TERMS OF PUBLICATION.
THE BEDFORD GAZETTE is published every Fri
day morning by METERS A MENGEL, ai $2.00 per
annum, if paid strictly in advance , $2.50 if paid
within six months; $3.00 if not paid within six
months. All snbseription a vomits MUST be
settled annually. No paper will be sent out of
the State unless paid for IN ADVANCE, and all such
subscriptions will invariably be discontinued at
the expiration of the time for which they nre
'paid.
All ADVERTISEMENTS for a less term than
three months TEN CENTS per line for each in
sertion. Special notices one-half additional All
resolutions of Associations; oommunic.tiona of
limited or individual interest, ami notices of mar
riages and deaths exceeding five line., ten cents
per line. Editorial notices fifleea cents per line.
All legal Notices of every kind, ami Orphans'
Com l and Judicial Sales, art required hy law
to If published in both papers published in this
ix/* All advertising due after first insertion.
A liberal discount is made to persons advertising
by tho quarter, half year, or year, as follows :
2 months. G mouths. 1 year.
♦One square - -- $4 50 $6 t>o $lO 00
Two squares ... 600 900 16 00
Three squares - - - 8 00 12 00 20 00
Quarter oolumn - - 14 00 20 00 35 00
Ball' column - - - 16 (10 25 00 45 00
One column - - - - 30 00 45 00 80 00
♦One square to occupy nc inch of space.
JOB PRINTING, of every kind, done with
neatness and dispatch. TUB GAZETTE OFFICE has
just been refitted with a Power Press and new type,
and everything in the Printing line can bo execu
ted in tho most artistic manner and at the lowest
rates.—TERMS CASH.
ijjf* All letters should be addressd to
MEYERS A MENGEL,
Publisher".
at tiuv.
I O,SEP II W.TATE, ATTORNEY
AT LAW. BEDFORD. PA., will promptly
attend to collections of bounty, back pay, Ac.,
and all business entrusted to his care in Bedford
and adjoining counties
Cash advanced on judgments, notes, military
and other claims.
Has for sale Town lots in Tatesville, whore a
good Church is erected, and where a largo School
Bouse shall b# built. Farms, Land and Timber
Lcaro, from one acre to 500 acres to suit pur
chasers.
office nearly opposito the ••Mengcl Hotel" and
Bank of Reed A Schell. t
April 6. 1866—1y
J. MOD. SHARPS. F. F. KERR.
UiIiARBE A-KERR, ATTORNEYS
AT LAW. BEDFORD, Pa.J will practice in
the courts of Bedford and adjoining counties Of
fice on Juliana St., opposito the Banking House of
Reed A Sehell. (March 8, '66.
R. DCRBPRROW. I JOHN Lt'TZ.
IN Ult BORROW A LUTZ,
j t ATTORNEYS AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA.,
\t ill attend promptly to all business intrusted to
their care. Collections made on the shortest no
tice.
They are, also, regularly licensed Claim Agents
and will give special attention to the prosecution
of claims against the Government for Pensions,
B -k Pay. Bounty, Bounty Lands, Ac.
Office on Juliana street, one door South of'tho
' Mengel House," and nearly opposite the Inquirer
office.
JOHN P.BEEI), A TT< > B NEY AT
*) LAW, BEDFORD, PA Respectfully tenders
hi- services to the pnblic.
Office second door North of the Mengel House,
l.edford. Aug. 1. 1861.
JOHN PALMER, ATTORNEY AT
S $ LAW, BEDFORD, PA. Will promptly attend
to all business entrusted to his care.
Particular attention paid to the collection of
Military claims. Office on Juliana Street, nearly
•ppnsite the Mengel House.
Bedford. Aug. 1. 1861.
TJSPY M. ALSIP, ATTORNEY AT
LAW, BEDFORD, PA. Will faithfully and
promptly attend to all business entrusted to his
care in Bedford and adjoining counties. Military
claims, back pay, bounty, Ac., speedily collected.
Office with Mann A Spang, on Juliana street,
i i door- ,S"Uth of the Mengel 11-usc
Jin. 22. 1864,
0 KIMMF.LL. | J. W. LINGEN'FELTER.
1 ' IMMELE A LINGENFELTKU,
]\ ATTORNEYS AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA.,
H ire formed a partnership in tho practice of
the Law Office en Juliana street, two doors South
of the "Mengel House,' '
/ i H. SPANG, ATTORNEY AT
* I. LAW, BEDFORD, PA Will promptly at
tend to collections and all business entrusted to
hi - care in Bedford and adjoining counties.
Office on Juliana Street, three d > r- south of the
Mengel House," opposite the residence of Mrs.
Tate.
May 13, 1864.
B. F. MEYERS. | J- W. PICKERBON.
MEYERS & DK KHRSON, AT
TORNEYS AT LAW, Bedford, Fa.,office
caiue ac formerly occupied bv Hon. W I*. Schell.
two doors eact ot the GAZETTE office, will practice
in the several cohrts of Bedford county. Pensions,
bounty and back pay obtained and the purchase
siol sale of real estate attended to. jmayll, 66.
