T NN BEDFORD GAZETTE
--BUSHED EVERY FRIDAY MORNING
JLV
following terms, to wit:
VoO per annum, if paid strictly in advance.
* juif paid within 6 months; SI.OO if not paid
.j: 4 c flonths.
*rir*Sosubscription taken for !es3 than six months
rrT.Va pap ?r dDtontinued until all arrearages are
J n ] esg at the option of the publisher. Jt has
"'r icfided by the United States Courts that the
of a newspaper without the payment of
s prima facie evidence of fraud and is
Priminal oflence.
iie courts have decided that persons are ae
..7-jble for tbe subscription price of newspapers,
,'drt take them from the post office, whether they
ccribe for them, or not.
DELECT Po 11 VN .
THE HEROES OF INDUSTRY.
others write of those who fought
On many a bloody field,
ih Rose whose daring deeds were wrought
With a sword, and spear and shield;
tjt! will write of heroes bold,
The bravest of the brave,
Who fought lor neither fame nor gold,
Who fill an unmarked grave.
Heroes who conquered many a field
Of bard and sterile soil,
Wso made the sturdy forest yield
To unremitting toil;
Heroes who did not idly stand,
gut dealt such fearful blows,
That acres broad of worthless land
Now blossom like tbe rose.
Tie heroes of the plow and loom,
The anvii and the lorge,
T: f de'.veis down among the gloom
Of yonder rocky gorge;
Heroes woo built yon lofty tower,
Hi forged its heavy bell,
Winch faithfully proclaims the hour,
And mirks its flight so well.
Heroes who brought from every clirne
Rrch argosies of wealth ;
Heroes of thoughts and deeds sublime,
Who spurned what catre by stealth;
Who won a guerdon fair and bright,
And left no bloody stain,
No hearth profaned, no deadly blight
Upon God's wide domain.
These world-wide common workers crave
No laurel wreath of fame,
No monument above their grave;
They toiled but for a name
Air.oag the lowly ones who plod
Their weary way along,
With trith and confidence that God
t'orrecteth every wrong.
*~~~T~* —
A SENSIBLE NEGRO.—A friend furnishes us the
l owing as the substance ot a speech made by a
tero man in a neighboring town, on the 4th of July:
My Colored Friends: —l belong to the same man
tv.onged to when i can first remember. He has
ways treated me kindly, and he is a perfect gen
ex.n, and I am a gentleman, because I have al
so 'ned to do my duty to my master. 1 expect
i stay with him as long as we both live. 1 intend
i .'o the very best for him I can, and fee! that in
■zaoting bis interest I am doing but good service
i my self.
Nov, rrar.y colored people are of the opinion that
se way to be gentlemen and ladies is to have noth
■i to do. Now I tell you, people that will do noth
"g will cut a poor figure in the world after awhile,
xtfaey will have nothing to go on. No true gen
emar. is lazy. If you wish to be gentlemen and
id.ss you must work, and in order to do this suc
"duliy you must have something to work with—
w mast have a home, land, and means of cultiva
•"g it. If you leave your former masters you can't
iethese. I have no doubt you have all the ne
essaiies of life in greater abundance than you can
nve after you leave your masteis.
My advice is for you to go home, stay there, do
'■ycucan to please and profit your masters, and
haven's richest blessings will come upon you.—
■■rlotte, (N. C.) Democrat.
CATHOLICS AND NEGROES.
