TERMS OP PUBLICATION. TFE BEDFORD GAZETTE is published every Fri day morning by MEYERS 4 MENGEL, at $2 00 per annum, if paid strictly in advance ; $2.50 if paid within six months; $2.00 if not pain within six B ontbs. Ml subscription accounts MUST be tcttltd annually. No paper will be sent out of ; be State unless paid for is ADVANCE, ami all such .jbseriptions will invariably be discontinued at t(ie expiration of the time for which they are p*id All ADVERTISEMENTS for a less term than j (brer months TEX CEXTS per line for each In- j ~r : ion. Special notiees one-h.ilf udditionsl AT ! jfwluti' us of Associations; eomuiunic .tions of uited or individual interest, and notices of mar- T.asjes and deaths exceeding fiVe line, ten cents per line. Editorial notices fifteen cents per iine. I Ail legal Notices of every Hud,and Orphans'- rt and Judicial Sales, are required by lata ,• yitbiished ui both papers published in this face. Ail advertising due afterfirat insertion. A liberal disc uut is made to persons advertising I by the quarter, half }ear. or year, as follows : 3 months. 6 months. 1 year. *:)nc square - - - $ 4 50 $ 8 00 $lO 00 I*o squares - - - t; 00 900 ] no Three squares - - - 8 00 12 00 20 00 Quarter column - - 14 00 20 00 35 00 Half column - - - 18 00 25 00 45 00 One column - - - - 30 00 45 00 80 00 *ouv square to occupy one inch of space. JOB PRINTING, of every kind, done with neatness and dispatch. THE GAZETTE OFFICE has ' just been refitted with a Power Press and new type, slid everything in the Printing line can be execu ted in the most artistic manner and at the lowest .ates.— TERMS CASII. IJ?- All letters should be addressd to -MEYERS A MENGEL, Publishers. < zMtorncit.s at £au\ JOSEPH \V. TATF,, ATTORNKY AT LAW. BEDFORD. PA. Will promptly attend to collection* of bounty, b:ick pay. Ac., and ali business entrusted to bis care in Bedford ami adjoining counlies. Cash advanced on judgments, notes, military a: i other claim'. II ts fir sale Town lots in Tatesville, and St.- J—'ph'aon Bedford Railroad. Forms and unim proved land, from one acre to 900 acres to suit purchasers * Office nearly opposite the'-Mengel Hotel" and Bulk of Reed A Schell. April 1. 1365—1y r*DWARD F. KERR, ATTORNEY AT L AW. BEDFORD, PA. Will punctually i .(1 carefully attend to all business entrusted to hi* care. Soldiers' claims for bounty, back pay St . speedily collected. Office with 11. Nicode mu'. Esq . on Juliana street, nearly opposite the B.v king House of Reed A Schell. Apri' 7, 1865. 1. B. DL'RBORROW. | JOHN LL'TZ. nun BORROW & LUTZ, ATTORNEYS AT LAW. BEDFORD. PA., Will attend promptly to all business intrusted to their care. Collections made on the shortest no tice. They are, also, regularly licensed Claim Agents ard will give special attention to the prosecution ofctaims against the Government for Pensions, Back Pny. Bounty, Bounty Lands, Ac. Office on Juliana street, one door South of the Mengel House," and nearly opposite the Inquirer office. JOHN P. REED, ATTORNEY AT ♦ f LAW. BEDFORD. PA Respectfully tender* h's services to the pnbltc. Office second door North of the Mengel House. Bedford, Ang, 1, 1861. JOHN PALMER, ATTORNEY AT #| LAW, BEDFORD, PA. Will promptly attend :<> all business entrusted to his care. Particular attention paid to the collection of Military claims. Office on Juliana Street, nearly opposite the Mengel II use. Bedford. Aug. I. 1861. J?SPY M. A LSI P, ATTORNEY AT UJ LAW, BEDFORD, PA. Will faithfully and promptly attend* to all business entrusted to his c ire in Bedford and adjoining counties. Military claims, b tck pv, bounty, Ac., speedily collected. Office with Minn A Spang, on Ju'iana street, two doors South of the Mengel House. Jan. 22. 1854, t. M. KIMMELL. | J W- LINOBrLTER. KIMMELL & LINOEXFKLTER, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, BEDFORD. PA . I| ive formed a partnership in the practice of the Law Office on .lulinnu street, two doors South of the 'Mengel House,'' / 1 EL SPANG, ATTORNEY A T \J . LAW BEDFORD. PA Will promptly at tend to collections and all business entrusted to his e tre in Bedford and adjoining counties. Office on Juliana Street, three doers south of the Mengel House," opposite the residence of Mrs. T.ite. May 1.1. 1351. Jxo. 11. FILLER. J. T KKAGV . MILLER W KEAGY have formed a l partnership in the practice of the law. At tention paid to Penstous, Bounties and Claims tgdnst the Government. Office on Juliana street, formerly occupied by Urn. A. King. March 31, '65. iMtuoifianf. ami Hcntists. 1) 11. PEXNSYL, M. D., BLOODY I 1 a Rc.v, Pa., (I ite surgeon 56th P. V. V.,) ten- j '■* tiis prutV-.-iittial services to the people of that ! fin e and vicinity. Dec. 22. '65-ly* \y W. JAMISON, M. I>., BLOODY • Y RI T *. PA.. tenders his professional servi * * t< the people of that place ami vicinity. Office • loor of Uiohard store. X>r 24, oj—] y J I \!