J oil N 11.11 LLER, Attorney at Law,
Bedford, Pa Office nearly opposite the Post
office. (apr.28,'66.—1y.
£lntsi{iansi ami fknti£ts.
PIT. RENNSYL, M. 1)., BLOODY
# Ri s, Pa., .l ;, tcsurgeon jfttb P. V V~> ten
■l r- his 1 rofes-ional services to the people of that
place and vicinity. Dec. 22. 65-1 y* _
\\T M.JAMISON, M. !>., BLOODY
py # m, Pa., tender! his psofespienal scrvi
to the people of that place and yieinity. Office
: ■ door west itf Richard Langdon s store.
Nov. 21. 65 —ly
| \li. J. L. MARBOUIIG, Having
I / permanently located, respectfully tenders
i i< professional services to the ciUtens ot Bedford
tad vicinity.
I Ifiice on .1 ullana street, east side, nearly opposite
the Hanking House of Reed A Scheli
Bedford. February 12. 1864.
I N JIHKOK, I J- O. MINSICH. JR.,
nENTI 8 T S ,
BEDFORD, PA.
Office in the Bank Building, .Juliana St.
All operations pertaining to surgical or Me
chanical Dentistry carefully performed, and war
ranted Tooth Powders and mouth \\ ashes, '•!-
cedent articles, always on hand.
TERMS — CASH
Bedford, January 6. 1865.
DR. GEO. C. DOUGLAS, Respect
fully tenders his professional services to the
people of Bedford and vicinity.
Residence at Maj. Wiishabaugh's
aug.24,'66
|tnrhcrs.
Jtroiiin. I J J acuKi.i.,
! > H E I) A N 1) SCH EL L,
| Bankers and
I> E A L E IIS IN EXOHA NG E,
BEDFORD. PA.,
DRAFTS bought and sold, collections made and
in aiey promptly remitted.
Deporiti •elicited _____
(I W. RUPP O E SHANNON* F. BENEDICT
1 > Ul'l\ SH ANNON A CO., BANK
1\ ERS, BEDFORD, PA.
BANK OF DISCOUNT AND DEPOSIT.
COLLECTIONS made for the East, West, North
•'•id South, and the general business <>f Exchange
' -in-acted. Notts And Accounts Collected and
Kcmittances promptly made. REAL ESTATE
bought and sold. 20, 1565.
I VANIEL BORDER,
1 / PITT STREET, TWO DOORS WEST OF THE BED
FORD HOTEL. BEDFORD. PA.
WATCHMAKER AND DEADER IN JEWEL
RY, SPECTACLES. AC.
He keeps on hand a stock of fine Gold and Sil
er Watches, Spectacles of Brilliant Double Ho
med litaf.se*, also Scoteh l'ebblc Glasses. Gold
Batch Chains, Breast Pins. Finger Kings, best
quality of Gold Pens. He will supply to order
any thing in his line not on hand
Oct 20. 1865- .
JJ R. ANDERSON,
Liremi'd Scrivener and Conveyancer,
CEVrKKVILLE, BEDFORD OOCXTV, PA.,
*ill attend t< the writing of Deeds, Mortgages,
. Articles of Agreement, and all business
'ally transacted by a Scrivener ami Conveyan
r The patronage of the public is respectfully
solicited.
A l' r 6, '66-tf
S!|c CcMotft #a?dtc.
BY MEYERS & MENGEL.
Ywrtart.
GEO. BLTNTHR. ] JOHN F. BLVMVER
/ 1 EORGE BLYMYEQ fc SON
" T having formed a partnership, on tho 6th of
March, 1866. in the
HARDWARE ,V HOUSE FURNISHING
BUSINESS,
respectfully invite the public to their new rooms,
three doors west of the old stand, where they will
find an immense stock of the most splendid goods
ever brought to Bedford county. These goods
will be sold at tlie lowest possible prices. Persons
desirous of purchasing BUILDING HARDWARE
will find it to their advantage to give us acall.
WHITE LEAD.—We have on band a large
quantity of White Lead, which we have been for
tunate to buy a little lower than the market rates.
The particular brands to which we would invite
attention, are the
Pure Burl Head,
Liberty White Lead.
S a ate Franklin White Lrnd,
Washington White Lead,
Washington Zinc White Lead,
Nun York White Lead.
ALSO;— French Porcelain Finish;
Demar Varnish;
Varnishes of all kinds
Flaxseed Oil. (purr.)
Turpentine and Alcohol.
All kinds of IRON and NAILS.
No 1 UllliYSi'Al .'ELI MINATING COAL
OIL, . .
LAMPS in profusion.
We would invite persons wanting Saddlery
Hardware, to give us a call, as we have every
thing in the Saddlery line, such as Buckles,
Rings. Hames and Webbing Leather of all kinds;
also a variety of Shoe Findings, consisting of
French Calf Skins. Morocco Linings, Bindings,
Pegs, etc.
