioni
zed. And so with the judiciary; if the
proposed amendments be adopt* d, they
may, and certainly will, be used sub
stantially to annihilate the State judi
The first section of the proposed arti
cle contains, among others, the follow
ing provision :
"Nor shall any State deprive any
person of life, liberty, or property,
without due process of law."
Why insert such a provision in the
Federal Constitution ? It already con
tains the following: "No person shall
be deprived of life, liberty, or proper
ty, without due process of law." This
is identically the same, except that it
is a restraint upon the powers of the
General Government alone, and has no
reference or application to State Gov
ernments. And most of the State con
stitutions, I believe all of them, con
tain a similar provision, asa limitation
upon the powers of the State respect
ively. Now, when, in the Federal
Constitution, there is this guaranty a
gainst arbitrary and oppressive inva
sions of the rights of the citizens by
Federal authority, and a similar guar
anty in the State constitutions against
like oppressive action by the State gov
ernments, why insert, in the Federal
Constitution, a new provision which
has no reference to the powers of the
General Government, and imposes 110
restraints upon it, but is simply a rep
etition of a limitation upon the powers
of State government which is already
present in the State constitutions? The
object and purpose is manifest. # It is
to subordinate the State judiciaries, in
all things, to Federal supervision and
control—to totally annihilate the inde
pendence and sovereignty of State ju
diciaries, in the administration of State
laws, and the authority and control of
the States over matters of purely do
mestic and local concern. If the State
judiciaries are subordinated, all the de
partments of the State Governments
will be equally subordinated, for all
State laws, let them relate to what de
partment of government they may, or
to what domestic or local interest, will
he equally open to criticism, interpret
ation and adjudication by the Federal
tribunals, whose judgments and de
crees wiil he supreme, and will over
ride the decisions of the State courts,
and leave them utterly powerless.
The Federal judiciary has jurisdic
tion of all questions arising under the
Constitution and laws of the United
States; and by virtue of this new pro
vision. if adopted, every matter of ju
dicial investigation, civil or criminal,
however insignificant, may be drawn
into the vortex of the Federal judicia
ry. In a controversy between two
neighbors about the ownership of a
pig, the unsuccessful party may allege
that the State tribunals have deprived
him of his property without due pro
cess of law, and take the case before
the Federal tribunals for revision. So
if a man he indicted for larceny, or
other crime, convicted and sentenced,
upon allegation of deprivation of lib
erty without due process of law, lie
may bring the case before the Federal
tribunals for revision and reversal.
So, too, if a murderer be arrested, tri
ed, convicted and sentenced to be hung,
he may claim the protection of the new
constitutional provision—allege that a
State is about to deprive him of life
without due process of law, and arrest
all further proceedings until the Fed
eral Government shall have inquired
whether a State has a right to punish
its own citizens for an infraction of its
own laws, and have granted permis
sion to the State tribunals to proceed.
Under such a system the liberties of
the people could not long be maintain
ed. As already remarked, free gov
ernments can he preserved only by
keeping the power near the people, to
be exercised through local agencies.
Under this new system, State and local
authority would not at once disappear.
For some time they would contest ju
risdiction with the Federal Govern
ment ; but the inevitable and constant
ly increasing tendency would be for
the control of domestic affairs to steal
away from the people, the States, and
local municipal bodies, and centralize
andconcentratein thehandsof the Fed
eral Government ; and as party con
flicts intensified, and party victories al
ternated, thepower would be more and
more inexorably used by the dominant
party to punish its enemies, reward its
friends, and strengthen and perpetuate
its hold upon the power and patronage
of the Government.
Be assured, if this new provision is
engrafted in the Constitution, it will
in time change the entire structure and
texture of our Government, and sweep
away all the guaranties of safety devi
sed and provided by our patriotic sires
of the Revolution. It is impossible to
maintain our wise and happy form of
government without preserving the
independence and sovereignty of the
States within their appropriate and
constitutional spheres. They are of
primary and vital importance. The
States may exist and perform all their
functions without the Union or Feder
al Government; the Union and the
Federal Government cannot exist with
out the States. Aud they must be
States of equality—equal in dignity—
equal in rights— equal in power—equal
in the control, absolute and uncondi
tional, of all things pertaining to their
internal and local policy and interests.
