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courts have decided that persons are ac*
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i; they take them from the post office, whether they
nhscribe for them, or not.
THE MONMOUTH REBELLION
IN 1635.
The student of English history will vividly
remember Ahe bloody brutality with which the :
suppression of this rebellion was followed up |
by the relentless monarch who had attained a j
success of which he showed himself so unwor- j
jby. The celebrated Jeffreys. then Chief Jus- j
tire of the Court of King's Bench, was sent to
hold what has ever since been known as "the
bloody assizes" in the counties which had been
the principal seat of rebellion. The transac
tions which occurred and the moral features of
the chief monster and actor therein have been
photographed Gr our benefit by the glowing
pen of Macauley. They furnish a lesson and
a warning to all those who would imitate his
atrocities.
Among the victims of his ferocious cruelty,
was a poor widow, named Alice Lisle, whoso
fate will serve to illustrate the temper and wor
kings of unbridled power at the time. It will
not lie without its interest now.
She was a woman of respectable connections
and of a most kind and benevolent disposition.
She had given shelter and sustenance to two
persons who had taken some part in the rebell
ion, though she solemnly denied having any
knowledge of their criminality at the time.
"It was no easy matter," says the historian,
"in such a case to obtain a verdict for the crown.
The witnesses prevaricated. The jury, consist
ing of the principal gentlemen of Hampshire,
shrank from the thought of sending a fellow
ereaturc to the stake for conduct which seemed
deserving rather of praise than of blame. Jef
freys was beside himself with fury. This was
the first case of treason on the circuit, and there
seemed a strong probability that his prey would
escape him."
To prevent this he gave loose reio to his di
abolical nature. He called into requisition, all
the influences of his position, and all the terror
of his unlimited power. The proprieties of the
occasion were wholly disregarded. The rules
of law and the duties of his high office were
alike openly violated. Witnesses were brow- 1
beaten into unintended statements; jurors were \
terrified into acquiescence in what they utterly j
disapproved. The defects of the testimony i
were supplied by the fury of the judge.
The woman was known to be a Presbyterian. '
"I tell you," said the judge on the trial, "there J
is not one of these lying, snivelling, canting j
Presbyterians but in one way or another had j
a hand in the rebellion. Presbytery has all
manner of villany in it. * * Show me a
Presbyterian and I will show you a lying
knave."
The historian proceeds to state :
"He summed up in the same style, declaimed j
during an hour against whigs and dissenters, j
and reminded the jury that the prisoner's hus
band had borne a part in the death of Charles j
the First —a fact which was not proven by any j
testimony and which, if it had been proven,
would have been utterly irrelevant to the is
sue. The jury retired, and remained long in
consultation. The judge grew impatient. He
could not conceive, he said, how, in so plain a
case, they could ever have left the box. lie
sent a messenger to tell them that if they did
not instantly return he would adjourn the court
and lock them up all night. Thus put to tor
ture, they came, but came to say that they
doubted whether the charge had been made out.
Jeffreys expostulated with them vehemently,
and, after another consultation, they gave a re
luctant verdict of Guilty.
"On the following morning sentence was
pronounced. Jeffreys gave directions that Alice
Lisle should be burned alive that very after
noon. The excess of barbarity moved the pity
and indignation even of that class whi eh was
most devoted to the crown. The clergy of
Winchester Cathedral remonstrated with the
Chief Justice, who. brutal as he was, was not
mad enough to risk a quarrel on such a subject
with ab<dy so much respected by the tory
party. He consented to put off the execution
five days. During that time the friends of the
prisoner besought James to show her mercy.
Ladies of high rank interceded for her. Fever
sham, whose recent victory had increased his
favor at court, and who, it is said, had been
bribed to take tbe compassionate side, spoke in
her favor. Clarendon, the king's brother-in
law, pleaded her cause. But all was in vain.
The utmost that could be obtained was that!
iiar sentence should be commuted from burn
ing to beheading. She was put to death on a
scaffold in the market place of Winchester, and
underwent her fate with serene courage."
Fortunately we live in a different age and
country, where atrocities of this character are
unknown—where the law is supreme, and
where the rights of every citizen are in theory
under the protection of express guaranties of a
written constitution. Still it may prove inter
esting and not wholly unprofitable to cast a
glance at the condition of thing 3 in Great Brit
ain near two hundrecf years ago, with a view
of realizing the establishment of well-regulated
popular liberty between that day and this.