Housekeepers will find at Blymyer & Son's
store a great variety of household goods. Knives
and Fork of the very best quality; Plated Table
and Tea Spoons at all prices.
Give us a call and we can supply you with Barn
Dm >r Rollers, the latest improvements; Nova Scotia
Grindstones, better than any in use; Shovels.
Forks and Spades.
Grain and Grass Scythes and Snathes; Fishing
Tackle; Brushes of all kinds: Demi-Johns; Patent
Wheel Grease, Tar and Whale Oil, and an infinite
variety of articles.
$20.1)00 WANTED—WouId like to get it if our
friends would let us have it. Less Will do; hut
persons having unsettled accounts will close them
up to the first of March, to enable us to close our
old books. This should be done
may 1,'60. GEO. BLYMYER A SON.
Ihiuis, 3Ncdmnrs,
IL. LEWIS having purchased the
Drug Store, lately owned by Mr 11. C Rea
mer takes pleasure in announcing to the citizens
of Bedford and vicinity, that he has just returned
from the cities with a well selected stock of
Dll UGS,
MEDICINES,
V YES TUFFS.
PERFUMERY,
TOILET ARTICLES,
STATIONERY,
COAL OIL. LAMPS
AND CHr MNEYS,
REST BRANDS OF CIGARS.
SMOKING AND CHEWING TOBACCO,
FRENCH CONFECTIONS, -W.. J-r
Tho stook of Drugs and Medicines consist of tho
purest quality, and selected with great care.
General assortment of popular Patent Medicines.
The attention of the Ladies is particularly invi
ted to the stock of pkrfi'mekv. toilet and FANCY'
articles, consisting of the best perfumes of the
day. Colognes. Soaps, Preparations for the Hair,
Complexion and Teeth ; Camphor ice for chapped
hands; Teeth and Hair Brushes, Port Monaies, Ac.
Of Stationery, there is a fine assortment:
Billet. Note. Letter, Leaf and Mourning Paper,
Envelops, Pens. Pencils, Ink, Blank Deeds, Power
of Attorneys, Drafting Paper, Marriage Certifi
cates. Ac.. Ac. Also, a largo quantity of Books,
which will be sold very cheap.
Coal Oil Lamp Hinge Burner, can ho lighted
without removing the chimney—all patterns and
prices Glass Lanterns, very neat, for burning
Coal Oil. Lamp chimneys of an improved pattern.
Shades of beautiful patterns.
Howe's family xye colors, tic suadesl;- s tight
Fawn. Drab. Snuff and Dark Brown, Light and
Dark Blue, Light and Dark Green, Yellow. Pink,
Orange lloval Purple, Scarlet, Maroon, Magenta,
Cherry and Black
Humphrey's Homeopathic Remedies.
Cigars of best brands, smokers can rely on a
"rood cigar.
llosr Smoking Tobccco,
Michigan, and Solace Fine Cat.
Natural Leaf, Twist and Big Plug,
Finest and /wrest French Confections,
PURE DOMESTIC WINES.
Consisting of Grape. Blackberry and Elderberry
FOR MEDICINAL t'SE.
I g The attention of physicians is invited to the
stock of Drugs and Medicines, which they can
purchase at reasonable prices.
Country Merchants' orders promptly filled. Goods
put up with neatness and care, and at reasonable
prices.
J. L. LEWIS designs keeping a first class Drug
Store, and having on hand nt all times a general
as- irtinent of goods. Being a Druggist of several
years experience, physicians can rely on having
their prescriptions carefully and accurately com
pounded. [FebO, 66—tt
Notices, tfr.
I TOR SALE — VERY LOW —a second
hand PIANO. Inquire of
npr.LV66.-tf C. N. IIICROK.
OOLDIERS' BOUNTIES.—The un-
lias the blanks now ready and will j
attend promptly to the collection of all claims un- i
der the law lately passed for the Equalization of j
'aug'l7-tf. J W BBK—Mi.
I AST NOTICE.— My old books
Jiuust bo squared by cash or note immediate
ly Those persons who may fat! to settle their
accounts, on or before August 15th. 1666, must
blame therrftlvix, if they have costs to pay. as I
have been very indulgent, and now need money.
jul.l.T tf. WM. HARTLEY
'E T<) TRESPASSERS.— AII
persons are cautioned against trespassing
upon the premises of the undesigned, for tue pur
pose of fishing. hunting gathering nuts, berries.
Ac , as the law wtll be strictly enforced against
all thus offending.
B R. ASHCOM,
MICH. LUTZ,
WM. GRISSINGER.
ADAM SCHAFFER.
ju1.21-.'!m
\R ALU ABLE FARM FOR SALE.
—IOO acres of excellent limestone land, a
botit 15 acres well timbered, the remainder under j
cultivation, lying a few miles north of Bedford, ;
for sale on reasonable terms. For particulars ap
ply to MEYERS & DICKERSON,
may IS.-3ms. Bedford. Pa.