The New York Independence is still exercised
tbout ti; new danger with which the nation is
hreatencd from the growth of the Catholic
L lurch. It has been lately summing up all
: Inl qualities that are known to distinguish
zi'.u'.': above all other men, and it is beginning
law to point out the modes in which we may
scape u ing given over bodily to the Dope.—
)ne of the methods of neutralizing the power
ind influence of the Catholic Church, which
be lulip-ndtnce approves, is to cppoSc it with
he negro. The writer of a late article on this
object says of the Catholics: "Bound together
7 the tic of a common faith that allows polit
cal and religious headship in a foreign poten
ate. ail secrets developed through the confes
ional, without mental culture, they constitute
I unit to l>e worked by one string in the hands
j' -he priestly bicly." Now, as Brother Beecher ,
Ives not pull the aforesiad string, of course the i
Mon is in imminent jeopardy. But tho string
k? be pulled at any moment, and we be jerk-
P Heaven knows where. How then shall the
leni be averted ? Let us call upon our negro
Mi.ren. We are told that they have saved
Republic. Let them save Protestantism on
N continent. The writer referred to shows
** tins can be done. "There are," he says,
u the United States a large body of men,
" ;r numbers increasing as we move southward,
'ho are a* ignorant and as nneducated as the
Catholics. But they have no common re
's"- taith, nor does the confessional put them
'd thr-ir secrets in the power of any man or
■Tiniesthood." Here is first rate material to
with. Wc have numbers and ignorance,
lr 't dusky bosoms in which secrets can darkly
"d d'jsely fie. Moreover, "they are unlike
f atholic Irish, in being docile, affectionate
gentle. Their love of music, their willing
,n *hence, their religious aspirations, are valu-
Y® characteristics." Their docility is also an
•Quiruble trait, and their love of music a still
and we shall he able to organize them
'at ruth part of the time that it would require
'/"ill a rollicking Irishman. But there is one
! ' r pomt to which we would call attention,
,'} ' ' vast importance. The writer for the
' 'F ■-nee -;.ys ; "But the Christian cspec-
J notts the Tact that the Irish are all Catiio
" o'.ile to the Bible, all hater 3of Prolcs-
u '"- while the blacks have an intense desire
" : ' • the Word of God, are nearly all Pro
all followers of Him who came to
'be oppressed go free.'' Of course any
VOLUME 61.
NEW SERIES.
! Christian would cspesially note such a fact in
pitting the negroes against Catholics. The
characteristics of both parties as here set forth
will make the struggle as protracted and ma
lignant as the most earnest Christian could de
sire. Our only anxiety is novv to learn who is
to pull the string, when everything is ready.—
Not Brother Heecher, wc hope. The Catholics
may be very dreadful people, but for ail that
we wouid not like to see several million black
puppets worked for the benefit of Plymouth
Church, Brooklyn.— Halt. Gazette.
BLOODHOUNDS OF ZION.
There is a large class of preachers whose
violence toward the South, now being vented
in the churches on Sunday, looks and sounds
ridiculous by contrast with the changed tem
per and revival of old regards at the North.
Such hot-headed zealots are the exponents of
the worst passions of every civil crisis, and
kindle while they share a violence and a feroc
ity of temper to which the laity can rarely at
tain, since most of the laity are less likely than
such members of the clergy to mistake their
irregular passions for divinely inflamed ardors.
While the true ministers of the gospel have
sought to soothe the exasperations and mollify
the hates generated by sectional strife and a
bloody war; while from one end of the -vast
theater of our war to the other, for four long
years, they have comforted the afflicted, con
soled the dying, and borne beside them both,
to the borders of the grave, the only lamp whose
rays penetrate and illumine the darkness be
yond, these other fitly-budded "bloodhounds
of Zion" have been galloping to and fro crying
for more slaughter, and exasperating the meas
ured hostility of armed combatants into malig
nant hatreds, fit only for devils. This is not
strange. In the civil wars of England, as on
every hand, such preachers have been the ex
ponents of the worst passions anywhere kin
dled among the people; but the oddity and the
ludicrousness of the thing to be remarked among
these creatures just now is, that their brains
are boiling while those of their followers are
becoming cool, and like those thermometers
whose indexes register the maximum of tem
perature and do not follow the mercury down
the tube, they still fancy themselves in the lead
of affairs which in fact have stranded them
high and drv, and they gesticulate as wildly,
and scream for their glut of blood as fiercely,
as ever they did when men believed and obeyed
them. As CATO, no matter what his theme,
would finish off his speech saying: "and it is
also my opinion that Carthage must be destoy
ed," so these pestilent fellows finish off their
prayers to Heaven tor mercy and forgiveness
to themselves with a due distribution of Divine
vengeance on the unforgiven South, and con
clude a sermon on a Saviour's love with an
exlwbition of their own capacity to bate—"be- ;
ing also of the opinion that negroes should
vote and copperheads be damned."
Whereas there is now hardly one political
journal at the North which deems public ne
cessities to demand a liberal use of the gallows, '
there is a "religious" journal at Buffalo, edited j
doubtless, by some noodle who knows as little
ot the dillicult science of politics as many poli
ticians know of the mystery of godliness, which
cries out for "hanging the fiends." A reverend
brawler by the name of J. D. FULTON, whose
mental constitution would seem to be such that
whatever the degree of his own piety, he can
propagate nothing but superstition in one sex
and infidelity in the other, tells his hearers to
"wait a few years if you want to see men dam
"ned in this world, and you will behold these
"chivalnc southrons meeting with their de
"serts." Really, now, is it a mundane St.-I
L'aul that we have among us? "Slavery "has
gone out of the South and Christ is going in."
Or, after all, is it a John the Forerunner who
speaks: "Up North we had made up our minds
about the southern confedracy, and we thought
it just about as bad as beil so that when we
didn't want to say hell we said southern con
federacy.'' Is this ribald tongue sacred, then,
or is its looseness more shocking and shameless
than the most outrageous profanity of a drun
ken Fulton Market fisherman!
In the face of exhibitions like these it would
seem as if the press could not suffer any scru
ples to hinder it from untrocking all these pul
piteers whom ignorance drives to teaching poli
tics, irreverence to making game of the gos;>el
and of Almighty God. It can serve no ill
purpose to tell the people just wiiat these ribal
drymongers are. They are false to tbeircom
missions. They teach not religion, but irreli
gion; r.ot piety, but infidelity; not even polities
but intolerance; and in young hearts they make
a stony sterility, where neither faith'nor good
works can take root. It is these ordained moun
tebanks who think to save souls by telling their
congregations that, "although lamb in the
butchers' shops is worth nine cents a pound,
they may all have the Lamb of God for noth
' ing;" who are so forward to instruct the Ainer
\ ican people how to restore good government,
compose a disordered state, adjust the balances oi
political power, and how to harness the social
and industrial forces which are impelling these
states aloug the track of their mighty career.
On themes like these, for which they have nei
ther faculties nor training, they may, neverthe
less, continue their effrontery of discoursing as
teachers; but their cloth cannot long protect
them from being stripped and lashed for their
ignorance and impudence, ju3t as other men al
ways arc who make a similar exhibition; and
if the result shall be that the stripping and the
j lashing exposes not only their incompetency in
■ temporal things, but shall happen also to lay
| bare their spiritual nakednea, so much the
; better for all except those who say "pious"
j with closed nostrils. — World.
X7"There are some who write, talk, and think
1 so much about vice and virtue, that they have no
time to practice either the one or the other.
j jX7"Time is the transient and deceitful flatterer
' of falsehood, but the tried and filial friend of truth.
Freedom of Thonght aud Opinion.
BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY MORNING, AUGUST 11, 1865.
HARK! FROM THE TOMBS, THE
DOLEFUL SOUND.
We have received from a correspondent a
j copy of what purports to be. a circular address
ed by the Republican Slate Conunittee to the mem
bers of the Convention, explaining in detail the
reasons of their Chairman for having postpon
ed the time of (he meeting of the Convention.
[CIRCULAR.]
HARKISBCRG, Pa:, July 1, 18(15. J
To ike .Members of the Sationul Union State
Convention vf the State of Pennsylvania.
GENTLEMEN :—You have already been in*
formed of the fact, that the time appointed for
your meeting has been indefinitely postponed; \
and as it would have been injudicious for the
Journals of the Party to have given the reasons
for such action, it has been deemed advisable to ,
address this secret circular to you apprising you
of the causes of our decision, in order that you
may properly appreciate the impending political
dangers.
The magnificent triumph achieved by us last
fall threatens to be lost to us, owing to the as* j
sassination of our lamented President which I
has caused the elevation of a successor, whose
feelings towards the organization which, elect- ;
ed him are to say the least, questionable. This
statement, gentlemen, is based upon my own
knowledge and that of other members of the j
Committee. It is but proper, therefore, that
the proofs of this assertion should be adduced.
First. lie has released many persons from
confinement (who were arrested last fall, in or- !
der to be kept out of the way) at this time, j
when their presence will do much to revive the
absurd feelings against military arrests. Their |
wan and emaciated appearance in public will, {
it is feared, greatly injure us.
Second : lie has directed that in future of
fenses committed by civilians, shall be cogniza
ble only in civil Courts. This, foreshadowing !
as it does, the possible abolition of military ar
rests and trials, will have the most prejaiicial |
effect upon our success, as it will deprive us of
what has been our most powerful auxiliary in j
the late elections.
But his conduct in relation to the Insurgents 1
is the mo.-t reprehensible. He has permitted the
peop'e of the rebel States to organize in accord
ance with the law of their respective States as it j
existed before the rebellion.
He was urgently pressed to disfranchise the
citizens of such States, and substitute lus own
military rule for municipal law, and though he
was advised that his refusal to do so might
(and most probably would) jeopardize otir con
trol of the next Kiectoral College, and deprive
us of the immense patronage aeeruiug from
such military occupation, and thereby lose to
us the impending State elections. He positive- .
ly refused to be governed by these counsels.
In view therefore, gentlemen, of all these
facts it has been deemed a matter of serious
doubt whether he should be endorsed by our
State organization, whose interests he has so ,
thoroughly disregarded.
For this reason therefore, with others, it
was thought best to postpone the Convention ;
until among other things time had more clearly
indicated to us the course the President intend
ed to adopt.
Then again, gentlemen, it is well known to j
all of you that a very serious schism exists in j
the party in reference to the position to be as- •
sumed regarding the States lately in insurrec- i
tion.
A very large number of those who have up ;
to this lime acted most zealously with us urge ■
the endorsement of President JOHNSON'S posi- ;
tion on this subject, upon the ground that the i
war was fought by us upon the principle that
no State bad a light to secede, that its people j
had no power to divest themselves of their al- j
legianee to the Government, and that the war J
being now over, the States occupy their origi
nal position in the Union, subject to their old j
laws and that those who are loyal and are vo- '
ters by ttieir State laws should be allowed to ;
re-organize. Another equally respectable body
of our followers maintain the theory that such ;
States should be governed by military rule, and ;
that no State should be re-admitted save upon |
its primarily disfranchising every man who had
ever in any manner aided directly or indirectly J
the rebellion, (that is the entire population) and
allowing the negroes to vote.
The objection to the first theory is that its a- i
d iption may give the control of such States to
the Democracy.
The second plan is subject to disapproval up
on the ground, that we would lose the votes of
such States until they hud been re-populated
with a sufficient number of loyalists, a very
tedious experiment, one which will require much
time, and even then be defeated owing to the
unreliability of the negroes who may vote as
directed by their old master. The plan first
mentioned was adopted partially by the Ohio
State Convention who had i t forced upon them
by their military members.
The other theory was unanimously carried in
the Vermont State Convention, while as if to
increase our dilemma the Democratic Conven
tion of the last State endorsed the President's
position on this subject.
It is earnestly hoped, gentlemen, in view of
all these facts that you will appreciate the ac
tion of this Committre. Let the sagacious ex
ample of that English friend of liberty, J. WIL
KINS MICAWBER, be remembered and followed
by all of you, for truly and beautifully has it
; been said by the wondrous Poet of the League,
! (GEO. BOKKR, ESQ.,) that
"If you waits and toils
You'll surely grab the spoils."
It is above all else hoped you will discourage
any discussion of party action. If you are
| (rue to your glorious past it should le perfectly
i immaterial to you upon what platform you a
! chieve success.
Denounce the Copperheads upon all occasions
Innd by so doing you will unite our friends.-
Let our watchword be God Liberty and Union.
S-N C-M-M, Chairman.
TAXES!
WSio Pay Them?
i The Internal Kevenue derived from direct
taxation this vear, will reach the enormous sum
of over TWO HUNDRED AND NINETY
MILLIONS OF DOLLARS !
j Who foots the bill ?
Manufacturers pay a certain per cent, fax
i upon ai! goods manufactured by them, which
I per cent, they add to the price of the goods,
thus clearing themselves entirely —they do not
foot the Jtctalteis Guy tUc goods, with
the per cent, added, and add thereto the taxes
with which they are charged—so by the time
: the consumer gets hold of them, he has to pay
the taxes of every individual through whose
i hands the goods pass.
The consumers pay the taxes.
Who arc the principal consumers of the coun-
Farmers and Laborers ! TIIEY I'OOT THE
BILL ! !
This is the Revenue Tax. How is it with
the tax on personal property ?
United States Bonds are exempt from Nation
al, State, County, Township and Municipal
taxation.
Rich men invest their money in these bonds,
and white they draw 7-30 interest per annum
on their money, THEY FAY NO TAXES '
Who pays the interest on these bonds?
Men of moderate means— FARMERS ANI> ME
CHANICS.
The withdrawal of the capital invested in
Bonds from the Tax Duplicate, throws an in
creased burden upon the remaining Derscnal
Property and ileal Estate.
Who owns the greater part of Real Estate
in the country ?
FARMERS ! They pay the taxes which should
fall upon the capitalists.
To collect the Revenue Tax there are em
ployed a host of Assessors, Collectors and Com
missioners, who receive large salaries for their
services.
Their salaries are paid from the hard earn
ings of the Farmer and Mechanic.
Their labors could be performed by State and
County officers at less than one-third the ex
pense, and thus greatly reduce the taxes.
This oppressive system of taxation was orig
inated anu legalized by the abolition party, who
propose t > make the men of moderate meaus
bear its burdens, while the capitalists are ex
empt, thu creating an aristocracy based on
wealth.
The •';>. i era tic party propose to make ev
ery man pay his proportion of the expenses of
the Government, according to his means. They
do not recognize the right or justice of creating
privileged (lasses, to be supported upon the in
dustry of the land. They are opposed to the
present expensive machinery of collecting tax
es, by which a large proportion is eaten up by
office-holders.
If you are opposed to paying taxes for men
better üble to pay them than you are—if you
are opposed to the present expensive and un
just system of taxation, make it known at the
polls by voting against those who have laid th.s
heavy burden upon the working-classes.
"WAIT TILL THE SOLDIERS COME
HOME."
For the last two or three years it has been
the habit of Jacobin-negro-equality editors and
spoolers to try to make it appear that the sol
diers of our armies were very hostile to Dem
ocrats and the democratic cause. "Wait till
the soldiers come home," was a kind of unlaw
ful threat that shoddyites and plunderers were
constantly holding up before Democrats, inti
mating by this menace that the soldiers, after
their discharge, were to become cutthroats and
assassins, and that their victims were to be prom
inent Democrats.
The leading Jacobins, who are as cowardly as
they are dishonest, would rejoice could they in
duce the discharged soldiers to become incendi
aries and outlasvs. Such conduct on the part
of our discharged soldiers, we repeat, would
have been very acceptable to the negro-equality
1 stay-at home patriots.
Well, the soldiers are at last coming home;
thousands of them are already here. We have
conversed with scores of them, and on several
: occasions our sanctum has been filled with
i them. Many who served with Sherman, and
many who served Grant, in many hard-fought
battles, are here, some minus an arm or a leg,
but al! joyous because of the end of the war,
and because once more they are permitted to
enjoy the society of the loved ones at home,
and to feel that they have no foe to contend
with. Do they eoroc home, filled with bitter
ness, and ready to menace Democrats, as the
shoddyites hoped ? No, no. They talk like
men of sense, are liberal in their views, and pa
triotic in their sentiments. To a man they are
opposed to negro equality; opposed to negro
i voting; opposed to loyal thieves; and are op
posed to tno'se heartless rascals who remained at
home to fill contracts, and pile up magnificent
fortunes at the expense of the soldier and Gov
ernment. These are the men, these the meas
ures the soldiers are hostile to; and mark it,
they will let their resentment be felt at the prop
er time and in the proper way. Hereafter they
will vote as freemen and as they please. Ma
ny of them remarked to us "wc are now out of
the army, with no one to threaten us with pun
ishment if we refuse to vote the ticket furnish
ed us; hereafter we vote according to our own
| judgment." That's the way they talk, and they
are in earnest. Hundreds, thousands, aye, tens
! of thousands, who left home three or four years
ago, rampant Abolitionists, return cured. They
have seen enough of abolitionism; enough of
the doings of the leading men of that traitor
ous organization. One man who had been a
leading Abolitionist in his township, and who
has been in the army for more than three years
told us that he was fully convinced that the
sudden manner in which the slaves were set at
' liberty was a most terrible calamity to them.
WHOLE NUMBER, 3123
He had witnessed the suffering that had follow
ed, and was horrified. Gradual emancipation,
he said, might have worked well, but freeing
four millions of slaves and turning them loose
all at once, thousands of them to perish, was
a piece of wickedness that no man with a heart
in his bosom could endorse. These were the
views of a man of sense—the views of a man
who entered the army a bigoted Abolitionist,
j and who returns to his home a full believer in
the principles of the Democratic party. Here
after he will act with nn< l vote with us.
"Wait till the soldiers come home." Well,
we have waited patiently, and right glad are
we to see the soldiers and to hear them talk.
They are with the Democrats, and the only men
against whom we hear them hurl their cur.-es
are the "loyal thieves" and the negro-equality
advocates. Thank God, the soldiers are again
freemen, and cannot be approached by a hire
ling of the Government, or instructed how to
vote- — Carlisle Volunteer.
WHAT WAS FOUGHT FOE.
The object of the war, so far at least as it
was ostensibly put forth by President, Congress,
speakers, and presses, and as it was understood
by men here and abroad, was the preservation
of the Union, the continued claim of a right
of political partnership between the loyal and
the seceded states.
The claim of the Southern States was, that
this partnership was dissoluble at their will; the
claim of the free states, that it was indissolu
ble without their consent.
That right of a state to withdraw which the ;
slave states claimed was the issue to be dee id- ■
cd by battle. The free gtatea won, and the
claim is disposed of, for this generation at least. ;
hut some men are not satisfied with success |
in their undertaking; they seem to feel that men
at the South ought not only to be submissive !
and accept the logic of events, but that they ;
must believe whaf their reasoning faculties can
not instruct them to believe. And some seem
both disappointed and hurt because the old truth ;
in "iludibras" is as much truth in 1860 as in •
1665:
"A man convinced against his will
Is of the same opinion still."
If there are two rival claimants for a throne, :
as was the case in the War of the Hoses, it is j
very certain that one or the other will eventu- !
ally succeed. The Lancasterians finally tri- j
umphed, and held the throne. The Yorkists i
who thought on the question of descent at all, ■
never could change their conclusions because
the battle of Boswcrth Field terminated ia the
death of RICHARD instead of the death of HEN- ;
RY; but the issue was settled, and very soon ,;
grew obsolete. So the issue of secesfion is settled
and will grow shortly obsolete if it is let alone. ;
The only way to keep it alive is to make the j
several states feci that there is an indispensa- j
ble connection between it and liberty, by tnak- ;
ing the federal Union the same symbol of op
pression that the union with England is to an
Irishman.
The southerner very naturally says: "What I
"do you want? You have flogged ua back into
"the Union, and you have punished us for try
"ing to leave by uprooting our social system
"and taking away from us as much property as
"the federal debt. We admit the result; we
are in the Union, and we own no slaves. There I
is one thing more you can ask of us—to be liars
and hypocrites; do you want that, and why?
It can do you no good and can do us a great
deal of harm; it keeps up a continued irrita
"tion; and occupies the mind with hate at the j
"compelled abasement. Do we think secession ;
"an illogical conclusion? We do not. Do we
"think emancipation a blessing? We do not. !
"But we recognize that the blacks cannot be !
"re-enslaved, and that secession is an equal iin- j
"possibility."
IZAAK WALTON instructs us how to sew up J
a frog's gills and to put the hook through him, '
"tenderly, as if you loved him." What the i
frog's idea of Piscator's love may be, we have j
no exact means of knowing; but we doubt it,:
in bis base, moist, and clammy nature, be appre- j
dales the affection of Piscator at its true value, j
There is no more reason for the southern
white to love the Union now than for the frog
to love Piscator. There may be very good
reasons hereafter.
A man whose house is burned down may
justly rail at fortune; but if in digging out the
ruins he uncovers a pot of treasure he may
bless in the future what seemed his misfortune.
Before he strikes the treasure, however, he is
not apt to be over-thankful at the combustion.
Now, if we can let the southern people alone; j
if we can remember that they have tho same
nature as ourselves, and that human beings
j cannot love the rod that smites them when the
| smart still tingles, things will soon work right;
| but if we insist that they shall be saints, tho
1 most we cun get will be Maw worms.
Now that the slaves are freed we know j er
fectly well that the miHenium is at hand; that
notes will be discounted, not shaved; that chest
nuts will grow roasted; that men will no longer
get drunk, and beat their wives; that women
will be industrious, and not extravagant; that
the teeth of children will come easier, and that
BUANDKETH'S pills will not be needed to purify
the blood.
The southern people do not yet exactly re
cognize these facts. Until they do, it may be
well to govern them militarily; but we protest
against a continuance of that rule one minute
after- — World.
Address of Bishop Andrew to the Meth
odists of the South.
The following is the next text of the pasto
ral address, just issued by Bishop Jas. O. Au
drew, the most eminent ecclesiastic of the Meth
odist Episcopal Church South.
Dear Brethren .—The events of the last few
months have placed both the Church and coun
try in greatly altered circumstances, and hence
it becomes necessary to adapt ourselves to our
altered relations. Our hope of obtaining u dis-
Rates of 2Umetftsiitg.
One square, one insertion, $1 00
One square, three insertions, 1 50
One square, each additional insertion 50
3 months. 6 months. 1 year.
One square, ft 50 $6 00 flO 00
Two squares, 6 00 9 00 16 00
Three squares, S 00 12 00 20 00
Half column, 18 00 25 00 40 00
One column; 30 00 45 00 80 00
Administrators and Executors' notices, $3 00.
Auditor's notices, if under 10 lines, $2 50. Sheriff's
sales, $1 75 per tract. Table work, double the
above rates; figure work 25 per cent, additional.
Estrays.Cautionsand Notices toTrespassers, $2 00
for three insertions, if not above 10 lines. Mar
liage notices, 50 cents each, payable in advance
Obituaries over five lines in length, and Resolutions
of Beneficial Associations, at half advertising rates,
payable in advance. Announcements of deaths,
gratis. Notices in editorial columns, 15 cents per
line. OSr~No deductions to advertisers of Patent
Medicines, or Advertising Agents.
VOL. 9, NO 2.
tinct nationality as a people lias been frustra
ted, and the providence of God seems to have
ordained that we shall again be united in civil
compacl with our former associates of the North.
The stars and stripes again wave over us as in
former days, and it is now our national flag
and should be respected accordingly. We have
with our very inadequate means fought through
a bloody war, but have at length been over
whelmed by superior numbers, and have been
compelled to yield. Our armies have fought
bravely, and we have lost no honor in the con
flict. And now that tiie struggle is over let us
at Once, apply ourselves to the peaceful avoca
tions of life. Let the young men of the coun
try now return to their much loved homes, seek
to engage the earliest moment possible in sotno
j honest business, and by all mens avoid all temp
tations to idleness.
Let all our paroled soldiers carefully avoid
all concern in bushwhacking or guerrilla war
fare; these are wrong in principle and practice,
and whatever seeming apology there might have
been for the practice during the war, there can
certanly be none now. It becomes us all now
to seek by practical means, to promote the re
! turn of peace and good neighborhood among
! the various sections of the United States. Let
us strive, aa far as practicable, to forget the
! wrongs which we have suffered, and earnestly
j address ourselves to the task of reconstructing
i the government and promoting its peace and
: unity. The brooding over our altered fortunes
and making the theme of conversation will tend
! greatly to increase our bitterness of feeling,
i and drive from our hearts that peace of God,
; without which our religion is a mere tinkling
cymbal. There are among us, at various points,
Federal soldiers, who, so far as I have learned,
deport themselves in a very orderly manner;
let us not by any action of ours influence them
to a different course of conduct, but let us ex
tend to tliem all the courtesies of life; invite
them to your churches, that they may mingle
with you in the service o? religion, for, doubt
less, many of them, before they left their homes,
were members of the church and consistent
christians.
Let such feel at home with you in the house
of God. And finally, if you wish to live quiet
and peaceable lives, in all godliness and hones
ty before God, it is your duty to pray earnestly
and constantly to God that lie may give to our
rulers wisdom and integrity that they may be
able to bear rule in the fear of God. And
now, dear brethren, may God pour out upon
us in abundance the fear of Ills holy name, and
the influence of His spirit to guide us aright in
all things. Affectionately,
JAS. O AINDKEW,
Bishop 51. E. church South.
Mobile, June 12th, 18G5.
AN ACT to Prevent Officers of the Army
and other persons engaged in Military and Na
val service of the United States interfering in
the Elections in the States.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of
Representatives of the United States in Con~
gress assembled. That it shall not be lawful
for any military or naval officer of the United
States, or other persons engaged in the civil,
military or naval services of the United States,
to order, bring, keep or have under his author
ity or control any troops or armed men at the
place where any general or special election is
held in any State of the United States of A
merica, unless it shall be necessary to repel the
armed enemies of the United States or keep
the peace at the polls. And that it shall not be
lawful for any officer of the army or navy of
the United States, to prescribe or fix by proc
lamation, order or otherwise the qualifications
of voters in any State of the United States of
America, or in any manner to interfere with the
freedom of election in any State of the United
States. Any officer of the army or navy of the
United States, or any'other persons engaged in
the civil or military service of the United States,
who violates this section of this act. shall for
every such offense be liable to indictment as for
a misdemeanor, ar.d, on conviction thereof,
shall pay a fine not exceeding five thousand
dollars, and suffer imprisonment in the peniten
tiary not less than th'-oe months nor more than
five years, at the discretion of Court trying the
same; and any person convicted as aforesaid,
shall moreover be disqualified from holding any
office of honor, profit or trust under the Uni
ted States. Provided, that nothing herein con
tained shall be construed as to prevent any of
ficers, soldiers, sailors, or marines, from exer
cising the right of suffrage in any election dis
trict to which lie may belong, if otherwise qual
j ificd, according to the laws of the State in which
he shall offer to vote.
See. 2. And be it futher enacted, that any
officer or person in the military service of the
United States who shall order or advise, or who
shall directly or indirectly by force, threat or
otherwise, prevent or attempt to prevent any
qualified voter of any State of the United
States of America, from freely exercising tho
right of suffrage at any general or special elec
tion in any State of the United States; or who
shall in like manner compel or attempt to com
pel any officer of an election in any such State
to receive a vote from a person not legally qual
ified to vote, or who shall impose, or attempt
to impose, any rules or regulations for conduct
ing said election different from those prescribed
by law, or interfere in any manner with any
officer of said election in the discharge of his
duties, shall for any such offence be liable to in
dictment as for a misdemeanor, in any court of
tho United States having jurisdiction to hear
and determine cases of misdemeanor, and on
conviction thereof, shall pay a fine not exceed
ing five thousand dollars, and suffer imprison
ment in the penitentiary notexccedmg five years,
at the discretion of the court trying tho same;
and any person convicted as atoresaid, shall
moreover be disqualified from holding any office
of honor, profit or trust under the Government
of the United States.
I Approved, February 25, 1860