A SOLDIER'S SENTIMENTS.
GREAT SPEECH
OF
CAPTAIN CHARLES B BRQCKWAY,
At the Grand Nob Mountain Meeting,
Columbia County, on Wednes
day, August 30, 1865.
FititNus and Fellow Soluikrs : It may be
according to tactics to put raw recruits in front
while these old veterans are kept in reserve,
but the position is a painful one. Inasmuch,
however, as I have been assigned a position in
this assault on the enemy, it is my duty to ad
vance to the charge, and if repulsed I shall fall
back upon the reserves. Wo have assembled
here, as we have a perfect right to do, alike to
r Vbrate the establishment of our party, and
to renew among our people then* political
faith.
For four long years wa have engaged in a
bloody civil war ; the garbs of mourning lieture
inc. tbe maimed soldiers who have met here
prove the desperation of ttie struggle, were oth
er evidence wanting. The questious are perti
nent, what have we fought for? Why is this
fair land filled with cripples, with mourning—
and why are we as a nation overwhelmed with
debt ? These are the questions which have been
assigned me, and I will endeavor to state what
we fought for, what ive did not fight for, and
what w'e should now insist upon. When we
insider the conflicting opinions of leading men,
oi different communities, the importance of a
roper solution of the question will he appar
ent. The subject is an old one; you have
heard it day after day for the past four years:
t nd 1 -halbnot pretend to give you any origi
isl thoughts da the subject, but to revive old
mes in your mirt'is.
The object of the South, I take it, was to
. ibh Ji a separate government among States
al.ke interested iu the preservation of the insti
tution of slavery, which they claimed fiad been
illegally interfered with. Doubtless other eaus-
H inipc'lcd them to this course, but this was
the main "tic. The object of the West, besides
i . ■ eueral one to maintain the Union of our
iarhcrs, was to ojKm and keep open the naviga
n : the Mississippi liver, that they might,
t rough it. b'nd their produce to market. The
: • -is-vs of the .Middle Sta*?s were actuated by
rulv patriotic impulses, though f.''oy knew that
upon their borders would the contest J' c decid
j. The object of the East, however, I
va- inn the general one to preserve the Union,
ti uu'ih some men within its borders ruay have
-,i staled. It wa> the desire of vengeance upon
tiic Suntli, and upon South Carolina in partic
ular. They were not opposed to secession, be
cause they had been advocates of that doetiine
: m the foundation of our government. Many
: my hearers may be old enough to remember
Essex Junto and the Hartford Convention,
ihe . may remember the numerous petitions
eJug from that portion of the United States
Congre-s, praying for a dissulutiou of the
Union.. For over thirty years they have de-
Lrcd that "they would have no union with
slaveholder-." You have not forgotten that
Ueaeiii! IJiuiks, who has held high civil and
military positions under our s"* auujcul a man
whoso name is synonymous with disunion and
defeat, declared that "he was witling in certain
contingencies to let the Union slide." Vou
'nave liui forgotten that a certain representative
in Congress from that godly city ot' iiostou,
and who now holds a high diplomatic position
uuJor the government, declared that "the time
had arrived when we must have an anti-Shiv
i-i r Constitution, an anti-slavery Bible, and an
anti-slavery God." Garrison's Liberator , a
prominent New England paper, and one exten
s vcly circulated in the army by the Sanitary
C mini-.-ion, long had at its head as a motto
••The Constitution is a covenant with death —
iii agreement with hell.'* These men are types
>' New England sentiment, and hated alike the
lio ui and the Constitution. Nor were they
..otuuted by a desire to support the laws, be
iu-e thev have been the first to break them ;
ley have refused to carry out the provisions
the fugitive slave law, though founded jpon
i ; ect command of the Con.-titutiun, and
0 si t. up their own corrupt coi.s iencen as
. higher lav," in following which they ciatru
the right to break through all laws—all con.-ti
•; >n 'these are the men whom I arraign
lure yen as having been disloyal in the past,
tin.i who, when the present war commenced —-
ti. ; hi -t they ever attempted to support —:n-
--nvor.-d to pervert its objects. Hut the main
spring of their action was tiie love of gain, and
they have grown rich by taking advantage ot
.e nation's necessities and the knowledge that
i iey were secure from invasion.