Another blow which the proposed a
mendment aims at the Government
which our fathers founded is in the
change of the basis of representation.
This would be of very pernicious ef
fect. Aggregate population is the true
basis of representation. No matter
how the elective franchise be disposed
of, whether exercised by few or many,
all classes of the community are repre
sented. The interests of all classes of
people in the same community are so
interwoven and commingled that they
cannot be separated, and whoever
wields the representative power must
do it for the good or ill of all—perhaps
not precisely in the same degree, but
he cannot use it so as largely to benefit
one class without to some extent ben
efiting all, or to injure and oppress one
class without, tea greater or less extent,
injuring and oppressing all.
There are always, even in this coun
try, where the right of suffrage is most
widely extended, large numbers who
do not vote at all, whose interests, nev
ertheless, are cared for, and whose
numbers, being computed in the ap
portionment of representation, widen
the foundations of the representative
assemblies. Such are all persons un
der twenty-one years of age, females of
all ages, and unnaturalized foreigners.
Why are they not permitted to vote?
And not being permitted, why are
they counted in fixing the ratio of rep
resentation ? They are not allowed to
vote, because they are not supposed to
l>e sufficiently instructed in political e
conomy and governmental affairs to be
entrusted with the elective franchise.
They are computed in fixing the ratio,
"because they are part of the same coin-
munity with those who do vote, hav
ing interests in common with them ;
and their influence ought to be felt in
shaping the laws by which their rights
of life, liberty, and property, are to be
determined. And although they do
not vote, their influence isfeltand their
interests are cared for, precisely because
they are counted in fixing the relative
weight of the communities to which
they belong in the legislative Assem
blies, although their voices are not di
rectly heard in determining who shall
represent them.
It is not true, as is constantlyalleged,
that the relative strength of the States
which were in rebellion will be in
creased by the results of the war if
they are now allowed representation
in the National Councils. The present
ratio of representation is adjusted by
the census of ISGO, and cannot be chan
ged until after the census of 1870. Till
that time, therefore, the relative
strength of the several States of our
country must remain precisely as it
was under the census of 1860. After
the census of 1870 the positive and rel
ative strength of the Southern States
in Congress and the Electoral College
will both be diminished, even if the
non-voting black population be inclu
ded in the basis. In iB6O three-fifths
of all the black population of the South
ern States was counted. The census of
1870 will show the whole of the non
voting black population to be less than
the three-fifths of 1860.
Nor is it true that a vote in the South
will outweigh a vote in the North, if
the non-voting negro population he in
cluded in the basis of representation.
If the proposed amendment be adopt
ed, ail the non-voting black population
of the South will he excluded, while
all the non-voting, unnaturalized for
eign population of the North will be
counted. The great preponderance of
unnaturalized, and consequently non
voting foreigners, is in Northern and
Northwestern States. They and their
families number hundreds of thou
sands, perhaps millions, and yet they
are all counted in fixing the ratio of
representation. They area part of the
community. They help to make up
the strength and productive wealth of
the State, and ought to be computed in
fixing its political power. But if it is
right to count non-voting population
in one State, it is equally right to count
it in another. And if counted in one
and not iti another, it gives the one an
advantage over the other incompatible
witli the equality of the States and of
dangerous and revolutionary tendency.
While the unnaturalized, non-voting
population of one section of the coun
try will lie constantly increasing, the
non-voting black population of the
other section, by obvious causes, not
now necessary to be mentioned, will
be as constantly decreasing. It would
be better for all parties and interests,
and far more hopeful for the perpetuity
of our Government, if something like
an equilibrium of strength between
the different sections of the country
could be maintained.