I)ERBONS knowing themselves in
debted to us for advertising Administrators',
Executors', Auditors' Notices. Orphans' Court sales
and other sales of Beal Estate, and for printing
bills. Ac., Ae.. will please call and settle for the
same as all such advertising and printing should
be CASH MEYERS A MENUEL-
Feb 16, '66-tf. !
RPA NNERS, ATTENTH >N!—A new*
I Tannery, in good order, containing one pool, i
three limes." three baits, five leaches, thirty-four
lav-a-way vats, with the necessary number of han
dlers, in as good a location as can be found in Bed
ford county, for rent. For further information call
at this office. Nov. 17, '65-tf |
RPIIE Local circulation of the BKD-
I FORI) GAZETTE is larger than that of any other
pajter in this section ol oountry, and theretore of
crs the greatest inducements to business men to
fdver'ise in its columns
NMNWAILE OF ALL KINDS AT
B. Mo. BLYMYER A CO S.
HARTLEY a METZGER Keep
constantly on hand n largo Stock of general
IIARDW \RE ' They haveiust received 50 DO/.EN
RF.3T A CHEAPEST FRUIT JARS ever offered
to the public They keep all kinds of Farm Ma
chinery. including Mowers and Reapers, Cider
Mills Fodder CntO rs and Willougnby s Gum
Spring Roller Grain Drills, the best in the world.
ju1.13,'66.
HP. IRVINE,
ANDERSON'S ROW, BEDFORD, I'A .
Dealer in Boots, Shoes, Queensware. and \ arie
tics. I Irom Country Merchants re
spectfully solicited
Oct 20. 1865,
CI ELF-SEALING FRUIT CANS AT
15. Mc BLYMYER A CO S
' / 1G( )lv AN DPARLOR STOVES AT
B Mc. BLYMYER & CO S
• BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 28, 1866.
Sl* |l*4fav4 (iVa??th\
: .. .
SPEECH OF
HON. EDGAR COWAN,
At Lalrobe. Sept. 11, 1888.
The following is that part of Sena
tor Cowan's Latrobe speech, which
(fives his views of the proposed amend
ment to the Constitution:
SECTION FIRST.
i The first section of the amendment is
not, hy many, considered very materi
al, although it is easy to conceive of a
case in which it might work great mis-,
chief by compelling the inhabitants of
a State to suffer themselves to be over
; run by a totally different race of peo
j pie, which for their own safety they
| might wish to expel—as for instance, if
the jieople of California should find it
necessary to expel the Chinese. This
provision would prevent them from
doing so, as to all" of thai race born in
the United States.
Again, a State might find it necessa
ry to abridge the privilege's and immu
nities of some of its people for the sake
of equality, as has happened very often
in history. Utah might wish to abol
ish Polygamy when she becomes a
State; yet if that should be declared
by Congress one of the privileges or
immunities of citizens of the United
! States, her power over thesubjeet would
| be gone and she could not regulate this
domestic institution of hers sit will, as
is the admitted right of all the States
as the Constitution now stands.
Lastly, it will be claimed, under this
clause, that Congress will iiave the right
to define and fix what are the privileg
es and immunities of citizens of the
United States, and in that case they
may include the right of suffrage a
mong the priviteget, and thus force ne
gro suffrage throughout the Union by
a mere majority—which would be fa
tal to the Republic.
SECTION SECOND.
This second section is a violation of
the fundamental principles of the gov
ernment of the United States, and cal
culated to change its character entirely.
When tire Constitution was formed, it
was intended to confer upon the Gen
eral Government only such powers as
were necessary to enable it to govern
in all matters of general interest to the
whole, reserving those which the States
might regulate for themselves by their
separate action.
The right to make war and peace—
establish post-offices—make uniform
rules for naturalization and bankrupt-1
cy—regulate commerce with foreign j
nations, and between the States —and
settle difficulties between States and j
the citizens of different States, being in :
their nature general, are instances of;
these powers. But the Constitution in ;
no case gives the Federal Government j
any authority to interfere in State af-j
fairs, where the State itself could reg
ulate them, without affecting any but
its own people. Thus shivery was left
with the Stales, because no matter what
action the State took upon it, such ac
tion was not felt beyond its own peo-j
pie, or datslde of its own boundaries, ;
and so. too, of a thousand other things;
especially, that of the right of suffrage ■
which each State was left to regulate
for itself, and which it could thus reg
ulate without in any way affecting its
sister States.
Now, if this amendment is adopted, j
the right of suffrage will he given over j
to the Federal Government -not di- •
rectly, it is true -but indirectly and '
with the same effect as though it were.
It declares that whenever any State
denies to any of the male citizens of
the United States, being -1 years of!
age, the right to vote, that then the j
power of that State, in the Union,!
should he diminished in proportion to !
thenumberof voters so excluded. I hat
is, Pennsylvania has now 000,000 adult
males over 21, and she has 21 members
of Congress, or one for every 2n,000.