Hut. fellow-citizens, outside of New England,
grand moving cause was patriotism, the dc
-e to perj>etuate the government of our talli
■y and to transmit it to our posterity, to re
nt the insult to the flag before me, which the
•11 i- gliding with bis setting rays. We could
: bear that one star should be taken from its
Ay. The blood of our fathers was embalmed
red, the purity of their cause in its white
eiJ the freedom they attained in its blue.—
i.iese considerations induced me and thousands
my comrades to forsake the peaceful advo
' ns of life, and to bare our breasts to the
"in of battle. There were no party distiuc
-. and Democrats were among the first to
offer their services.
Having shown the object of the people, let us
i'lrr the object of the administration as
• ly declared to us. President Lincoln, in
naugural address, said, "I have no purpose,
' '"tly or indirectly, to interfere with the in
mtion of slavery in the States where it now
fv ts. I believed I have no lawful right to do
and I have no inclination to do so. * *
The power confided to me will be used
'i ■. occupy and possess the property and
• ~h- tanging to the government, and to col
- the duties and imposts ; but beyond what
'-*? be necessary for these objects, there will
" r ' invasion, no using of force against or a
-12 Jtl ? the people anywhere ''
1 his was the declaration of the then Presi
but further, in his proclamation calling
1 >.OOO troops, he said it was "to repossess
- forts, places and property of the United
• ' es , and we should avoid devastation or dis
tance of peaceful citizens." The famous
1 "flitter of Thirty-three on the state of the
"inn, ot which Thomas Corwin, now Minis
_• i, J Mexico, was chairman, reported among
' )f r dually strong resolutions, the following :
• -"f'wl, That we recognize slavery as now
•Jting in fifteen of the United States, by the
and laws of those States; and we rec
-• '* no authority, legally or otherwise, out
• a State where it so exists, to interfere
VOLUME 61.
NEW SERIES.
with slaves or slavery in such States, in disre
gard of the rights of their owners, or the peace
of society." Added to this we had the almost
unanimous resolution of Congress, "That this
war is not waged on our part in auy spirit JF
oppression, or for any purpose of conquest or
subjugation, or purpose of overthrowing or in
terfering with the rights or established institu
tions of tlio.-e States, but to defend and main
tain tbe supremacy of the Constitution, an 1 to
preserve the Union, with the dignity, equality,
and rights of the several States unimpaired ;
and that as soon as these objects ara accomplish
ed the war ought to cease.". Here we have the
objects of the war stated by the highest author
ities in the land. It was not to be for conquest
or subjugation ; not to overthrow the institu
tion of slavery or any other institution without
the consent of the States interested. It was a
contract between the soldiers and the govern
ment. 'I he consideration on our part was our
lives, our blood; and after we were sworn into
the service, we were coolly informed that the
objects for which we enlisted should not be car
ried out, and thus the solemn pledges of 1861
were broken, and the war made one for the ne
gro and not for the Union. We want these
pledges kept. We have done our duty in this
contest, as the blood shed during the past four
years attests, and we now call un the powers
that lie, or if they are unwilling, upon the peo
ple who placed them in authority, to see that
this contract is kept. Remember it was no
holiday excursion we undertook, nor was it to
meet an ordinary foe. We were to fight our
own tiesh and blood ; men as brave by nature
as we arc ; men whose fathers had fought with
ours to achieve the Revolution, and who illus
trated the valor of their race from the snows
of to the scorching plains of Mexico.
It is due td ourselves to admit that the South
ern peopie arc brave and were skillfully led,
else we can clai:" buf little honor for subduing
them with our supJ'doui' numbers. Ihey
showed devotion worthy d betted cause, and it
was only by superior numbers d u d indomitable
perseverance we compelled their surrender
Among the first acts of the administi Jtion
violating our contract, was the pubfeation Oi
the emancipation proclamation. At the time
I was confined in I.ibby prison as one of
•'Hope's felons," hut the sufferings of imprison
ment were nothing compared to the mental tor
ture on finding the high and noble cause for
I cnliAicd debased by being made a strug
gle for giving fie dom to a few degraded negroes.
Leading Republicans, it is true, urged the
measure as a imlihrry necessity, as if twenty mil
: lions of white men could not subdue eight mii
jlions Soutii without the aid of a few cowardly
j negroes. They also promised reinforcements of
white troops. Gov. Yates spoke of tiie "fiaui
i ing giants" of the West who would come to
our rescue ; Gov. Andrews said the streets and
: highways of the East would swarm with pa
triotic troops; while even Greeley promised
; Ids 900,000 more. Yet they never came save
iin the shape of some darkies stolen from the
I South, and a few needy foreigners imported
' from abroad. The natural result of this ill
timed proclamation was to stop recruiting in
I the North, and from that time large bounties
j and heavy drafts had to be resorted to to fill
j our armies, while so long as the war was for
] the Union more volunteers were offered than the
j administration would accept.