The M section of the proposed a
mendments disfranchises the great ma
jority of the educated men of the
States which have been in rebellion,
and excludes them from any participa
tion in the affairs of theStateand Fed
eral Governments. The entire control
of the government of those States will
be placed in the hands of a meagre mi
nority of the men at all qualified for
such control; and they, as a general
thing, not of the most intelligent and
capable classes. .No such sweeping and
indiscriminate proscription is remem
bered since the days of Philip 11, off
Spain. It is not to be expected that in
this age and country, and with our
race, a majority of the educated men
of ten States will long submit to be ex
cluded from all share in making and
administering the laws by which their
lives, liberties, and property are to be
judged, without the constant presence
and pressure of a force adequate to co
erce obedience. The adoption of this
amendment will involve the necessity
of maintaining an army to enforce it,
which, of itself will be dangerous to
liberty, and add greatly to the burdens
of taxation, already grievous.
I can see no good to result from the
proposed amendments. I see much evil.
We had better adhere to the form of
government which our fathers gave us.
It is in my judgment, the most perfect
political production of human wisdom
and patriotism. For three-quarters of
a century it secured us unexampled
prosperity and happiness, and, at the
end of that time, enabled us to meet and
overcome the most stupendous rebellion
in the history of nations. Why change
it? For seventy-five years we have
hardly known that we had a Govern
ment. When we did know it, we knew
it only by its beneficence. Audit has
shown itself as strong, as beneficent
capable of successful resistance to the
fiercest and most desperate assaults that
it is possible to make upon a govern
ment. Why change it just as it has
vindicated its power and glory, and
lifted us to an eminence among the na
tions of the cartli we never till now at
tained ?
We have tried the old Constitution
and know its capabilities. We have not
tried the new, as proposed, but can
readily see the confusion and disaster
which it would bring. We had better
let well enough alone. Rut, if we
should change it at all, we should not
change it now. The public temper was
never less auspicious to calm, conscien
tious, wise consideration of great ques
tions of State. Passion and prejudice
VOL. 61.—WHOLE No. 5.372
should never lay rude hands upon fun
damental and organic laws. In a day
they may do mischief which years of
repentant, patriotic labor will not re
pair. In a day they may open a Pan
dora's box, which the patriotism and
statesmanship of a century mqy not be
able to shut.
I do not regard the recent and pend
ing elections as indicative of the judg
ment of the people of the Northern
States upon the constitutional amend
ments. They are really not the issues
presented to and considered by the peo
ple. They have not calmly and dispas
sionately discussed and reflected upon
them. The people have had their fears
alarmed and their prejudices and pas
sions aroused, and perhaps never voted
under more delusive ideas as to the
character of the issues before thecountry.
The people have been assured that
President Johnson is a traitor and a
usurper. He usurped no power. When
the insurrectionary governments were
overthrown and expelled, the States
were left with constitutions which, ac
cording to the most solemn sanctions of
the Federal Constitution, had been de
clared republican in form, and under
which those States had for many years
maintained their places as constituent
members of the Union. But they had
no organizations under their constitu
tions. The President, therefore, doing
what it was his imperative duty as
Commander-in-Chief to do, and what
he would have been most culpable for
not doing, prevented anarchy by ap
pointing temporary provisional gov
ernors, under whose advice the people
brought their regular governments a
gain into operation under their consti
tutions. This was a thing with which
Congress had nothing to do. It was a
matter purely of military cognizance.
The public enemy had just been expell
ed by military force, and it was thedu
ty of the Commander-in-Chief to see to
it that anarchy and confusion did not
ensue, and that the machinery of the
legitimate governments was again put
in operation for the preservation of or
der and the protection of life, liberty
and property from lawless violence. It
was the duty of ihe President, too, as
the executive head of the nation, tosee
to it that the national laws wereexeeu
ted and the relations between the States
and tiie Federal Government restored.
President Lincoln had taken precisely
this action in respect to Virginia, Ten
nessee, Louisiana, and Arkansas, for
which he was applauded and endorsed
by Congress during the first three years
of the war, and thereafter vehemently
denounced by the same men who now
most violently denounce President
Johnson for precisely the same reasons.