{. .1. L MARBOURG, Having .I.' permanently located, respectfully tenders i professional services to the Bedford fi l vicinity. ' ': con Juliana afreet. ent "i'le, nearly opposite t'ne Banking House of Heed A Sehell. Bedford, February 12. 18(4. C V HICKOK, | J. G. MINNICH, JR.. | I\ EN TISTS, 1 1 BEDFORD, PA Office in the Bank Building. Juliana St. * All operation* pertaining to Surgical or Me o, ieal Dentistrv carefully performed, and war-, tamed. TFBMS — CASH. Bedford, January 6, 1865. jankers. UMIUI | J- 1 flt'HIL, j j) EK D AN D SCIIE LL, i\ Haulers attti 1E A L E It s I N EX CH AXG E, BEDFORD. PA , bRAFTS hought and sold, collections made and te'inev promptly remitted deposit* solicited. 6 W. RL'L-p O P.. SHANNON P. BENEDICT HUPP, SHANNON A-CO., BANK ERS, BEDPORD, PA. BANK OF DISCOUNT AND DEPOSIT. ' i-LECTIONS made for the East, WesL North 1 1 N.-ath. and the general business of Exchange • acted. Notes and Accounts Collected and '■'Bnttanees promptly made. READ EsTATE •ought and sold. Oct. 20, 1865. I iVXIEL BORDER, I ' PUT STREET, TWO DOORS tir.w OP THE BED- R, ' RN HOTEL, BEDPORD. PA. MATCHMAKER AND DEALER IN JEWEL RY. SPECTACLES, AC '' keepson hand a stock of fine Gold and Sil " 1 '-'lies, Spectacles of Brilliant Double Ke- Glasses, alio Scotch Pebble Glasses Gold C's Chains, Breast Pins, Finger Rings, best 1 J di ty of Gold Pen He will supply to order thing iu his line not on hand. . 1865- HF. IRVINE, • ANDERSON'S ROW, BEDFORD. PA.. 'r in B xits, Shoes. Queensware. and \ arie- f 5 - . IcsTOrlers from Couotry Merchant* re •Pjotfully solicited. 1835, |) VVID DEFIBAUGH, Gunsmith, , Bedford. Pa. Shop same as formerly oceu- Border, deceased Having resumed . ' now prepared to fill all orders for new a!," 'i'* 18 shortest dotice. Repairing done to or v . , e patronage of the public is respectfully .ocited. oct 'fti "il) ls est BELIEAGRINDSTONES 2l)c Ocitforti (Snjcttc. BY MEYERS & MENGEL. flic grtlfortl oVn.xcltc. OI K MM VI, BOTMT. Re-openini; f Inilian Hostilities: MEESSII. ore or Tall null liis family: Ton persons murdered and S<-;I||MMI and llieir duel- I'Bi I:ril ill aslies; Samuel Attains Lill etl by Indians. i Immediately upon the breaking out of the Revolution, the Indians again became troublesome on the frontier, and Bedford county was once more the scene of their savage cruelty. We find some reference to their incursions into the county, scattered through the Colo nial Records, but tradition furnishes ac counts of murders committed by them at this period which were of the most horrible character. About three miles east of tiie borough of Schellsburg, and six miles west of Bedford, there is a small ridge known as "Tail's Hill." which derives its name from the foot that a family by the name of Tull were there massacred by the Indians. We are indebted for an account of ibis bar barous alfair, to the narrative furnished by Messrs. Burd and Mower to the au thor of the "Historical Collections of Pennsylvania." These gentlemen tell us that "in the year 1777, a family na med Tull resided about six miles west of Bedford, on a hill to which the name of the family was given; there were ten children—nine daughters and a son; but at the time referred to, the son was absent, leaving at home his aged pa rents and nine sisters. At that time the Indians were particularly troublesome, and the inhabitants had to abandon their improvements and take refuge in the Fort; but 'full's family disregarded the danger and remained <<m their im provement-;. One Williams, who had made a settlement about three miles west of Tail's and near where the town of Schellsburg now stands, had return ed to hi- farm to sow some flax-seed; he had a son with him and remained out about a week. The road to his im provement passed 'full's house. On their return, as they approached Tull's, they saw a smoke, and coming nearer, discovered that it arose from the burn ing ruins of Tull's house. Upon a nearer approach, the son saw an object in the garden, which, by a slight move ment, attracted his attention, and look ing more closely, they found it was the old man iTall} just expiring. At the same moment, the son discovered on the ground near him an fndian paint bag. They at once understood the whole matter, and knowing that the Indians were still near, fled at once to the Fort. Next day a force went out from the Fort to examine, and after some search found the mother with an infant in her arms, both scalped. A short distance, in the same direction, they found the eldest daughter, also scalped. A short dis tance from her the next daughter, in the same situation, and scattered about at intervals the rest of the children but one, who, from some circumstances, they supposed had been burned. '1 hey all appeared to have been overtaken In flight, and