Another effect was to consolidate the South,
j At tiie beginning of the war, according to Pres
ident Lincoln's own statement, we had a ma
j jority of friends there, but this measure extin
guished the last spark of unionism S >uth, and
: united their people in the attempt to preserve
■ their property.
I hold also the war has been uneecssarily
' prolonged, that competent generals have been
; removed and their places supplied by experi
! mental ones; that our forces were divided where
they should have been consolidated, and that
I ov rtutes of peace from the enemy were rqee
| ted. The doctrine was openly proclaimed that
! the "last man and the last dollar" should be
! used in order to liberate tlie negroes. Feilow
| soldiers, can you affiliate with such men? You
' and I have lost beloved comrades, nay suffered
ourselves: yet we must be insulted with assur
ances that these friends died, or we suffered,
not for the Union, not in defence of the Con
stitution, hut to make the negro our equal.
That this war was unduly prolonged I can
: prove by the highest IJepubhean testimony — T
Horace Greely—who, in speaking ot the Ni
agara l'eace Conference said, "Had tins wise
and brave course been taken when Alex. H.
Stephens first publicly solicited permission to
visit Washington, I believe it would have saved
a quarter of a million of lives an awful amount
of devastation and misery, and left our nation
al debt a full billion less than it is to-day."
The President, in refusing overtures of peace,
also forgot that portion of his annual message
; of 1862, which says: "Suppose you go to war
; you cannot fight always; and when alter much
loss on both sides, and no gam on either, you
| cease fighting, the identical old questions, as to
terms of intercourse, are again upon you."
Another result of giving freedom to the ne
groes and placing them in our army was the
death of thousands of our brethren in South-
I ern prisons. Our government refused to carry
I out the cartel of exchange uuless some negroes
! then held by the enemy were liberated. What
! was the consequence? In one year seventeen
hundred Pennsylvania soldiers died at Ander*
! sonville prison I know that Gen. Butler now
! charges that Secretary Stanton ordered him to
i complicate the exchange in order that the reb
el forces should not be strengthened. Hut what
of that? Instead of trying Captain Wirze, the
keeper of the Andersonville prison, I would
indict Ben. Butler and Ed. Stanton,
i The war being over the question occurs how
shall we secure the objects for which we fought?
In the first place, we should return to trial by
■ jury- The time for courts martial and rnilita
! ry commi-sior. B , I apprehend, is over, or at
Freedom of Thought and Opinion.
BEDFORD, PA, FRIDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 22, 1865
least should bo. Those of us who have been
in the service know something about their con
stitution and powers. While in the army i
was several times a member of a court martial
and once a judge advocate, and I know that,
as Senator Hale declared, "they are organised
to eonviet." Woe be to the civilians who come
before theui. They are allowed no counsel,
save the discretion of the court, in general are
ign want of the charges against them, and have
no means of procuring witnesses. The accuser
also selects the judges of the crime; and thea
lias the approval of the sentence. There must
be a return to civil law, not only because the
Constitution prohibits any other means of trial
than by a jury, but even military writers agree
that civilians are not subject to military rule.
We have assumed the garb of citizens; and let
us maintain their rights. Let us emulate the
example of Washington, the first commander
in-chief of our armies who though possessed of
boundless power, was the first to curb military
power and make it subordinate to the civil. I
would also hate you emulate that beau ideal of
Democracy, Andrew Jackson. Look at him
at New Orleans, when lie had achieved that
memorable victory over a veteran English ar
my. Millions were rejoicing; and he was the
hero of the day. In this hour of triumph he
was arrested by a civil process for alleged vio
lations of the municipal law. He appeared.
A crowd of citizens and soldiers gathered a
ruund, and when Judge Hall announced that
the general had broken the laws, a murmur of
indignation passed through the crowd. The
judge hesitated to pronounce the sentence.
'•Fear not," said the general, "the same arm
which repelled the enemy will protect the de
liberations of the court." lie paid his fine,
and would not permit the citizens to reimburse
him. Would that some of our shoulder-strap
ped gentry would show the same respect to the
laws of the land.