But if we suppose that she has —•>,<)<>o
male negroes of the required age, and j
to whom they will not allow votes, 1
then she wi'l be obliged to accept one ;
member of Congress less, or else change <
her constitution so as to allow the ne
groes to vote. 'I hut is the alternative
presented to Pennsylvania. Kither let
the negro rote, or else lose a member of
Congress ns the pentiUg —that isallof it.
But it goes much farther in the South
ern-States. They would all lose heav
ily—some, indeed, would have to give
up one-half their memljcr.sinthellou.se
of Representatives. But the worst
part of it is, too, that the operation of)
this section is not only not equal in all
the States, but is absolutely unjust to j
some, in order that others may profit
by it. In all the Northern States which
have few or no negroes, they run no
risk, and cannot lose, but they gain in
power just as the others are deprived of
it. This is the secret of their anxiety
for its success.
But if we maintain our old opinions,
which have been he'd by all parties in
, all the States of the Union heretofore
(and in no one of which is "manhood
suffrage," pure and simple, allowed) —
that the power to say who shall east
its ballots is the essence of State free
dom, then this section becomes! an in
sult to us. It says to all the people of
all the States, "You have thought it
"unsafe to give to all your male citizens
"an equal right with you in Govern
"ment affairs—you thought it danger
ous. Now, however, you must give
"up that opinion and encounter that
"danger. Why? In order that we
•'who admit all may have more pow
"er, and that you may have less, and
"more danger." That is just what it
comes to; Georgia and Mississippi say
to us, that it would ruin them to let
the negroes vote. New England says,
"you need not let them vote; ire rare
nothing for that; bat if you do not, let
us have half your mtynbers of Congress.''' 1
And thatis true. New England pol
iticians care no more about negroes than
Penn-ylvanians do; but they know
how to trade in him, ;qid heconstitutes
to-day the great bulk of their political
capital. In this very proposition they
give him over wholly to the other
States, if the latter will not count him
in the basis of representation. "You
may havAhe negroes, do with them
as you please, but we want more mem
bers of Congress; or, what is the same
thing, that you should have fewer."
That is the language of this section of
the amendment.
I have said that all this is a depart
ure from the original intention of the
founders of the Union, which, as far us
possible, was to preserve the freedom of
the States, and leave to their people
the right to adjust their internal af
fairs in tiieir own way. It was in that
spirit, too, that the Constitution pro
vides that the "United States shall
guarantee to each State a Republican
form of Government;" or, in other
words, the "United States guarantees
to each State the right to establish its
own Government," and Mr. Madison
says this was what he meant by the
phrase, "Republican form of Govern
ment."
Now, if the people of a State have
the right to form their own State Gov
ernments, it is not easy to see how they
can do so, if some body-outside the
State can dictate to them who shall
vote or who not vote. J t were useless
to say to them, you "shall elect your
own State officers, but we must provide
who shall cast the ballots." The peo
ple miglu well answer, "if you dictate
the voters, the voters will elect officers
so that you really dictate both." That
is not freedom.
Each State, then, it free, has the j
right to say who shall vote, and if it j
has not the right, then the Union, in
stead of being a Union of States, be
comes a Consolidated Government, and
the whole power must eventually con
centrate in the Federal centre at Wash
ington.
Lastly, it is argued that this section is
necessary to equalize the power of vo
ters North and South, which is as con
temptible a sophism as ever was hatch
ed in the brain of a demagogue. The
power of a voter, like that of an officer
in any State, is precisely wliui tnecuu
stitution and laws of the State confer
and, no more, and if one State chooses
to limit the number of both, and thus
increase the deposit of power in their
hands, upon what rational ground can
the people of other Stales complain?
Power resides in the people, and Penn
sylvania, having 2! times as many peo
ple as Massachusetts, she has two and
a half times as much power as Massa
chusetts. Now the Legislature of the
latter State consists of (SIM) members,
and that of Pennsylvania only of 1.'13.
Therefore, one of these IT! wields 10
times the power that one of the (500
does, and yet nobody ever hoard Mas
sachusetts complain of this. If she
did she would be reckoned a fool, and
laughed at for herpains,simplybecause
it. cannot ali'ect her in any possible way,
and Pennsylvania would have the same
right to ask her to reduce her Legisla
ture that she would toask us to increase
ours. So it is with voters, and to put
the argument for the amendment on
that ground is absurd, and only shows
its weakness. No one State or number
of States pas a right to intermeddle
with the elective franchise in other
States, as it cannot affect them; but, if
they were to interfere at all, one would
think it more wise if they were to pro
test against negro than seek to
enforced. Surely no wise man can be
lieve that the ballot box would be pu
rer or safer if the negroes put votes in
it, and especially the negroes of the
South, just emerged from slavery. And
yet tliis is gravely argjod; hut it is by
the very same men who say that the
condition of the Freedinen is -uch that
they must he put under the control and
guardianship of the Freed men's Isu
reau, to make bargainsfor them and at-
I tend to their affairs generally. And
! these are the free and independent vo
i ters whose virtue and intelligence are
! relied upon to maintain and perpetuate
i our institutions!! Is it possible that
j human folly can go beyond this? 1 re
member when it was the universal sen
timent with us, that WK, the people of
! the United States, were the only peo
j pie with whom a Republic like ours
was possible. It had failed in England,
in France, and indeed everywhere, but
| here we could maintain it. Now, it is
proposed to put it at the mercy of the
negroes—the wards of the Freedmen's
Bureau!!!