murdered and scalped where they were found. It seems the family were surprised in the morning, when all were in the house, and thus became an easy prey to the savages." Another murder by the Indians is rela ted as having taken plaeeduring the lat ter part of this year (1777 ). A number of families had come into the Fort from the neighborhood of Johnstown. Among them were three men named Samuel Adams, Thornton and Bridges. After thealarin had somewhat subsided, they agreed to return to their property. A party started with pack horses, reach ed the place, and not seeing any In dians, collected their property jind com menced their return. After proceed ing some distance, a dog belonging to one of the party, showed signs of un easiness, and ran back. Bridges and Thornton desired the others to wait whilst they would go back for him. They went back, and had proceeded but two or three hundred- yards, when a body of Indians, who had been lying in wait on each side of the way, but who had been afraid to tiro on account of the number of the whites, suddenly rose up and took them prisoners, 'the others, not knowing what detained their companions, went back aftertheni; when they arrived near the spot, the Indians fired on them, but without doing any injury. The whites in stantly turned and fieri, excepting Sam uel Adams, who took a tree and began to fight in the Indian style. In a few minutes, however, he was killed, but not without doing thesame fearful ser vice for his adversary. He and one of the Indians shot at, and killed each other, at the same moment. When the news reached the fort, a party volun teered to visit the ground. When they reached it, although the snow had fal len ankle deep, they readily found the | bodies of Adams and the Indian, the j face of the latter having been covered | by his companions, with Adams' huu- THE VETO MEJiS Ua:. Demolition of the •■[ rpcilmon's Bnreau Bill." To the Senate of the United State*: I have examined with carethe hill which has been passed by the two Houses of Congress to amend an act, entitled "an act to establish a bureau for the relief of freedinen and refugees, and for oth er purposes." Having with much re gret come to the conclusion that it would not be consistent with the pub lic welfare to give my approval to the measure, ] return the bill to the Senate with my objections to its becoming a law. 1 might call to mind, in advance of these objections, that there is no im mediate necessity for the proposed measure. The act to establi ha bureau for the relief of freed men and refugees, which was approved in the month of March last, lias not yet expired. 11 was thought stringent and extreme enough for the purpose in view in time of war. Before it ceases to have effect further experi ence may assist to guide us to a wise conclusion as to the policy to be adopt ed in time of peace, i share with Con gress the strongest desire to secure to the freed men the full enjoyment of their freedom and their prosperity, and their entire independence and equality in making contracts for their labor, but the hill before me contains provisions which, in my opinion, are not warran ted by the Constitution, and are not well suited to accomplish the end in view. The bill proposes to establish, by au thority of Congress, military jurisdic tion over all parts of the United States containing refugees and freedmen. It would by its very nature apply with the most force to those parts of the U nited States in which the freedmen most abound, and it expressly extends the existing temporary jurisdiction of the Freedinen's Bureau, with greatly enlarged powers, over those States in which the ordinary course of judicial proceeding has been interrupted Jy the rebellion. The source from which this military jurisdiction is to emanate is none other than the President of the United States, acting through the War Department and the Commissioner of the Freed inen's Bureau. The agents to carry out this military jurisdiction are to be se lected either from the army or from civil life; the country is to be divided into districts and sub-districts, and the number of salaried agents to be em ployed may be equal to the number of counties or parishes in all the United States where freedmen or refugees are to be found. The subjects over which this milita ry jurisdiction is to extend in every part of the United States includes pro tection to all employees, agents and of ficers of this Bureau in the exercise of the duties imposed upon them by the bill in eleven States. It is further to extend over all cases affecting freed men and refugees discriminated against by local laws, custom or prejudice. In these eleven States the bill subjects any white person who may be charged with depriving a freedman of any civil rights or immunities belonging to white per sons, to