We would also demand the restoration of
the writ of habeas corpus, so that men can be
no longer sen' to bastiles without due process
of law. In that indictment against English
tyranny, known as the Declaration of Indepen
dence, appear the following counts:
>'lle has erected a multitude of new offices,
and sent .'.iilu-r swarms of officers to harass our
people, and Ca< out their substance."
■•He has kept aJtoug us in times of peace
standing armies vviiLoJA consent of our
Legislatures."
••He has affected to render tnd military in
dependent of, and superior to, the etv.d pow
er. "
"For imposing taxes on us without our con-]
sent;" and "For depriving us in many cases of
the benefits of trial by jury "
In addition to the above we would bring
other equally strong charges against the party j
in power, and the principal one would be the
suspension of the great writ of right, against law,
in sovereign States in profound peace, and re
fusing to restore it when there is no war or ap
pearance of one ia the land.
We would also support President Johnson in
his endeavors to bring hack the Southern
States to their loyalty. We want Virginia,
South Carolina, and the rest, all back in the
Union, not as territories, but as free, sovereign*,
and independent States, its they were when
Washington gave theru to us. We would call
to the memory of President Johnson the dec
laration lie made in 1860 in the United States
Senate, when he sai 1; "When the time comes,
if it ever does come, which God forbid, I in
tend to place tny feet upon that Constitution
which I have sworn to support, and to stand
there and battle for all its guarantees; and if
this Constitution is to he violated or this Un
ion broken, it shall be done by those who are
stealthily and insidiously niakingencroachments
upon its very foundation." In this reorgani
zation we would also ask that some mercy be
shewn the jieople lately in rebellion. True,
when they opposed us with arms in their hands
we could inflict the usual punishment; but
when they grounded their arms, when they
submitted to the laws in good faith, we should
not oppress them The man is a coward who
would insult our late foes, who would wreak
vengeance on unarmed men, upon women and
children. Shakspeare truly said:
••The quality of rucrey is not strained ;
It droppeth as the gentle rain from Heaven.
Upon the place beneath ; it is twice blessed :
, It blesseth him that gives and him that takes;
'Tis mightiest in the mightiest ; it becomes
The throned monarch better than his crown ;
His sceptre shows the force of temporal power,
The attribute to awe and mqjesty,
Wherein doth sit the dread and fear of kiDgs ;
But mercy is above his sceptred sway,
It is enthroned in the hearts of kings,
It is an attribute to God himself;
Aud earthly power doth then show likest God's
When mercy seasons justice."
Thank God, none but the political clergy
prate uf vengeance, a class of men who did
more to cause the war and less to aid it than
any other body of men. Hut we regard it as
unsoldierly, unmanly, to strike a fallen foe. We,
through our general, told them that if they
would lay down their arms and return to their
homes they should not be molested by the Uni
ted States authorities. The pledged word of a
soldier must lie kept; and however much stay
at-home patriots may urge the hanging of Gen.
Lee and the men under him, the true soldier is
opposed to it. In short, we want the Southern
people back in the Union. We want no more
internal dissensions, but let us present a uni
ted front to the world, and in a few years our
people will be as good friends, nay better than
we ever were before.
We also insist that electors shall vote as
their judgments dictate. The object of the
war was not to do away with vested rights;
but to assure them to ourselves and our descen
dants. We want our legislatures to be repre
sentatives of the people, and not the selections of
department generals, operating through squads
of soldiers. Jlad I the time I weuld tell you
how my "interference" in an election gavo me
apleasurc trip to the Mississippi. i("Let'B hear
it—-tell it.") Last fall, about the time of the
Columbia county invasion, and soon after the
Petersburg mine explosion I was sent to An
napolis hospital, sick with a fever. The Oc
tober election coming on, in order to see how
such things were managed, I secured an ap
pointment as clerk of an election board. A
captain from Philadelphia was made judge,
and a portion of the board consisted of officers
of negro troops, who were not and never bad
been citizens of Pennsylvania. They conclu
ded it was unnecessary to swear the board, ac
cording to law, because were they not officers
and was not their word sufficient ? I protested
in vain, because I was alone. They at once
in conjunction with some chaplains, commenc
ed electioneering and circulating Abolition bal
lots. Not a Democratic one was to be had.
As squad after squad of men came in I pi o
posed asking if they were citizens of the Uni
ted States or of Pennsylvania; whether they
were of age, or had paid tax within two years.