I have said that the power of a State
depended upon the number of its peo
ple, and not upon the number of its
voters. llow many men can it bring
into the field to defend the country?
] low many heads has it upon whom
i taxes can be levied ? What share of
the public burdens can it bear ? These
: are the true tests of the share it ought
to have in the government of the Un
ion ; but this amendment ignores all
: these, and while it proposes todimin
| ish the political power of some States,
i yet does not propose to diminish their
j political burdens in the same propor
i tion. When a draft is ordered to fill
up the ranks of our armies, the people
will still remain the basis, and not the
i voters; so when direct and capitation
| taxes are levied, they will count the
j Whole population, and not a part of it.
Thus you seed Southern State will have
to bear as many governmental burdens
as she now does, and yet site may be
deprived of half her governmental
power, which changes the whole na
ture of our system. It may be said
that this can all be avoided by giving
the negroes suffrage. True, hut that is
just what the State thinks it cannot do
without ruin. Why then should we,
outside the State, seek to compel it to
run any such risk, or encounter any
such danger ?
THIRD SECTION.
The next and third section is equal
ly a violation of the whole spirit of our
Constitution. According to it no man
could be punished fot any offence, no
matter what—by the legislative de
partment of the Government, because
"bills of attainder" and "bills of pains
and penalties" are forbidden in it. Nay
it even goes farther, and declares that
"no ex pod fado" law shall be passed,
so that no man could be made to suf
fer any penalty not prescribed bylaw
as due to his offence before it was com
mitted. This is the Constitution as
it now stands, and in view of the bar
rier it presents, the Congress propose
to override its principles and nullify
its provisions by punishing all those in
the South, who, after having at any
previous time taken ah oath to support
the Constitution of the United States,
voluntarily engaged in rebellion, by de
claring them ineligible to any office un
der either the Federal or Stale Govern
ments. In other words, this section is
a "bill of pains and penalties," and an
ex post facto law—both in one—which
is intended toinflict anew punishment
on all the principal men of the South
for the part they took in thp Rebellion,
and that without providing any mode
of trial or means of escape, except by a
two-thirds vote of Congress removing
the disability.
It is impossible for one not well ac
quainted with the result of measures
similar to this in other countries, to es
timate the' probable amount of mis
chief it might do in this instance. To
ostracise and proscribe the leading men
of a population numbering millions,
just at the time wlsen we want to rec
oncile and unite them with us in the
bonds of loyal citizenship, is surely one
of the most rash and dangerous pro
ceedings imaginable, and would, be
yond any doubt, sow the seeds of an
other and much more formidable re
bellion than the one we have just sup
im.-scJ. Not Willi' Uhijo 1111,J lit- tKo bq.u
would resent it, but ali connected with
them in any way, by blood or friend
ship, would become our implacable en
emies, and seek the first opportunity
for vengeance in our ever-shifting con
dition of parties. Can any one believe
that in time, these men, bound togeth
er by the ties of a common indignity,
would not form themselves into a par
ty which would never lire or sleep un
til they had wiped away the stigma,
and made those who inflicted it, repent
that their desire for punishment had
overcome their better judgment? Let
history answer, it has been so always.
The question of punishing people
who engage in a rebellion is not well
understood in this country. We are
apt to forget that our system of Gov
ernment is double in its nature—that
there are two powers out people are
bound toobev; that is Federal (mil State
(rOoci'nine)U* —each has its separate
claim to our allegiance, and the claim
of each within its sphere is equally val
id. Now, suppose a conflict upon a
question about which even lawyers
have different opinions—how are lay
men to decide? Are they to be pun
ished because they mistake, and be
hanged for treason in doing what they
think they are right in doing? Every
one answers: "No, of course," but how
few reflect that lids was just the dilem
ma in which the Southern man was
placed in thespringof 1861. IlisState
commanded him to secede —the Uni
ted States commanded him to refuse.
Which was lie to obey? The law here
comes in to relieve him and says "obey
the one who can protect yon for the time
being f' Or, in other words, "obey the
Government, which, in fact, has the
power over you, and even if wrong,
you shall not he deemed guilty of crime.'
Jhis, 1 think, was the law in all times,
and with all nations—Why not? Is it
not reason ?
Now, to apply this: In 1%1 South
Carolina called upon her people to se
cede. If they refused, they could only
do so, relying on the United States for
protection. Where was the United
States at that time? Could they pro
tect the citizens in his refusal or not?
Let the fact answer.—They could not,
or did not, for the only force they had
was in Fort Sumter, and so far from be
ing able to protect the people, it could
not protect itself, and was obliged, af
terwards, to surrender to the State.
What, then, was the citizen to do?