imprisonment or line, orboth, without, however, defining the civil rights and iminunitie- which are thus to be secured to the freed men by milita ry law. This military jurisdiction also ex tends to all question that may arise re specting contracts. The agent who is thus to exercise the office of a judge may he a stranger, entirely ignorant of the laws of the place, and exposed to the errorsof judgment to which all men are liable. The exerciseof power, over which there is no legal supervision, by so vast a number of agents as is con templated by this bill, must, by the very nature of man, be attended by acts of caprice, injustice and passion. The trials having their origin under this hill, are to take place without the inter vention of a jury, and without any fix ed rules of law or evidence. The rules on which offenses are to he heard and determined by the numerous agents, are such rules and regulations as the President, through the War Depart ment, shall prescribe. No previous presentment is required, nor any indictment charging the com mission of a crime against the laws, but the trial must proceed on charges and specifications. The punishment will be, not what the law declares, but such as a court-martial may think prop er, and from these arbitrary tribunals there lies no appeal, no writ of error, to any one of the courts in which the Constitution of the Cnited States puts exclusively the judicial power of the country. While the territory and the classes of actions aud offenses that are made subject to these measures are so extensive, the bill itself, should it be come a law, will have no limitation in point of time, hut will form part of the permanent legislation of the country. I cannot conceive a system of milita ry jurisdiction of this kind, within the words of the Constitution, which de clares that "no person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infa mous crime, unless on a presentment and indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land and naval forces, or in the military when in ser vice in time of war orpublic danger," and that "in all criminal proceedings the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury of the State or district wherein the crime shall have been committed." BEDFORD. PA.. FRIDAY MORNING. MARCH 2. 1866. and wisdom of ages taught our fathers to establish as securities for the protec tion of the innocent, the punishment of the guilty and the equal administra tion of justice, are to be set aside, and for the sake of a.more vigorous inter- position in behalf of justice, we are to take the risk of the many nets of injus tice that would necessarily follow from an almost countless number of agents established in everyparish or county in nearly a third of tiv States of the Un ion, over whose decsions there is to tie no supervision or control by the Feder al courts. The power that would be thus placed in tiie hands of the Bresident is such as in time of peace eertiinly ought never to be intrusted to aiv one man. If it be asked whether tlv creation of such a tribunal in a State was warranted as a measure of war, the question imme diately presents itself whether we are still engaged in war. Let us not un neeessarily disturb the commerce, and credit and it tustry of he country by declaring to the American people, and to the world, that the United States are still in a condition of civil war. At present there is no part of our country in which the authority of the United States is disputed. Offences that may be committed by individuals should not work a forfeiture of the rights of whole communities. The community has returned, or is return ing, to a state of peace and industry. The rebellion is at an end. Tkc meas ure, therefore, seems to be inconsistent with the actual condition of the coun try, as it is at variance with tic Consti tution of the United States. If, passing from general considcra- 1 tions, we examine the bill in detail, it \ is open to weighty objections. I time I of war it was eminently proper that j we should provide for those who were j passing suddenly from a condiiionofj bondage to a state of freedom, bit this bill proposes to make the Freednen's Bureau, established by the act <f 18(55 as one of many great and extracrdina ry measures to suppress a formidable rebellion, a permanent branch of the publi(*administration, with its jowers i greatly enlarged. I have no reason to suppose, anl I do ; not understand it to be alleged tlat the I act of March, 1865, has proved deficient | for the purpose for which it was passed, although at that time, and fora con-; siderable period thereafter, the Govern-; ment of the United States renained unacknowledged in most of the States whose inhabitants had been iivolved in the rebellion. The institution of slavery, for the military destruction of I