A protest was issued by the Radicals
against Mr. Lincoln's renomination to
the Presidency, and a convention called
at Cleveland to supersede him as the
candidate, for resolutely adhering to his
restoration policy, which both Houses
of Congress had repeatedly endorsed
during the first half of the war. In the
appeal then made by the Radicals from
President Lincoln to the war party they
were overwhelmingly defeated, and his
policy endorsed by the party and the
country. President Johnson strictly
adhered to the policy of Mr. Lincoln;
and it was not until long after the gov
ernments of all the Southern States had
been reorganized that any noticeable
objection was made to his action. In
fact, it seemed to meet the hearty ap
proval of all sections and parties until
last December, when Congress assem
bled, and when the old issue made
against Mr. Lincoln, and decided by the
people then, was revived against him.
If President Johnson had in all other
respects pursued precisely the course he
has, but had insisted on negro suffrage
as a condition precedent to restoration,
does any candid man doubt that he
would be high in favor with the party
which now so bitteriv denounces him ?
Last spring Senator Stewart offered in
the Senate a proposition for universal
amnesty and universal suffrage as the
best adjustment of all existing difficul
ties. It was eagerly accepted and ad
vocated as the grand panacea of all our
political woes by Messrs. Sumner, Wil
son, and the leading Radical Senators.
There was no longer any wish express
ed to make treason odious. If the States
could be coerced to bestow the right of
suffrage upon the negroes, all opposi
tion to the re-enfranchisement of trai-|
tors who had fought to destroy the Gov-;
eminent, and "whose hands are red
with the blood ofour sons and brothers,"
was to be withdrawn, and they were at
once to be readmitted to the full enjoy
ment of all the rights they had ever
possessed. There were to be no more
test-oaths, no more military commis
sions, no more indictments for treason,
no more horror ofthe desecration of the
hahs of Congress by the presence of
"unwashed and unrepentant traitors."
Ido not complain of this. I do not
say that the men who advocated the
measure did not believe it to be the best
and quickest means of restoring peace,
fraternity, and prosperity. Ido not say j
they were not thoroughly honest, con- I
seientious, and patriotic in their con vie-:
tions. lam willingto believe they were. I
Rut I mention it only to show that ne
gro suffrage is the real and only sub
stantial cause of controversy between
the executive and legislative branches
of the Government, and to ask in the
most solemn terms, and implore my
fellow-citizens to give it the most earn
est and dispassionate consideration,
whether upon such an issue we are to
be plunged into another fratricidal war,
and imperil all there is of our country
1 sacred in the past, grand and valuable
Those persons who have not
pid their subscription to Tub
G-A/.HTT* for the year commen
cing I<ii<£\,'6s, ami for the
present year commencing 1
aw;?. ,'6B, can get a receipt for
both years by paying $t. 50 at
or before next November Court.
If not paid by that time, our
terms (which will bo found at
the bead of the first column,)
will be strictly adhered to. It
will ho noticed that the above
yellow slip of paper upon which
the subscriber's name is print
ed, is dated and indicates the
time to which his paper is paid
with the present firm. We
hope that all delinquents will
at once remit the amount due
us. Meykhs A Mbstuki..
in the present, and hopeful and glori
! oils in the future. Had the- President
i consented to join Congress in forcing
negro suffrage on the South, all would
have Ik'om fair and smooth, and instead
of being denounced as a fiend he would
now 1)0 worshipped as an idol by those
who so bitterly and unrelentingly assail
Those who are sincerely desirous of
seeing :i pacification of the country, and
a restoration of the integrity of the Un
ion, ought to feel assured of the purely
patriotic and sincere intentions of the
President, when they remember that
he is, in good faith, carrying forward
the policy inaugurated by President
Lincoln, and that the only two men
who went into theadministration with
Mr. Lincoln at the beginning of his first
term, (the Secretaries of State and of
the Navy,) and the only two who were
trusted and confided in by him through
his entire official career, and to the end
of his life—who stood by, encouraged
and sustained him when the storm and
tempest of rebellion were beating most
fiercely upon him, and theShipof State
was tossing upon the waves of a turbu
lent sea, with broken masts and shat
tered sails, and who knew his most se
cret thoughts as to the best measures
to be adopted to bring her into port—
are standing by President Johnson,
with a courage and heroism equally
sublime, and cheering him on his he
roic efforts to achieve the same ends.