Hut 1 was asked if I was not ashamed to press
such matters; these men were soldiers, and
was 1 opposed to letting soldiers vote? I had
to submit. At Camp Parole, where we had
aboutß,ooo paroled prisoners, the same pro
cess \*as carried on, and the men were shifted
, from me point to another. After we had cios
| ed the polls; a sergeant brought in a squad of
| about 60 men, whose were admitted fox
Ear lkey had not been taken elsewhere! We
| then cunmenced counting off, but the judge de
| clared it was late, he was tired, and lie would
adjourn until the next day; whereupon he put
the hdlots into his coat pocket, and I did not
i see hill anymore that day. I kept the tally
] list, however, and I have it at home now. We
met tke next day, but he bad more ballots in
. his pocket than I had names on the tally-list ;
jby seme bogus process they had increased.
Here was a quandary; but it was soon settled,
j They remarked the thing was very simple; the
j Democratic ballots, save nine, had been cast
by mistake, and they would take out enough
of thou to make the ballots and tally-list eor
j respond. I then entered a formal protest n
; gamsi the whole proceedings, and refused to
makeup the necessary returns. .That after
; noou I received a telegraphic despatch from the
Secretary of War, ordering me to report at
once at Crook's Island, 111 Oi' course I had
to go at once, and without making up the c
lcction returns. I went to Chicago; thinking
that Crook's Island might be in tfie lake, but
cocld find out nothing as to tbe place. After
HOije fruitless searching 1 concluded to stop at
Rock l.Jand City, it being a pleasant locality
on the Missifsipph ud report tny whereabouts
to the Adjutant General. As there was noth
ing for me to do in the shape of military duty
I spent a few weeks in hunting, fishing, and
killing time generally at Uncle Sam's expense.
At this time, in view of the Presidential elec
lion. the Republicans made a grand parade,
marching some colored soldiers in froDt of a
Pennsylvania regiment, in spite of their pro
test. At the same time, General Hooker,
commanding the department, Gen. Logan and
othet military gentlemen, were making speech
es through the State in behalf of the Re
publican party. Following the example thus
set rce, I acted as Marshal in a Democratic
procession, and also made a speech. Twenty
four hours after I received another dispatch
stating that I was "honorably mustered out
by reason of expiration of term of service,"
though that had occurred seven months before
at the time of the discharge of the Pennsyl
vania reserves.
]sut, fellow-citizen?, I must enter a special
protest against the doctrines ot negro equality.
On this question the soldier feels the most sen
sitive, and is the most earnest in repudiating it.
Although VVendell Phillips and his .Republican
coadjutors maintain that in all the desperate
deeds of the war, "the negro bears the palm,
we resent the insult, and boldly declare that a
more cowardly crew were never drawn up in
line of battle. It is our boast that not a regi
ment of them ever belonged to the old Army ot
the Potomac. At the opening of the campaign
of 18b4, Burnside brought one division of them
into the army under Gen. Ferrero, a trench
dancing master, who, during the Petersburg
mine explosion, was safely hid sna bornb-proot.
During that terrible contest in the \V
when Hancock's gallant corps had advanced be
yond its support, and was being outflanked on
"the left, this division, instead of advancing to
the rescue, was withdrawn towards the Kapi
dan. Gen. Grant, when informed of it by an
aid, said, "tell Gen. Burnside if he cannot fight
his corps, to turn it over to (Jen. Hancock,
who can." Again, during that terrible fight at
Spottsylvania, when our gallant men were fall
ing l>y thousands, 10,000 having fallen on the
12th of May, these government pets were kept
well in the rear, ready to run at the first sig
nal. And so it was at the .North Anna, lolo*
potamy and Cold Harbor. Baldy Smith's corps
—the Eighteenth—by taking transports reach
ed Petersburg the day before us. It was gar
risoned by about 500 citizens and invalids, who
held a line of works about six uiilis long. On
arriving, the batteries wore placed in position,
and the Corps, consisting of two white and one
colored division, about eighteen thousand men,
charged. Of course the main line was taken
with scarcely any loss, and this assault against
almost empty works was heralded to the world
as a victory gamed by the negroes. They were
careful not to advance into the city, though had
they done so it would have saved the long and
weary siege that followed. You remember the
Petersburg mine explosion, where Burnside de
termined to show the world how much braver
the blacks were than the whites- ou all know
the result—how they broke under thd first lire
and threw the white troops behind into confu
sion. And, soldiers, do'younot remember how
you were sacrificed this spring while the negroes
were kept in reserve until the enemy were de-
WHOLE XOIJBEIt, 33Iff
fcated, and then to them was given the honor
of first entering and capturing Richmond.