which the Freedmen's Bureau was call ed into existence as an auxiliary, has' been already effectually and finally ab rogated throughout the whole country by an amendment of the Constitution of the United States, and practically its eradication has reached the assent and concurrence of most of those States in which it at any time had an exist ence. I am not therefore able to discern in the condition of the country anything to justify an apprehension that the pow ers and agencies of the Freedmen's Bureau, which were effective for the protection of freedmen and refugees during the actual continuance of hos tilities, will now, in a time of peace, and after theabolition of slavery, prove inadequate to the same proper ends. If 1 am correct in these views, there can be no necessity for the enlargement of the powers of thebureau, for which provision is made in the bill. The third section of the bill authori zes a general and unlimited grant of support to the destitute and suffering refugees and freedmen, their wives and children. Succeeding sections make provision for the rent or purchase of landed estates for freedmen, and the erection, for their benefit, of suitable buildings for asylums and schools; the expenses to he defrayed from the treas ury of the whole people. The ("ongress of the United States has never heretofore thought it sell-empow ered to establish asylums beyond the limits of the District of Columbia, ex-j cept for the benefit of our disabled sol diers and sailors. It has never founded schools for any class of our own people,! not even for the orphans of those who have fallen in the defense of the Union, hut has left the care of their education to the much more competent and effi cient control of the States, of commu nities, of privateassociations andof in dividuals. It has never deemed itself authorized to expend the public money for the rent or purchase of houses for the thousands, not to say millions of the white race who are honestly toil ing from day to day for their subsis tence. A system for the support of indigent persons in the United States never was contemplated by the authors of the Co nstitution. Nor can any good reason he advanced why, as a permanent estab lishment, it should he founded for one class or color of our people more than for another. Pending the war many refugees and freedmen received sup port from the Government, but it was never intended that they should hence forth he fed, clothed, educated and sheltered by the United States. The idea on which the slaves were assisted to freedom was, that on becoming free they would he a self-sustaining popula tion, and any legislation that shall im ply that they are not expected to attain a self-sustaining condition must have a tendency alike injurious to their char acter and their prosperity. The appointment of an agent for ev immense patronage, and the expense of the numerous officers and their clerks, to be appointed by the President, will be great in the beginning, with a ten dency steadily to increase. The appro priations asked by the Freedmen's Bu reau, as now established, for the year 18GG,amount.to$11,745,000, and it may be safely estimated that the cost to be incurred under the pending bill will re quire double that amount, more than the entire sum expended in any one year under the administration of the second Adams. If the presence of agents in every parish and county is to be considered as a war measure, opposition or even resistance might be provoked, so that to give effect to their jurisdiction, troops would have to be stationed within reach of every one of them, and thus a large standing force be rendered necessary. Large appropriations would, therefore, lit 1 required to sustain and enforce mil itary jurisdiction in every county or pa rish from the Potomac to the Rio Grande. The condition of our fiscal af fairs is encouraging, but in order to sus tain the present measures of public con fidence, it is necessary that we practice not merely customary economy, but, as far as possible, severe retrenchment. In addition to the objections already stated, the fifth section of the bill pro poses to take away land from its former owners without any legal proceedings being first had, contrary to that provis ion of the Constitution which declares that no person shall be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law. It does not appear that a part of the lands to which this section refers, may not be owned by minors or persons of unsound mind, or by those who have been faithful to all their obligations as citizens of the United States. If any portion of the land is held by such per sons, it is noteompetent for any author ity to deprive them of it. If, on the other hand, it be found that the prop erty is liable to confiscation, even then it cannot be appropriated to public