They were villified and denounced then;
and by the same men, are villified and
denounced now. They did not quail
before the storm that heat upon them
then—they do not quail before the tem
pest that ragesarouud them now.
Mr. Lincoln was heroiethen, and Mr.
Johnson is heroic now. lam sure no
man can be sineerer in his purposes to
preserve the Constitution and save the
country than lie is. No man can be ac
tuated by a purer patriotism, or be more
averse to usurpation of power. He has
not violated the Constitution inthepast;
he intends no infraction of it in the fu
ture; but iie does intend a firm and
faithful performance of all the trusts
which that sacred instrument has de
volved upon him. With every dispo
sition to be charitable towards those
who differ from me in opinion, it is
difficult to believe them sincere in char
ging the President with an intention of
violently forcing rebels into Congress,
and giving them the control of the Gov
ernment. What act has he ever done
that gives the slightest sanction to such
a charge? Not one can be specified. He
has neither transcended his own pow-
nor invaded those of theco-ordinate
departments; and the only pretext for
the charge is, not what he has done, but
what he has said, indeclaringagain and
again his conviction that it was the du
ty of Congress to obey a plain constitu
tional provision and each House for it
self to judge of the elections, returns,
and qualifications of each individual
presenting himself as a member.
Our country is in peril—in very great
peril—not from a public enemy, but
from the violence of our own passions.
Safety is tube found only in a strict ad
herence to the Constitution and laws.
As long as they are obeyed no evil can
come upon us. We are in danger only
when we attempt something they do
not sanction. 1 trust it will be the pride
and glory of the friends of the Admin
istration, in the threatening contests
through which we are passing, to keep
their passions in subjection to reason,
and to do no act not fully warranted by
the Constitution and laws. Ours is a
republican Government, where the ma
jority lias a right to rule. Minorities
cannot, without subvertingt-he Govern
ment. And when, according to the
forms prescribed, the wiil of the ma
jority is expressed in the Constitution
or the law, it is the duty of all to submit
to it, until it can ho fairly and constitu
tionally changed. Such I know to he
the President's intentions, and such I
know he wishes to be the rule of con
duct for his friends and supporters. No
man has a profounder reverence for the
Constitution than he, and his purpose
as the executive head of the nation to
maintain and preserve it as it is, until
it he changed in the form prescribed
by it, is firm and immutable. He is
not brave enough wilfully to violate it..
He is brave enough to uphold and de
fend it in all that his duty requires.
In conclusion, let me beseech you,
calmly and dispassionately, but earnest
ly and firmly, to do your duty to your
country in this trying hour, and to stand
by our glorious Constitution as it is.
There is no safety for us but in this. Do
your duty and trust to God for results;
and reverently implore Him to save
us from the madness and infatuation
which threaten us with self-destruction,
and with the loss ofthe last hope for the
perpetuity of free government.
Your friend and fellow-citizen,
(>■ 11. RR( >WNING.
— r l lie Governor of Georgia sent in
his message to the Legislature of that
State yesterday. He opposes strongly
the adoption of the Constitutional A
mondment. The Speakerof the 1 louse
in opening the session, made a speech
in opposition to the amendment. His
remarks were received with applause.
—The new secret order of the "Grand
Army of the Republic" proposes to
hold a Convention at Indianapolis,
Indiana, on the 10th of the present
month, for the purpose of effecting a
national organization.
-Sixty-three passenger trains come
and go at Chicago, every day, that city
being the terminus of thirteen or more
railroads, and the charters for more
have been procured.