VV as negro equality part of the contract ?
Give your answer at the polls. Hut if they
are to he oer equals, if they are to be allowed
the right of suffrage because they enlisted in
war, the same privilege should be at least gran
ted white men. For instance, take the Irish
brigade, or the Corcoran Legion, both attached
to the Army of the Potomac, and arnor.g the
bravest of our troops; should not they also have
the right of suffrage? Yet where is the Abo
litionist who advocates their claim or speaks of
these brave Irishmen in terms of respect ? If
lighting is to be the standard, surely those brave
minors who entered the service should lie given
the elective franchise, artd~afe As likely to know
the principles of this government as these bru
talized negroes.
Hut who are the advocate" cf this new cru
sade against the cstablishe 1 principles of our
government ? Besides New Kngland Abolition
ists and itisumonisis, we have British emissa
ries, delegates from Kxeter Hall, brought here
to teach Americans the true principles of liber-
ty —men who
'•With gulJen bribe nr. 1 treacherous smile,
.N>w the vile seeds of rank pollution;
And with their reptilo si into defile
The temple of our Constitution."
They demand, as the price of their favor,
that we give the right of suffrage to our igno
rant negroes, while, according to John Bright'*
statement, out of 7,000,00') full-grown Eng
lishmen a thorough canvass would show oniy
1,000,000 of voters —a disfranchisement of
0,000,000. We want no teaelrtng or teachers
from abroad. Now that we have conquered
our enemy they make proffers of friendship,
yet while the contest was doubtful, they suppli
ed him with arms, money and ships. These
aristocrats who prate of equality refuse to as
sociate with their own white operatives, and
would make the negro the equal of the poor
white man, while themselves despising the ial
ter. Look at the Abolition States, where the
negro has the right of suffrage, of holding of
fice, and the like. In order to force an unnat
ural equality they have passed laws imjaosing
heavy penalties on railroads, theatres, hotels
and the like, which make any discrimination as
to color. But observe the unfairness of these
miscreants in endeavoring to fasten their doc
trines upon the people of other States. They
well know thAt the mass of the negro race
would avoid their bleak shores. In Vermont,
in 1860, there were oniy eighty colored voters,
and in New Hampshire, 160. But how is it
in Pennsylvania ? The entire colored popula
tion North in 1800 was 220,000, of which
Pennsylvania had ">7,000, over one-fourth of
the entire number. Of course, since the war
this number has greatly increased, because, ac
cording to Kennedy, Superintendent of the
Census Bureau, the increase is greater in Penn
sylvania than any oilier free State. Now. let
us compare our white and black populations in
localities where they enjoy equal advantages.
The census shows that where out of 10,0CJ0
whites there would be one convict, out of the
same number of blacks there would be nine
teen In Pennsylvania the blacks are but one
fiftieth of our population, yet one-third of our
convicts are blacks. In tiiis State we have an
average of one white convict in every 1,24b ;
whites, and 1 black convict in 260 blacks. In
Massachusetts, that land of piety and godli- 1
ness, they have only I black in 128 persons,
yet have 1 black convict in 9. Notwithstand
ing this terrible record, we have a party in our
midst who would Africanize the whole South,
who would place the ballot in the ban Is of men
far more ignorant and debased than the North- '
ern negro. They would place their own-race
under the domination of an inferior one and a- i
gainst their consent. Let us glance again at j
the statistics. In 1860, the negroes had a ma
jority in 263 counties—nearly one third—of j
the South, which number is now increased by ,
the loss of the Southerners in battle and by ex- j
elusion in municipal affairs for having engaged
in the rebellion. They have a small majority j
in Louisiana; of 33.000 in Mississippi, and of!
121,000 in South Carolina. This would give :
them G United States Senators, about 15 Con
gressmen, and place the white race in many oth
er localities completely under their control.
Besides their political elevation, they would
wreak vengeance uoon their former masters, in
cited to it by fanatics of the North; and the
terrible scenes of San Domingo would be re-en
acted in our midst. Look at the example in
Mexico, in South America* where the doctrine
of negro equality is in full blast—where tliey
have negro soldiers to dominate over the whites
and support tyrannical rulers in their ofiices.