pur poses, until by due process of law, it shall have been d clared forfeited to the Government. There is still further objection to the bill, 011 grounds seriously affecting the class of persons to whom it is designed to bring relief; it will tend to keep the mind of the freedman in a state of un certain expectation and restlessness, while to those among whom lie lives it will be a source of constant and vague apprehension. Undoubtedly thefreedman should be protected, but he should be protected by the civil authorities, and especially by the exercise of all the constitutional lowers of the courts of the United States and of the States, llis condition is lot so ex posed as may at first be imag ined. lie is in a portion of the country wher? his labor cannot well be spared. Competition for his services from plan ters, from those who are constructing or repairing railroads, and from capitalists in his vicinage or from other States, will enable him to command almost his own terms. He also possesses a perfect right to chaage his place of abode, and if, therefore, he does not find in one community or State a mode of life suit ed tn his desires, or proper remunera tion for his labor, he can move to anoth er, where that labor is more esteemed and better rewarded. In truth, however, each State,induced by its own wants anil interests, will do what is necessary and proper to retain within its borders, all the labor that is needed for the development of its re sources. The laws that regulate supply and demand will maintain their force, and the wages of the laborer will he regulated t hereby. There is no danger that the exceedingly great derfiand for labor will not operate in lavor of the la borer; neither is sufficient considera tion given to the ability of the freed men to protect and take care of them selves. It is no more than justice to them to believe, that as they have received their freedom with moderation and forbear ance, so they willdistinguish themselves by their industry and thrift, and soon show the world that in a condition of freedom they are self-sustaining, capa ble of selecting their own employment and their own places of abode, of insist ing for themselves on a proper remun eration, and of establishing and main taining their own asylums and schools. It is earnestly hoped that instead of wasting away, they will, by their own efforts, establish for themselves a con dition of respectability and prosperity. It is certain that they can attain to that condition only through their own mer its and exertions. In this connection the query presents itself, whether the system proposed by the bill will not, when put into complete operation, practically transferthe entire <-are, support and control of four mil lions of emancipated slaves to agents, overseers or task masters, who, appoint ed at Washington, are to be located in every county and parish throughout the United States, containing freedmen and refugees. Such a system would in evitably tend to a concentration of pow rer in the Executive, which would ena | ble him, if so disposed, to control the i action ofthis numerous class, and use ' them for the attainment of his own po litical ends. I cannot but add another very grave objection to the bill. The Constitution imperatively declares, in connection with taxation, that each Stateshall have at least one representative, and fixes the rule for the number to which in fu ture times each State shall be entitled; VOL 61.—WHOLE No. 5.337. ' United States shall be composed of two Senators from each State, and adds with : peculiar force, that no State, without its consent shall hedeprivedof itsequai | suffrage in the Senate. The original I act was necessarily passed in the absence | of the State chiefly to he affected, be- I cause their people were then contuma : ciously engaged in the Rebellion. Now the case is changed, and some, at least, of the States are attending : Congress by loyal representatives solic iting the allowance of the Constitution al right of representation. At the time, however, of the consideration and the jiassing of this bill, there was no Sena tor or Representative in Congress from the eleven States which are to be main ly affected by its provisions. The very fact that reports were and are made a gainst the good disposition of the coun try is an additional reason why they need and should have representation in Congress, to explain their condition, reply to accusations, and assist by their local knowledge in perfecting measures immediately affecting themselves, while the liberty of deliberation would then be free, and Congress would have full power to decide according to its judgment, there could be no objection urged that the States most interested had not been permitted to he heard.