Was he expected to be stronger than
the United States? Certainly not. He
was expected to obey the Government
over him, which has the power to en
force obedience. Tliisis common sense
—any thing else is folly.
The State then having power over
him, he engaged in the rebellion. Did
he do it voluntarily ' is the question put
by the amendment. I answer that is
not the true question. Could he help
himself? is far better. Well, suppose
he thought he could not help it, and
went in. Was that a crime? Clearly
VOL. 61.--WHOLE No. 5,366.
not, and no court would say so, although
to all appearance he went in voluntarily.
This amendment may punish him,and
so far is unjust and lawful. Let us
hear him first.
Letthisnmondmentbe adopted; then
farewell to peace and Union. We have
planted eneinia- in every neighborhood,
village and hamlet ail over the South.
They are the leading men—they are per
secuted into despair—they have nothing
to hope for from a Government which
refuses them a trial bylaw, or a chance
for defence; but, on the other hand, at
one fell stroke, the whole mass of them
are forever shut out and secluded from
all the honors and rewards of the coun
try, covered with lasting disgrace and
shame, and made, in this way ready to
revolt against us on all occasions.
Suppose then we were engaged in a
foreign war—which side would they
take? Which side does the amendment
invite them to take? Surely not ours,
and then comes the penalty. They
would be strength to our enemies, and
weakness and danger to us, and perhaps
lose us the one half of the Union.
Let us then pause : my countrymen,
before we lend ourselves to such ex
treme folly.' Let us be warned by the
history of Ireland—of the Netherlands
—of Poland—or Jlungary—-indeed ofall
countries where measures not the one
hundreth part as severe as this, have
been resorted to with such disastrous
effects to the conquerors. An error of
this kind would, sooner or later, be fa
tal to the destinies of the great Repub
lic.
Fonrnr SECTION
I now come to the last section, which
declares the validity of the public debt
shall not be questioned, and that the
debt of the Rebellion shall not Jx: as
sumed. Now, when we consider that
the obligation to pay the national debt
is the highest and most sacred known
among men—that it reposes upon the
honor and faith of the United States,
we cannot fail to be struck with this
provision. Why is it put here? Has
any body except its authors ever dared
to question the validity of this obliga
tion? And is any bondholder fool e
nough to suppose that this amendment
will add to its strength, or that it could
not be repudiated just as well over the
new, as the old Constitution? Surely all
lawyers ought to know that much.
What is there here to compel Congress
to impose taxes, or to com pel the people
to pay them, more than at present ex
ists ? If thev could violate the honor of
the nation in one case, why not .in the
other? The truth is, that this amend
ment is the worse blow our credit has
received since the war ended — it admits
a doubt of our integrity and honesty,
which is the scorn of every American
gentleman, and is a low, vulgar piece
of dap-trap to alarm misers and fools
into the belief that their bonds are in
danger, and i s only worthy of a sharper
who wants to buy them at a discount.
It is about the same as though it had
been provided, that before we resume
specie payments, all the coin in the
country should bescoured, and is equal
ly ridiculous.
The next clause, that the rebel debt
shall not he assumed, is fellow to the
other, and alike significant of the folly
and fraud of those who framed it. After
hinting that there was danger that we
would not pay what we were solemnly
hound to pay, it is next very property in
sinuated that there is danger that we
may pay that which nobody in the
world Clinks weought to pay, or have
any right to pay. Is any mair serious
in supposing the American people
would repudiate their own debt, and pay
that of the Confederate States ? If there
is such an one. lie is out of the pale of
reason, and ought to be let alone.
Now, fellow-citizens, I have reviewed
these proposed amendments to the Con
stitution, and which are paraded as the
platform of the great Republican party
of this country. 1 think 1 hazard noth
ing in saying that they never will be a
dopted and become a part of the Consti
tution of the United Slates. God forbid
that that great, sublime and glorious
instrument, which embodies in itself all
that is good and wise of the world's po
litical experience in the past, should ev
er be encumbered with such absurd and
wicked conditions as these are, and
which we should all repent of when too
late.
We have mndeagreat war—one of the
most terrible the world has ever seen—to
support and maintain the binding au
thority of our present Constitution. We
have baptised it in the blood of half a
million of our citizens on both sides,
North and South, anil now, when it has
come out unscathed from that fiery or
deal, lam for slandingon itasit is—first
last and all the time, it secured us
peace, progress and tranquility for three
quarters of a century—not a difficulty
or a drawback in all that time, save one,
to mar our wonderful career. That one
cause of dissension, "African slavery,"
is now abolished, and there is nothing re
ally left to make one man differ from
another, from one end to the other of the
Union. That bond and bargain which
held us so long with slavery, ought cer
tainly to be good to hold us, now that sla
very is numbered with the things that
were.
I may also say to you, that these a
mendments are a mere contrivance on
the part of politicians to deceive the
country—that they are not received
with favor by the earnest men of either
party, whether radical or conservative.
Charles Sumner is not more friendly to
them to-day than 1 am, and that I know.
He will not deny it.
Let mccxplain. 1 have great respect
for an honest radical in this contest. I
understand him, I know what he wants,
and where to meet him. He frankly
avows his policy, and however much I
may think him mistaken, I cannot re
frain from according to him the meed
of honesty and manliness. He starts
out with the idea that all men are equal,
and that the negro is just as much enti
tled to his share in the government of
the country as he is entitled to be paid
for his day's labor after he has perform
ed it. He believes the negro ought to
have a vote, just as he ought to have a
challenge to the jury who is to try him
for hi-life. This is radical ground, and
I say I respect it—l understand it; but
you will perceive these Constitutional
amendments don't cover that ground.
Indeed, they abandon it, and trade it
otf for a consideration. They sell him to
the white men in this respect, provided
the latter will agree to yield up their
political power in proportion as it is
based on their negro population. How
this would benefit the negro 110 one can
explain; but anybody may see that it
would not incline the people of the
Southern States to treat him better than
they now do. May they not look upon
liimasthecauseof this new humiliation,
and visit upon him that indignation
which his half hearted friends really
deserve? This is why true radicals op
pose it, and stigmatize it as an abandon
ment of the negro to his fate, in order
to deprive t he Southern States of a few
members of Congress.
Nor are the authors of it anxious for
it- success. With no love for the negro,
they offer this as a sop to the abolition
ists, and expect, by means of it, to keep
them quiet till after the election. The
heads of these men are cool enough he
sides, to know that thereis not compen
sation enough in'it to justify them in
the risks they run in destroying the
freedom of the States, and in consolida
ting power over them, in the Federal
Government. It is an invention that
may be made to plague the inventors,
and a petard that might hoist its own
engineers. Jf twenty-seven states can
deprive nine states of one-half their
members of Congress by amending the
Constitution, the same number ofStates
might deprive New England of one
half her Senators; and this is made pos
sible whenever the precedent is set,
that an amendment can be made which
is not only not in harmony with, but
directly contrary to the original instru
ment itself. If you can change the basis
of representation, pass bills ofa thunder
and ex post facto laws, you eau do any
thing. Such changes are not amend
ments at all—they are really violations
attempted under a cover of a power to
amend, and if successful, the instrument
becomes the sport of faction, loses all its
efficacy, and is not worth the paper up
on which it is written.
1 think the proceedings of the late Con
vention at Philadelphia,(tilled, byway
of eminence, the Loyal Southern Union
Convention, ought to open the eyes of
the people as to the true nature of the is
sue.-. involved in the next elections.
Surely no such body has ever met in the
world before,or one which exposed its
nakedness more plainly than this. All
the bedlams of the country seemed to
be let loose in it. Ye Cods! if the spir
its of Washington, Franklin, Madison,
Adams, Hamilton and Jefferson were
permitted to look in upon it, what they
must have thought. To have seen a
parcel of refuse babblers from the South,
of no importance at any time, and less
now, pleading for justice to the negro,
for his right to suffrage, in order to give
them a constituency, when it is notori
ous that nine out of every ten of these
fellows were, a few years ago, the most
violent of slavery propagandists. If
they are representative men of the
South, where were they before the war?
What did t hey do to arrest its progress?
Whoever heard of any of them unti
the rebellion spewed them outasthe ex
ponents of its rascality ?— I They were
not trusted on its side, and they came
over to ours, is their history ; and now
they openly confess that the only chance
they have for fame or fortune, is in ne
gro suffrage. They do not pretend that
any white men confide in them, hut they
say the negroes wi 11. Quere de hoc as the
lawyers say, question as to this. I am
afraid that the man who loses the confi
dence of his white fellow-citizens would
soon lose that of the negro es. The latter
can tell a gentleman as quickly as any
body, and you could no more cheat him
\tith your Brownlows and Hamiltons
than you could cheat the ladies of Par
is, or those of Latrobe with them. Their
cry, however, was "Negro suffrage,"
from first to hist; but their Northern al
lies were obdurate, and the despairing
wail of these philanthropic statesmen
died away on their ears without reach
ing their hearts: They would make
that an issue.
GIVING IT UP. —The Philadelphia
Evening Telegraph , a ltejtublican organ,
publishes an article in last Friday's
issue, which indicates that the Repub
licans give up the contest in this State.
They see that Gen. Geary has not a
particle of chance of success. An ap
parent contest will probably be kept
up, hut the leaders know now, as well
as they will after the votes shall have
been counted, that they are beaten by
an overwhelming majority.
THE Blacksmith earns his dollar a
day by hard work. With this lie sup
ports himself, his wife and children.
A Republican Congress does not think
of voting money to support in idleness
the Blacksmiths of the country as it
does to vote millions of dollars to sup
port lazy negroes! You are white, they
are black.
WHERE HE STANDS.— Gen. Geary,
the abolition disunion candidate for
Governor of this State, was a delegate
to the negro-rights convention which
met 14 Pniladelpliia on the fid inst. 110
and the negro, Fred. 1 louglass, march
ed in the same procession.