Why, one of the leading Generals of Equador
is a negro,.yet married an accomplished white
lady of Panama. What do figures show us
there ? In the State of Panama seven-tenths
of the children are illegitimate, and in one de
partment, out of 1,100 people, there were to
be found only 7 married couples.
To illustrate the subject further, let me read
you a letter written by Senator Buckalew, in
1858, from Quito, South America, which I
took the liberty of copying, while acting as his
private secretary. At the time he was Minis
ter resident in that country, he had ample oppor
tunities for observation, and wrote at a time
when his mind could have had no bias, as he
occupied an independent position from which
he viewed this question :
CITT OP Qrrro, Dec. 2C>. 185S
DEAR Bm * * * There is a very proper restric
tion upon the diplomatic representatives of the United
States that they shall not publish letters relating to the
politioal affairs of the countries in which they'rowde.—
But 1 may say to you that a sojourn in thisquarter of the
earth is instructive to one who conies to study the organi
zation and action of government. And here, also, may
be studied the relations between different races in the same
community, The Indiansof the great Andeanchain from
Mexico southward, and whose centres of power were the
cities of Mexico, Quito and Ctueo, were very different
from the savages of the North Their religion was better
defined though idolatrous; they had great cities, exten
sive roads, cultivated fluids, and drew their support from
the earth rather than from fishing and the chase Une
would suppose that there forhighcivilization
and that countries populated by sue!) tahabitauu would
become first in rank in the new world upon the introduc
tion of new elements from Kurope. And this conclusion
would be strengthened by considering that uo exhaustive
wars were necessary to the submission of the natives, and
! that the Christianity of the conquerors was readily and
' generously accepted by them. Besides, the Andean In
dinn had and has a good physioal development, a docile
| temper, is not destitute of ingenuity, and can be trained
:to habits of industry. Hut the result has belied such rea
I souablu expectation Power has soated itself on the stormy
coast of the Northern Atlantic, in the valley of the Mis
j sissippi, and along the streams which now flow from tV
Stany mountains to the Pacific, while Mexico approaches
j social dissolution, and south of it all governments are un
I steady, labor sluggish, population stationary, property
insecure, peculation rampant, and poverty genera 1. There
j is no established literature : and there are no roads ' Even
; tho Inca highway, extending from Quito some hundreds of
| leagues southward in upppr Peru, in fact as well as name
j the Camina Heat —fh rojfal road—baa become dilapida
ted, and is supplanted by mud paths. And to what caimc
i or causes shall this result be attributed ' It cannot be th
| Cat bolls form of religion which prevails, for prance is
Catholic, and yet fttnong the fir.-', of nations. Nor can it
bo the fiiLsgovemment of Spain. The enorsof Spanish
olomal policy were much mitigated before indepondenco
and thirty or forty vcars have elapsed since. hot-can !
to republican institutions, for We have theru also lict
can it be an inferiority of the Spanish race to others -
Spain has produced heroes and poets. She was once dom
inant in Europe, and more recently she broke the power
of Napoleon even when her own sovereign was treacher
ous to her cause and her honor.
No one of these alleged causes then produced the resiit s
before us, and we must look further for an adequate ex
planation. Sonic of them may bat e contributed to the
result, hut they did not eauto it. In my opinion, the main
cause ha., been, the mixing of distinct races. The Span
iard has not had self respect enough to keep himself tin
contaminated from tho native and the negro, and he has,
therefore, iuHieted upon his conquests or colonies in the
Now World, all the curses of hybridism But ho baa been
still more in fault. In ail the new repmblics of the ."-oath
his theory has been as false as his practice has been vicious
lie has proclaimed political and social equality among all
stocks and mixtures ot human beings, in con tempt of no
torious facta and of past experience This theory, and
practices conformed to it, have produced monstrous evil.',
which centuries cannot undo In point of fact, in Span
ish America, there is neither purity of blood nor orgaui
ration of labor, without which ao people eau be energetic,
virtuous and prosperous
It is for u., to take the instruction of this example and
profit by it; to regret the appeals of false philanthropy,
and to maintain those principles of political and social
conduct which we have followed, heretofore, with signal
advantage and success. I am, Ac . Ac.,
C. II BUCK AT.EW
Hex. JOH.N CRESS* ELI., JR
VOL. 9, NO. 8
Now, fellow-citizens, let us try no rash ex
periments \\ ith the people of the South.—
Let us uot exasperate but conciliate. Let us
not adopt such a course its will justify rebellion
in their eyes, or that of their descendants.—
Furthermore, let us insist that no preference
hereafter be shown to the negro. If he is as
gooil us the white man let birr take tire same,
chances. Ilovv is it now ? A Freedniiifl's Bu
reau is erected especially for the care of negroes,
and homes, farms, schools and the like furnish
ed them at our expense. Nay, New England
in her love for theiu sends school teachers, mon
ey, &c., while she sells the poor crippled sol
dier who happens to become a township charge
to the lowest bidder. Why do these men a
dopt these negroes as their brethren ? They
want their rates. Horace Orcely says emanci
pation will add 800,000 votes to the Republic
an party, and H. Winter Davis, another high
authority, says: "It is votes, nuinlters, not in
telligence, we want." There can be no doubt
that this party is pledged to negro equality.
They have adopted it wherever tljey have had
power. '1 heir conventions endorsa it. Lead
ing men in their party and tlieir principal pa
pers openly proclaim it, and unless we at onco
crush that party they will fasten it not only up
on the South, but upon us. Chief Justice
Chase quotes Tacitus, and preaches equality to
these freedmen, while Covode, Sumner and the
lesser lights make it an eternal text.
In view, then, fellow-citizens, of the perni
cious tendencies of the doctrines of the oppo
sition, so subversive of government and of the.
objects for which this war was begun, what is
our duty? In the first place we must he true
to the grand principle of liberty, must never
forget what we arc, what we have been, and
what is before us. By our example in 1776
we revived liberty throughout the earth. It as
cended the Andes, awakened France, and taught
Italy and Greece the lessons of theirbetter days.
It inspired Kosciusko, La Fayette, Emmet,
Kossuth anu Bolivar. May their example not
be lost upon us. But what, you ask, if our
liberties be threatened ? I point to history.
When King John attempted to destroy British
liberty, the grim barons on J sine 15, 1215, as
sembled at Kunnymede and extorted Magnet
Charla, and compelled their King to give them
the Tower and City of London as security; and
as often as their liberties were invaded would
they re-enact their great charter —-had it read
twice a year to the people, and fulminated ex
communications against all such as disobeyed
it. Sec. 4-6 said, ".Vui/i vend emus, nulli ne
gnbimus aut differ emus, rectum v 4 justitiam."
"We will sell to no man, we will not deny or
delay to any man, right or justice." Again,
when the Stuarts so pressed prerogative as to
claim the right of trying citizens by Courts of
High Commission and the Star Chamber, our
sturdy ancestors in their vengeance brought the
head of Charles Ist to the block; and when
they secured the Habeas Corpus under his suc
cessor, they made it a crime unpardonable by
the king, to disobey it. Later still, our owu
fathers, for causes set out in that indictment—
the Declaration of Independence—cast oil their
allegiance, and appealed to the God of battles.
So long as we have the ballot, we ask for no
other mode to redress our grievances, but if that
he taken from us we will profit by the lesson of
history.
Fellow-citizens, in conclusion, let me appeal
to you to support the Democratic party —the
only national one now in existence. It bad
its origin with the government, and will only
die when that government is no more. Our
country is still on the verge of ruin through
fanatical doctrines, and let it be our mission to
preserve and transmit to our posterity the la
bors of our ancestors. We are but in our
youth. The Roman Empire lived 500 years
"before its decline. Athens enjoyed its liberties
twelve times as long as we have, and England
has existed over six centuries since Magna Char
ta. Soldiers, let us renew the oaths takeh
three years ago, and swear to support only the
Constitution and the laws, and oppose any
thing to the contrary.
We fought for the Union because we believed
that "What GoiThari joined together no man
should put asunder," and we have now enter
ed upon another contest, not with open foes
with arms in their hands, but the no less dan
gerous but unseen ones who are insiduously en
deavoring to sap the foundations of our liber
ties. The war has opened- We have planted
our artillery. Our colors are spread to the
breeze, and we will neither ask nor give quay
ter. Our password is
•'Our oau6e is truth ,
Pure ae the virgin stripe? which wave
O'er freedom's everlasting youth,
And spotters as the soldier's grave.
Thta let oar motto he.
Our country, eause, and liberty-
Our ration and onr nation's law-,
The rights of white men. freedom's cause '
65? There arc now in existence 1,157 oil com
panies. with a total capital of $800,591 000