— The principle is firmly fixed in the mindsofthe American people that there should be no taxation without represen tation. Great burdens have now to be borne by all the country, and we may best demand that they .shall be borne without murmur when they are voted by a majority of the representatives of all the people. I would not interfere with the unquestionable right of Con gress to judge and act for itself as to the elections, returns and qualifications of its own members, but that authority cannot be construed as including the right to shut out, in time of peace, any State from the representation to whi< h it is entitled by the Constitution at present. All the people of eleven States are excluded; those who were most faithful during the war not less than others. — The State of Tennessee, for instance, whose authorities engaged in rebellion, was restored to all her constitutional relationsto the Union by the patriotism and energy of her injured and betrayed people. Before the war was brought to a termination they had placed them selves in relation with the General Gov ernment ; had establffhed a State Gov ernment of their own, and as they were not included in the emancipation proc lamation, they, by their own act, had amended their Constitution, so as to a ! bolishslavery within the limits of their ! State. I know no reason why the State of Tennessee, forexample,should not fully enjoy all her constitutional relations to the United States. The President of the United States stands towards the country in a somewhat different atti- from that of any member of Con gress chosen from a single district or State. The President is chosen by the people of all the States. Eleven States are not at this time represented in eith er branch of Congress; it would seem to be his duty, on all proper occasions, to present their just claims to Congress. There always will be difference of o pinion in the community, and individ ual- may be guilty of transgression of the law; but these do not constitute valid objections against the right of a State to representation, and would in no wise interfere with the discretion of Congress with regard to the qualifica tions of members, but I hold it my du ty to recommend to you in the interests of peace, and in the interest of the U nion, the admission of every State to its' share in public legislation when, however insubordinate, insurgent or rebellious its people may have been, it presents itself not only in an attitude of loyalty and harmony, but in the persons of representatives whose loy alty cannot be questioned under any ex isting constitutional or legal test. It is plain that an indefinite or per manent exclusion of any part of the country from" representation must be attended by a spirit of disquiet and complaint. It is unwise and dangerous to pursue a course of measures which will unite a very large section of the country against another section of the country, however much the latter may preponderate. The course of emigra tion, the development of industry and business, and natural causes will raise up at the South mdh as devoted to the Union as those of any other part of the land. But if they areall axcluded from Congre s, if in a permanent statute they are declared not to be in full constitu tional relations to the country, they may think they have cause to become a unit in feeling and sentiment against the Government. Under the political education of the American people, the idea is inherent and* ineradicable that theconsentof the majority of the whole people is necessary to secure a willing acquiescence in legislation. The bill under consideration refers to certain of the States as though they had "been fully restored in all their consti tutional relations to the United States." If they have not, let us at once act to gether to secure that desirable end at the earliest possible moment. It is hard ly necessary for me to in for n Congress that in my own judgment most of those States, so far, at least, as dependent on their own action, have already been ful ly restored, and are to be deemed as en titled toenjoy theirconstitutional rights as members of the Union. Reasoning from the Constitution it- country, I feel not only entitled*but bound to assume that with the Federal courts restored, and those of the several States in the full exerciseof their func tions, the rightsand interests of all clas ses of the people, will, with the aid of the military in cases of resistance to the law, be essentially protected against un constitutional infringement and viola tion. Should this expectation unhappily fail, which I do not anticipate, then the Executive is already fully armed with the powers conferred by the act of March 1805, establishing the Freedmcn's Bu reau, and hercalter, as heretofore, he can c mploy the land and naval forces of the country to suppress insurrection, or to overcome obstructions to the laws, in accordance with the Constitution. I return the bill to the Senate in the earnest hope that a measure involving questions and interests so important to the country will not become a law, un less upon deli berate consultation by the people it shall receive the sanction of an enlightened public judgment. ANDREW JOHNSON. Washington, 1). C., Feb. 19, 18GG. WELL TIMED REMARKS.