How horrible and revolting does such tyranny
appear, even for the lapse of centuries.
The number of "rebels" whom Jeffreys hang
ed while on this circuit was three hundred and
twenty. Some historians place it at more than
double that figure. He boasted that he had
hanged more traitors than all his predecessors
rince the conquest. Certain it is that the num
ber executed in one county and in one month
greatly exceeded that of all the political offen
ders who have been executed in the island of
Great Britain since the revolution of 1688.
But cruelty never secures safety. The slum
bers of retributive justice, though seemingly
xiund, are rarely of long continuance. In less
than four years from the exhibition of these
atrocities, their brutal perpertutor was made to
exj-erience all the horror lie had ever inspired
in the most timid, heigh'ened by the superadded
poignancy of conscious guilt. In the disguise
of a fugitive, begrimed with dust and ashes,
VOLUME 61.
NEW SERIES.
he was dragged from his loathsome concealment; •
arid pursued by thousands who were only pre
vented, by two regiments of militia, from the
execution of summary vengeance which would
have been eminently just, however unlawful,
and who could not be prevented from brandish
ing their bludgeons and bellowing their curses.
The guilty wretch, after being made to taste
more than the undying bitterness of death, was
at length lodged in the tower, where he ended
his life in unspeakable ignominy and horror, a
warning to all his imitators in acts of brutal
tyranny.
And what was the fate of that cold and mer
ciless monarch, who if he had not instigated
these atrocities, had permitted them to be perjte
trated undisturbed and who expected to reap
the benefits resulting from their influence ? A
little more than three years after the judicial
murders which he bad not prevented and had
therefore countenanced, and which he supposed
were to strike such terror into disloyalty that j
treason would never again disturb the quiet of
his reign, found him a fugitive and a wanderer
on the earth for life.
The very cruelties which he supposed would
bring peace, precipitated his overthrow, incul
cating the great lesson which power has been
so loth to learn, that the attachments of the j
people resulting from benefits conferred is the j
only unfailing support of any government, and
that the dread which is produced by sanguinary j
cruelty is a power which crumbles beneath its
own weight. History is philosophy teaching
by example.
LOUISIANA.
Governor Wells on the Right of Suffrage
to the Negroes.
The New Orleans papers publish a correspon
dence between T. J. Durant, president, Antho
ny Fernandez, vice-president, and others of the
"Central Executive Committee of the Frier,(ls
of Universal Suffrage," and Gov. Wells. The
former gentlemen say:
We ask that before you shall order any gen
eral State election, or for members of Congress,
you shall cause a complete registration to be
made, in every parish of the State, of all loy
al citizens, without distinction of race or ort- !
gin, who have resided twelve months in Loui- '
siania.
This will introduce to the ballot-box the loy- !
al element of the black race hitherto disfran- 1
chised, but who have acquired by emancipation '
the title of citizens, and who have earned by j
their devotion to the country, and possess by '
natural justice, the right to participate in gov- 1
ernment.
Such an act, sir, will make you forever loved j
and respected in Louisiana and throughout our ;
country. It will insure the tranquility of the :
State; it will establish the logical consequence j
of emancipation ; it will put an end to the pow- ]
er of that aristocracy which organized the re- j
hellion and still ambitiously aims at the power ;
of the government; it will neutralize and over- i
power the rebel elements which cannot be sue- j
cessfully excluded from the polls; it will speed j
our State on a new and unknown career of j
wealth and honor.
We respectfully ask a reply in writing to this j
communication, and that you will be pleased to
name an early day on which to give it.
Gov. Wells replied as follows, under date of
July 10:
In answer to your address, so dictatorial and I
presumptive, T would say that the elective fran
chise is defined by law, and its exercise must be j
in accordance therewith.
I do not believe that the constitution and civ
il government of Louisiana has been overthrown
by the rebellion, and the creation of a new gov
ernment is not within my province, if I admit
ted the necessity.
I do profess, and do hold, however, contrary
to your confidently-expressed opinion, by the
form of election which took place in February,
1864, and in no respect act "independent of the
formal organic law," as you affect to bolieve.
It is true the exceptional condition of our
political affairs compels recourse to military au- j
thority to supplement, momentarily, the defi
ciencies of the law, when my powers, as de- j
manded by statute, are unequal to the emergen- j
cy. This resource, however, I have sparingly
invoked, and only against persons in office whose j
shameless abuse of their places, or venal eon- i
duct, compelled it.
Neither have I, as you erroneously assert,
transcended the requirements of law in defining
"the qualifications of those who may be admit
ted to the registration as voters in New Or
| loans." All persons legally entitled to vote, and
none others, can register. So too, do you mis
state the fact when you say 'hat "I permitted
a different rule in the coun In both in- :
stances my conduct is controlled by the law.-
No registry that I am aware of has ever exis
ted in any State of the Union in rural districts.
None certainly ever has in Louisiana. I see no
reason now for any departure from the usual
course ; and if I did Ido not claim any compe
tence tp flirect it to be done.
When you a<!k, therefore, that I shall, "be
fore any general State election, order a complete
registration in every parish of the State of all
loyal citizers, without distinction of race or o
rigin," for the reasons already advanced, I De
cline to comply.
In coming to this conclusion I have no other
difficulty than is presented by yoqr confident
predictions of the evils that must follow a non
compliance with your demands. Political proph
esying, however, has long ceased to alarm man
kindf I recollect political prophesies made by
the chief signers of this address within the past
twenty years, which have been so falsified by
j events that the apprehensions their present ones
1 might otherwise inspire are blunted or dissipa
ted completely. Both in the Native American
! and Know Nothing eras their vaticinations were
as boldly made that the na.uralization of for
, eigners would as certainly destroy the nation,
1 as they now are, unless the negro, ignorant, in-
Freedcm of Thought and Opinion.
BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY MORNING, AUGUST 4, 1865.
experienced, and incapable as he is admitted to
be, is endowed with the elective franchise. Arc
these gentlemen less fallible to-day than at the
time referred to ? Even within the last four
years some of the more conspicuous members of
the "Central Executive Committee of the
Friends of Universal Suffrage" lent their pow
erful assistance to transfer the political power
of the State from the parishes containing a large
white population to the few white owners of
large property in others. This was called the
total population basis of representation.
I do not call in question, gentlemen, the sin
cerity of any of you. I take it for granted
you are perfectly sincere in your love of our
emancipated people, and conscientiously believe
the latter are entitled to the elective franchise:
but you cannot be surprised if I cannot come
to votir conclusions so speedily as you have done,
recollecting, as I do, the eloquent letter of your
president, Mr. J. T. Durant, who so late as
1862, in a memorable letter to President Lin
coln, protested against the taking of slaves from
their owners and the iniquities of the blockade
of the porta of the States in rebellion.
Where gentlemen, who claim to represent an
organization so sonorous in name as the "Central
Executive Committee of the Friends of Uni
versal Suffrage" have exhibited so much versa
tility of opinion in so short a time, and have
prophesied so often in defiance of the logic of
history and experience, they cannot be aston
ished if I should cling to the laws and the con
stitution as my guides rather than to their pre
! dictions, however confidently and egotistically
I pronounced the latter may be.
I cannot cither accept, however anxious to
do so I might be, your conclusion that the en
i dowmentof the negro with the franchise would
| strengthen the Uuiou cause of the national gov
ernment.
I dissent in toto from that conclusion. On
the contrary, lam fully persuaded, from my
knowledge of the negro character, that nine
i out of ten of the late entire slave population
would support their former masters, personally
or politically, oi any way, in preference to all
strangers ; and I regard all as strangers in this
connectiou who did not stand in this domestic
relation toward them. Nay more, I believe in
my heart that within twelve months from the
time the negro would obtain tbe suffrage, neith
er the unfaltering southern Union man nor the
Union man whose loya.'y dates from his obtain
ment of Federal ofGcc, could live otherwise
than on sufferance in the Sidles where the priv
ilege was given, if the individuals lately in re
bellion were disposed to countenance such pro
ceedings.
In kindly and good feeling for tho African I
yield to none, even among the oldest or newest
of his friends; and while no man, North or
South, is more willing to accept the situation
as produced by the war, both as respects him
and all other issues determined by the conflict,
I neither dcent it wise or expedient to clothe
him with the suffrage, nor can I see aught but
dangers and difficulties in the agitation and dis
cussion of such topics. The emancipated slave
has much to learn. He has obtained rights,
and they are universally, frankly recognized ;
he has duties to discharge which it is incum
bent upon us all to instruct him to appreciate
and perform. Should it please Providence to fit
him intellectually for an equal place in tho body
politic with the white citizens of the republic,
at a period much sooner than is now anticipa
ted, I have no doubt all will rejoice. Moan
while, it is obligatory upon all to obey the laws
and submit without repining to the popular ar
bitrament on this and all other subjects.
I have full faith in the national administra
tion. The distinguished patriot now discharg
ing the onerous duties of the President of the
republic has enunciated his policy of reconstruc
tion ; that policy has my cordial approval, and
no means at my disposal, by which I can right
fully strengthen and sustain his administration,
will be left unemployed to that end. On the
other hand, my duty, as Governor of the State,
I is faithfully to execute the laws, and this, with
j the help of God and the generous co-operation
j of my fellow-citizens, I hope to do satisfactori
| ly, impartially, and justly. Ido not intend un
i der any circumstances, to substitute my own
! will for the written law, nor to arrogate to my
; self powers unusual or improper to be exer
j cised by an elective officer in a republican gov
j crnment.
I remain, gentlemen, your obedient servant,
J. MADISON WELLS.
Governor of Louisiana.
THRILLING SKETCH.
Alexander Dumas is furnishing sensation items
from Russia. Here is one of the last:
We left the room with a turnkey behind us,
and walked on till we found ourselves opposite
the prison. The jailor opened if, went in, and
lighted a lantern. We went down ten steps,
passed a row of dungeons, then down ten more,
but did not stop. We went down five more and
then stopped at one marked No. 11. He gave
a silent signal; it seemed in this abode of the
dead as if he had lost the power of speech.
There was at this time a frost of at least twen
ty degrees outside.—At the depth where we
found ourself, it was mingled with a damp which
penetrated to the bone; my marrow was frozen,
and yet I wiped the perspiration from my brow.
The door opened, we went down six damp and
slippery steps and found ourselves in a dungeon
of six square feet. I fancied by the light of
the lantern that I saw a human form moving
in it:
Rise and dress yourself."
I had a curiosity to know to whom this or
der was addressed.
'Turn on the light," said I to the jailor.
I then saw a thin and pallid old man rise up.
lie had evidently been immured in this dun
geon in the same clothes he had on wlten arres
ted, but they had falien off by piece-meal, and
' he was only dressed in a ragged pelisse. Through
the rags his naked, bony, shivering body could
he seen. Perhaps this body had been covered
with splendid garments; perhaps the ribbons of
the most noble orders had once crossed his pan
ting chest. At present he was only a living
skeleton, that had lost rank, dignity, even name, j
and was called No. 11. lie rose, and wrap
ped himself in the fragments of his ragged pe- i
liisc, without uttering a complaint; his body •
was bowed down, conquered by prison damp, '
time, it might be hunger.—llis eye was haugh-,
ty, almost menacing.
"it is good," said the Governor. "Come." j
He was the first to go out.
The prisoner threw a parting glance on his
cell, his Btone be.nch, his water jug, and rotten *
straw, lie uttered a sigh, yet it was impossi-1
ble that he could regret anything of this. He
followed the Governor and passed before me.
I shall never forget the glance he turned up
on me in passing, and the reproach that was
concentrated in it.
"So young," it seemed to say, "and already
obeying tyranny."
1 turned away; that glance had pierced my
heart like a dagger. He passed the door of the
dungeon. How long was it since he entered it ?
Perhaps he did not know himself. He must
have ceased for a long time counting days and
nights. On reaching the Governor's door we
found two sledges waiting. The prisoner was
ordered into the one that brought us, and we
followed him, the Governor by his side, 1 in
front. The other sledge was occupied by four
soldiers.
Where were we going? I knew not. What
were we going to do ? I was equally ignorant.
1 bad only to see—the action itself did not con
cern nie.
We started.
Through my position the old man's knees
wore between mine. I felt them tremble, i'he
Governor was wrapped in his furs. I was but
toned up in my military frock, ar.d yet the cold
reached us. The prisoner was almost naked i
but the Governor had offered him no coverings.
For a moment I thought of taking off my coat
and offering it to him- The Governor guessed i
my intention.
"It is not worth while," lie said.
Soon we reached the Neva again, and our j
sledge took the direction of Cronsiadt. The
wind came off the Baltic and blew furiously;
the -fleet cut our faces. Though our eyes had j
become accustomed to the darkness we could not,
ten vor'l*
At last we slopped in the midst of a furious
storm. We must have been about a league
aud a half from St. Petersburg. The Gover
nor got off the sledge ar.d w-jr.t up to the other, j
The soldiers had already got off. holding the
tool they had been ordered to bring.
"Cut a hole in the ice," the Governor said j
to them.
I could not refrain a cry of terror. I be
<ran to apprehend.
C "Ah!" the eld man uttered, with an accent
resembling the laugh of a skeleton, "then the
Empress does still remember me ?"
Of what Empress was he talking ? Three
had passed away in succession—-Annq, Eliza
beth and Catharine. It was evident he still j
believed he was living under one of them, and
he did not know even the name of the man
who ordered his death.
What was the obscurity of the night compa
red with that of the tomb?
The four soldiers then set to work. They 1
broke the ice with their hammers, cut it with
their axes, and raised tho blocks with the lever. '
All at once they started back; the ice was bro
ken; the water was rising.
"Come down," the Governor said to the old
man. The order was useless, for he had al
ready done so. Kneeling on the ice he was j
praying fervently.
The Governor gave an order in a low tone
to the soldiers, then he came back to my side: j
fo* I bad not left the sledge. In a minute the i
prisoner rose.
The four soldiers rushed upon him.
I turned my eyes away, but though I did
not see, I heard the noise of a body hurled in
to the abyss. In spite of myself, I turned a
round. The old man had disappeared. I for
got that I had no right to give orders, but
shouted to the driver, "Away ! away !"
"Stop!" cried the Governor. The sledge
which had already moved forward, stopped a-'
gain.
"All is not finished," the Governor said to ;
me in French.
"What have wc to do ?" I asked.
"Wait!" he replied.
Wo waited half an hour.
"The ice has set," said one of the soldiers. I
"Art thou sure ?" j
He struck the spot where the hole had so i
lately yawned; the water had become solid a- |
gain.
"We can go," said the Governor.
The horses started at a full gallop, and in less
than ten minutes we reached the fortress.
man ever did a purposed injury to an
other, without doing a greater to himself.
ear-There lies in all wrong, a germ of retri
bution, that will punish the wrong-uoer sooner
or later.
e-But four revolutionary pensioners are liv-
I ing ; Lemuel Look, born in Connecticut, Sep-
I tember 10, 17o5; Samuel Downing, born in
New York, November 21, 1761; James Bar
ham, birth-place unknown, May, 1764 ; 4Vm.
Hutchings, born in Maine, 1764.
TTMF.. —A great many of us are constantly
complaining and growling about the shortness
of time, and yet have a great deal more than
we know how to dispose of; for tho time that
■ is given us is eith°r spent in doing nothing at
I all, in doing nothing worthy of estimation, or
t in doing what we should not do.
WHOLE NUMBER, 3121
Philip A. Kline.
We gather from his correspondence the fol
lowing facts relative to the arrest, trial anil
imprisonment and death ol the excellent young
man whose name heads this article.
He was a resident of Mantour county, in a
District in which several supplementary drafts
had been made, and from which tli3 drafted
men generally fled. He having a wile and two
young children dependent upon him, remained
at his business, and at last the fatal wheel
turned his name to the light.
He was a christian and entertained conscien
tious scruples against fighting, lie was draf
ted in the place of men who had kept out of
"tiie way and never reported, and he believed
that those first drafted should be first sought.
They were permitted to escape but he was ar
rested. He put in his plea at Troy, but was
answered that he was ,l uo Quaker ," and the
plea treated contemptuously.
He was sent to Camp Cortin and after re
maining there some time was finally brought
before a general court martial, and then came the
Trial of Philip A. Kline,
GENERAL OKDEHB |
No. 56. \
Headquarters Dept Penn'a. 1
Philadelphia, IV, May 10th, 65. j
Before a General Court Martial convened at
Harrisburg, Pa. Feb. 23d, 1865, pursuant to
special orders No. 44 dated February 22d, 1865,
Headquarter? Dep't. Pa. Philadelphia, and of
which Captain N. II Rendlett, 16th Regt. \.
li. C. is president were arraigned andtried--9th
Philip Kline drafted man on the following
charge and specification, charge desertion.
Specification —In this that the said Philip
Kline, was 011 the Bth day of Dec 1865, draf
ted into the military service of the United
States from the 81 h sub district 13th district
Pa., for one year according to due form of law,
duly notified to report on the 16th day of Dec.
1864, but failed to report, was arrested on the
29th of June, 1865. examined by the Board of
Enrollment, found lit for duty and held to ser
vice, to which charge and specification the ac
cused Philip Kline, drafted man plead guilty-
Finding, the Court after mature deliberation
on the evidence adduced finds the accused Philip
Kline, drafted man, as follows, of the specifica
tion, —guilty of the charge.
SENTENCE,
Anil the court does therefore sentence him,
the sai l Philip Kline, drafted man, to be con
fined at hard tabor, at such place as the com
manding General may direct, for the period of
one year, with the loss of all pay and allow
ences now due or may become due during
such time and then serve one year m the Uni
ted Sta* -> army. The proceedings, findings and
sent- nee are approved, the prisoner will be
sent under proper guard to Fort Mifflin, near
Philadelphia, Pa. The commanding officer at
Fort Mifflin is charged with the execution of
this sentence. I>y command of
Maj. Gen. Cadwallader,
OFFICIAL,
(Signed) Albert Harper, A. A. General.
On the 17th of June writing to his Father
under date at "'tort Mifiiin;'' he says:
If they wont release me, I can bear it to
the end, for if 1 am to suffer because I don't
believe in shedding blood I will bear it. I
would rather take this penalty than to do in
opposition to my feelings on the subject ot war.
Every one should act for himself and let others
do the same. I judge it© man, but God is the
one to Judge.
I did not report when asked, but I think to
be really guilty of desertion in the sense of the
word I am not, for I never ran off, or hid from
an arrest, nor resisted in any way. lam more
and more convinced that war is wicked, since I
am about military scenes. O, that peopio
would learn war no more, but learn to love one
another. A week later ar.d he writes as follows:
FOUT MIFFLIN, 1
June 25th, 1805. )
Dear Father, I take the opportunity to let
you know that lam very poorly. I caoit hard
ly speak, I am in the hospital and want to
know if you have done anything for me to try
to get mo out, and 1 would like to have some
of you to come down to see me, for lam very
low. I can't stand it much longer, if 1 don't
get better soop; but, I hope that these few
lines will find you all well. I want you to do
something for me as soon as you cau for I can't
stand it much longer in this place.
P. A. KLINE.
And then comes the mournful intelligence of
his decease.
FORT MIFFLIN, )
July-Ith, 1865, J
Mr. Samuel Kline, Dear Sir:—l write you
a few lines to let you know that your son
Philip A. Kline is dead. He died this evening
about half past seven o'clock with the Diarrhea.
I think he is in a better world than this. He
prayed till the last for himself and family.
ABU AH HESS.
It was after the war was over—the rebellion
ended, peace returning, this man was tried,'
convicted, sentenced and punished to the death. ;
He died in peace.—But his blood cries from
the ground. His orphaned children, his wid
owed wife, the bereaved family, they mourn and
weep; but they rely upon an Almighty Helper
and Deliverer, for "Vengeance is mine and I
will repay, s&ith the Lord." _
THE NEGROES SOUTH. —The radical Gov.
Coney, of Maine, in a letter, has the following
to say about the Southern blacks:
"Among them the marital and parental re
lations, as a legal condition, have been utterly
ignored, and the race condemned to the level of
brutes, presenting a spectacle of abhorrent in
decency which, had it been the only reproach
of the institution of slavery, was enough to call
down upon it the execration of mankind."
Granting that this may be a good argument
against slavery, is it not an equally potent one
against entrusting the ballotbox to the keeping
of such degraded beings*
Rates of SUroertising.
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VOL. 9, NO 1.
How THE SHODDY BROTH ia MIXED. —The
New York Tribune discourses as follows about,
the incongruous admixture of radicalism, shod
dy, and all the other odds and ends of the "ley
al" party in Pennsylvania:
"The contest is very animated over the Phil
adelphia appointments. There are three slates
before the President—the congressional slate,
and the Cameron-Forney slate. The Congress
men of the city profess the right to control the
Federal appointments, and urge Morton Mc-
Michael for Collector, Win. A. Kern for Post
master, A. B. Slonaker for Surveyor, James
Pollock, for director of tlio Mint, and Charles
Gibbon for District Attorney. The Kadical
slate is headed by Thos. Webster as Collector,
John Gilbert Brown of the Press, for Post
master, E. M. Davis, for Surveyor, George I.
Ritchie for District Attorney, and J. Barclay
Harding for Director of the Mint. The Cam
eron-Forney slate would gladly retain Thomas
for Collector, and Walborn ps Postmaster.
Cameron wants B. Brewster as District Attor
ney, while Forney wants Dan'l Dougherty, the
eloquent young Irish orator, for that office,
and Brown for Postmaster. Col. Fitzgerald
was urged by leading merchants for the Collec
torship, but has withdrawn positively in favor
of Thomas, and is mentioned as the Union
nominee for Governor. M'Clure and Curtin
have scattered their preferences over the slates,
and are more anxious about the comiug elec
tion for Senator in place of Cowan, and the
Governor also. The friends of Forney hold
him in reseve for the Senate. Judge Kelly is
in high favor with the Radicals as candidate
for Senator, while Forney will be supported
by the War Democrats and Douglas men. Cur
tin, it is reported, will go abroad, and M'Clure
run as his candidate for Governor. Pennsyl
vania is hard to understand in a political way,
and never more mixed up than now."
Aye, that's it —"hard to understand," and
"never more mixed up than now." There is
where the shoddy ' 'party of grand moral ideas"
is now, as seen by its national organ. Mixed
—mixed—mixed; and, the Tribune might have
added, lost—lost —lost; for that is the finality
to which the mixture is fast drifting.— Patriot
(j- Union.
SriCKiNG TO ONE'S RIGHTS. —OId stories very
often have a forcible application, to present
times. The following anecdote we met with
lately in an exchange :
"How is it John, that you bring the wagon
home in such a condition ?"
T broke it driving over a stump.*
* W here V
'Back in the woods, half a mile or there
abouts.'
'But why did you run against the stump ?'
Couldn't you see how to drive straight?'
'I did drive straight, and that is the very
reason that I drove over it. The stump was
directly in the middle of the road.'
'Why, then, did you not go round it.'
'Because, sir, the stump had no right in the
middle of the road, and 1 had a right in it.'
'True, John, the stump ought not to be in
the road, but I wonder that you were so foolish
as not to consider that it was there, and that it
was stronger than your wagon.'
'Why, father, do you think that I am al
ways going to yield my rights v ? No t. I—l am
determined to stick up to them come what will.'
'But what is the use, John, of standing up
to rights, when you get greater wrong by so
doing 7
'I shall stand up for them at all hazards.
'Well, John, all 1 have to say is this—-
hereafter you must furnish your own wagon.'
PICTURE OF THE RED SEA. —Hogarth WAS
once applied to by a certain nobleman, to paint
on his staircase, a representation cf the des
truction of Pharoah's host in the Red Sea. In
attempting to tlx upon the price, Hogarth be
came acquainted with the miserly conduct of
his patron,| who was unwilling to give more
than half the real value of the picture. At
last, out of patience, he agreed to his terms. In
two or three days the picture was ready.
The nobleman, surprised at such expedition,
immediately called to examine it, and found
the space painted all over red.
'Zounds!' said the purchaser, 'what have you
here? I ordered a scene of the Red Sea.'
'The Red Sea you have,' said the painter.
'But where are the Israelites ?
'They have all gone over.'
'And where are the Egyptians?
'They are all drowned.'
The miser's confusion could only be equaled
by the haste with which he paid the bill.
The biter was bitten.
PAT AND HIS PIG. —A rollicking Hibernian
of the light division in the Peninsula, was
trudging along the road with a pig tied to a
string behind him, when, as bad luck would
have it, he was overtaken by Gen Canford.—
The salutation, as may be supposed, was not
the most cordial.
"Where did you steal that pig, you plunder
ing rascal ?"
"What pig, Gineral ?" exclaimed Paddy turn
i ing around with the most innocent surprise.
"Why, that pig you have behind you, you
villain."
"Well, thin, I protest, Gineral,'' rejoined
Paddy, nothing abashed, and turning round to
bis four-footed companion, as if he had never
seen him before, "it is a scandalous shame to
thiuk how riddy folks are to take a honist boy's
character. Some bla'guard wantin' to get me
into trouble, has tied that baste to me cartouch
box."
The general smiled and rode on.
©?-"\Vhat a fine head your boy has,"' said
an admiring friend. "Yes," said the fondfath
er; "he's a chip of the old block; ain't you
I sonny?" "I guess so, daddy, 'cause teacher said
I yesterday I was a young blockhead