—In reply to a scurrilous attack upon Senator Cowan, the Philadelphia Daily News, a republican print, says: "He was a Union man when the Re publicans ail claimed to be Union men. "He is so stiil; and if they have depart "ed from the position they pretended "to occupy, and have become disunion "ists, is he to be censured i'or not going "with them? The Tribune may say the "same, if it of President John "son. The gap between that gentleman "and the liepitbfican majority grows "wider enrry day, but Andrew Johnson "was a Union man when Horace Gree "ley was advocating in the columns of "hi> newpaper the right of secession, and "blubbering every day, 'let them go.'" We are glad to find that a republican paper of such ability and relative strength has the manliness to speak out against its late party associates, telling them that if they have become "disun ionists" it isnb argument to influence it to take the same course. TIIE Philadelphia Press yesterday published the following significant tel egram: [Special despatch to the Press J II.vnniSECRG. Feb. 16. —Is is now definitely un derO.'od, from iuformmion received ihrough sour ces of the greatest reliability that John It. Geary hag sixty four delegates to the Union State Con vention instructed to support him as a candidate tor Governor. As it only requires sixty-seven v tea to nominate, it is fair to believe that Geary's nom ination will be made on the first billot. This is intended as a warning to Ketchum, Moorhead, Cessna, and the rest of the Republican gubernatorial candidates, to sttty at home and not bother themselves about a mattter in which they have no interest. It is rath er a summary method of crushing down opposition. Yet the Press may learn an instructive lesson from the sequel.— Its favoritecandidate is not yet nomina ted. "There is many a slip 'twixt the cup and the lip!"— Age. MONEY* —Men work for it, fight for it, beg for it, steal for it, starve for it, and die for it. And all the while, from the cradle to tliegrave, nature and God are thundering in our ears the solemn question—"What shall it profit a man, if he gain the whole world and lose his own soul?" This madness for mon ey is the strongest and lowest of the passidns; it is the insatiate Moloch of thehuman heart, before whose remorse less alter all the finer attributes of hu manity are sacrificed. It makes mer chandise of all that is sa -red in human affections, and even in the awful solem nities of the eternal. A bachelor and a young lady purcha sed some ticket sin partnership in a lot tery at the recent Sanitary Fair at Mil waukee, agreeingto divide the proceeds equitably. They drew a double bed stead, a baby crib, and a lunch basket, and the question is how to divide them, or whether they shall not use them "jintly." CHAS. J. FAULKNER having appli ed for admission to practice at the bar, the Supreme Court of West Virginia has decided that attorneys are not civil officers of that State, and therefore not cquired to take the test oath. A bill providing a test oath for attorneys is to be immediately introduced in the Leg islature. ONE day Freddy's little sister, Car rie, hearing her mother talking about a name for a new little baby-brother that had been given to them a short time before, said: "Mamma, why don't you name him Hallowed ? It says in my prayer, 'Hallowed be thy name,' and 1 think it is a very pretty name, too." THE last new thing about the wed ding celebrations is the Sugar Wedding. It is the sweetest thing out, and is cel ebrated at the end of the honeymoon— thirty days after the niarriege. LUCY Stone says: The cradle is a wo man's ballot-box." Then we have known some unlawful voting, where two ballots were deposited at a time. JOXES says a person's character de ponds on a good bringing up; for in stance, (says lie,) a man who has been brought up by the police seldom turns out respectable. CARDINAL WISEMAN'S dying words wore: "Well here I am at last, like a child from school, going home for the holidays.". A PHYSICIAN has discovered that night-mare, in nine cases out of ten, is produced by owing a bill for a newspa per, and that the bestcure is to pay up. BENEFIT ydur friends that they may love you still more dearly; benefit your enemies that they may become your friends. A SMILE is ever the most bright and beautiful with a tear upon it. What's the dawn without its dew?
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers