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THE RIGHTS OF CITIZENSHIP.
Speech of Hon. Henry Winter Davis in
the House of Representatives, March
2,1865—The Administration De
nounced by one of its Sup
porters—The Horrors of
Military Rule Un
veiled, <fec
Mr. PUT:.-, of * - ' l—-Mr. CHaPm m. I
appreciate the weight ci the crinuera of the ,
aistihgoishvd ; *ntieman ' m Pennsylvania, •'
Mr. Stevens. and f a/n 5 ire that nobody wi ;
tay that I have ever tmbarras.-cd the proceedings t
of this House by any pertinacious adherence to
...hemes of my own. i have never embarrass- i
ed the Hesse week after week by potion? to i
tax or exempt whisky on hand. That would
have been a rv.re appropriate subject of criti- 1
i ijm than such an ammka- rot as this, which i? ;
never too cnrSy, and can never be too late until
the voice of 111 rrty shall cease to *.* heard in the ;
United States. Then it mil be impertinent toar-I
est the progress of eapplies for the government I
by calling the c'tenti m of the representatives :
of the people to the freedom of their constitu
ents. I-c t this bill peri i a thousand times rath- J
rr than that any vol.- should go on the records |
of this House declaring that the protection of
the liberties of the citizens of Massachusetts
and the citizen? of Maryland are no* of para
mount importance to a vote of money for the
violators of their rights. There has been no
other period, sir, at which I could obtain the
ear of the House on such an amendment. I
have tir.ci ir.v eye cn the gradual intrusion ct
the military authority on rights of the. citi
zen from the outbreak of tbe rebellion. It was
first instigated by the people ; and the most em
inent jurits of tiic land .•• inverted tkiir clamor
into the semblance of the voice of the law* by
maintaining the right of the President to sas
r end the habeas corpus without the authority of
Congress—in t; face of John M.tr-hali ? lodg
ment. Gentlemen of the opposition, on this
topic, have no right here to cat-: iropoiati jo? on
the Administration. G .o. 1?. McClellnn first
set the bad example in. an order illegally sus
pending the right of habeas corpus in M aryland.
I refer to that not as an imputation on them,
bat because it shows t! ■. it is no party ques
tion with which we are dealing to-day, but an
American qu stion, a question of republican
liberty endangered by the common madness of
government and the people. The evil has gone
i) far that to-day every man feels, without the
necessity of an argument, that thern mu'.i bo A
stop put to military trials of citizens in i e
states here represented, or there is no law or
liberty in the land. The honorable gentleman
from Pennsylvania has aid that conviction
have taken place under laws passed by Congress.
I adroit it; but that proves only that Congress
is also guilty of tbe usurpation. An 1 the hon
orable gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr.
Dawes] he? told iliac the law which he in
troduced ha? failed to serve the purpose contem
plated, while it has developed consequences of
which he did not dream. The honorable gen
tleman says that it ought to be repealed, and it
it ought to be repealed, then carry the remedy to
the root of grievance and discharge the men
who were convicted under what was in lorni a
law, but in fact a usurpation which had not the
authority of the constitution. But, sir, have
prosecutions stopped within the limits of the
acts of Congress ? If they Lad, I could have
beard with more patience the appeal of my hon
orable friend from Pennsylvania. But every one
knows that they have not. We in Maryland have
known it by sharp castigation now for three
years. It is now being known in New-York.
And in Boston men have turned grey under per
secutions not according to those laws. But,
• r, what do you say with reference to trials f r
things, that are not crimes under any law*, for
things that are not defined to la crimes, civi;
or military ? What do you say to the trial of a
1 tyal citizen in the city of Baltimore upon the
charges and specifications which I hold in my
bands, for forcing Jefferson Davie" currency?
One of tny constituents is item in jail under those
cations, having been tried and condemned
by a military tribunal for attempting io break
down the rebel currency I I can statu no other
fact that will better illustrate th 3 insolence of
irresponsible military tribunals, known to no
law, appointed under no law, restrained by no
law, authorized by nobody, bound by no law
but the will of the mea who sit in their uniforms
to try the rights of American citizens according
to the law of the sword.
Air. Oto.r-uo —Do I understand the gentle
man to say that this man was convicted on the
ground of having counterieited the rebel cur-
Mr. Davis, of Maryland—He was con kmq
'd for that, and is now in jail.
Mr. Steven-—Well, I think that a man who
was fool enough to spend his time in such work
uxght io suffer some severe punishment.
Mr Davis, of Maryland—lf all foois are at
'he mercy of the military courts and they arc
to judge of it, they have a wide j i risdietion.—
Then there is the case of Weisenfieid. This
man wg not charged with defrauding tbe gov
trnment, under the act of Congress; he never
placed himself within the reach of the law to
which the gentleman from Massachusetts h3
referred. lie was charged, and in my judg
*>°nt charge 1 falsely, arid convicted on testimo
ny which no jury in the world of any political
complexion would weigh an inrtant, of having
•old a few hundred dollar/ worth of goods to
i government spy to be sent across the lines to
tbe southern confederacy. That trial by m li
kary commission was Authorized by no law
known to any statute-book in the U. States. The
crime cf trading with the rebel states is express
ly directed to be trie-land punished bv indictment
before the U States courts for a tcisdemcanar
VOLIHE 60.
NEW SERIES.
merely ; but he now lies in a New York peni
tentiary, herding with felons, murderers, and
thieves, though if legally convicted before Chief
Justice Chase he could by law have !>een r-en
tcnced oijly to fine and imprisonment in jail! I
ara daily besot by letters and solicitations of
loyal gentlemen, ioy firmest and best personal
friends io the world, to go to the President and
beg a? a boon that tins man be pardoned / I
have hai no stronger pressure brought uoon me
since i have been in public life. My reply is:
if n petition i? gotten up f>r Mr. Weiseniieid
to pardon tiia President lor lis illegal oppres
sion, A vvsii eet.n it ' but ' -viil not u gra :e* toe
nafit? cf an Ai.;!can ci ; zen by - enin * a pe-'
lit ion to beg as u favor the personal liberty of
an American citizen i! 1 gaily and oppressively
condemned by a military cotnmi®.-ion and that
at the hands of the President who twice refused
to refer his car to the courts of the U. States
wide open fur Lis protection, and, in the face
cf the laws and Constitution of the U. States
subjected him to this illegal persecution. Sir,
let l.iui stay where he is till the voice of public
indignation or the whispers cf conscience com
pel Lis honorable discharge—not his pardon!.
Till they who iil-gally c nfined him shell beg 1
him to come forth! Mr. Chairman, the alarm
ing fact is till. —— military commissions do not
even profess to he governed by the laws of the
U. Stales enacted by Congress. They have
created a department of jurisprudence unknown
to til** Saws of the United States, nowhere em
bodied in statutes or decisions, called the "'cus
toms of war." They try loyal men in loyal
-late-, where no wur rages, f r a violation of
what they call "the usages of icari" lire
ate the pandects of the future empire of ike
United Stales ; tbe rulings cf the Judge-Advo
cate General on •'•the usages and customs of
vy.u" applied to peaceful citizens in loyal states ;
where the courts are open, where the law alone
ought to he the mie of every judgment and ev
ery conviction This invention of the law of
"the usages of war' and "military offenses,".
applied to citizens an 1 friends instead of ene
mies, annuls every act of Congress. In va.n
the act of the 3! of March, 1863, punish
the aiding a soldier to deseit by one not in the
military service on legal conviction in the courts
of the United States: in vain does the act of
the 3i of March, 1863, punish fraudulent claims, -
false oath?, forged signatures, forcing papers,
embezzling U. SMat® property, false receipts
for arms, purchasi. g arms from soldiers, when
corrmined by a ; -arson in the military t irc.-s of
the Hailed States, on convict ion by cuiiri-ui.tr
tiah and at the discretion of the court-martial, i
but in the t'd *ds ction dailies that any person ,
not m the n.l io:-. . of the U. Stares gtiil- i
ty cf those acts, shall forfeit Certain line? and
be subject to certain imprisonment on convic
tion iu the courts of the United States; for the
military commissions presume to punish every
one of these acts committed by citizens in deli- j
anCe of the law securing them a constitutional
trial. By the act of the 2il March, 1831, {urg
ing p. . ccr,.;i<:,.tcs is punishable by the courts
of tne United States in the District of Colum
bia ; yet a military commission punishes it vvitu
ni sight of the open court-house and of the
President's mansion !
The act of March 3, 18-33, expressly directs
a person guilty of resisting the dialt to be ar
rested by the provost marshal and to be forth
with delivered to the civil authorities, and, on
conviction by them, subject him io line and
imprisonment; but the military c mmis-ions
have annulled that law, and instead of deliver
ing the person to the civil authorities for trial,
themselves hold and try, convict and punish hint:
and this when ilie courU of the L nitcd States
are wide open in the District where Congress
sits iri peace and enacts the laws which are thus
defied! If these things be not arrested, there is
no law but the sword, nojudge but the majori
ty o' a military commission holding tli'eir cc :n
--liiis-ion at the wul of the President. Now , sir,
I have a word lor the "cntieroan from Kentucky
("Mr. Yeaiian.] who moved to include persons
engaged in violating the rules and customs of
war. Does that mean citizens ol the United
States in loyal states, where the courts of the
United States are open, where their act is trea
son, for which the statutes of the United State®
say they shall be tried, on indictment, before
the courts of the United Stater, and who,
the Constitution say?, tfaXrß be tiled no other
wise than by a jury of ihe state and district in
which tho crime was committed, and convicted
only on the testimony of two witnesses f If it
is notorious that they are guerillas, in the name
of conscience and common sense can not that
be made to appear to a jury of their loyal fel
low citizen?, to be sutnhaoned by a marshal ap
pointed by tbe PreeidentMiimself { prosecuted by
a district attorney that he appoints; adjudged
by judges who hold their office during life ; many
of thorn now even appointed by Mr. Lincoln,
and nil liable to impeachment by u? end con
viction by the Senate if not lit to administer
justice? if it. be a matter of doubt; then the
prisoners are entitled to that doubt; and if it
is so plain that there is no doubt, then any tri
bunal will convict. That is my answer to that
proposed amendment.
Mr. Yeaman —I ask the gentleman to yield
to me.
Mr. Davis of Maryland—'Certainly, for a
question.
Mr. Teaman —I only desire, Mr. Chairman,
to ste that there is now a law of the Congress
of the United Srates prescribing the mode and
manner of trying these vagabonds, cut-throats
and robbers, who have to-dny become the great
est scourge to the states of Missouri. Tenftessee,
and Kentucky. In reply to the suggestion, if
it is so notorious that they are guerrillas why
cannot it be proved and established in a court
of justice, I will say now that in three-fourths
of Kentucky we have no courts of justice, he
cause from the acts cf these men we cannot
hold tlicm. In eight of my own dis
trict they have burned our court-bouses, and
the officer* of tbe law cannot go there, juries
cannot b** tommoned, and witnesses cannot tes-
Freedom of Thought aad Opitioa.
BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY MORNING, JUNE '2, 1865.
tify. I will add, if the gentleman will permit j
Mr. Davis, of Maryland—l cannot yield for '
an argument.
Mr. Yeaman—l do not propose to make an I
argument.
Mr. Davis, of Maryland—lt is impossible for
me to yield further. I must go on.
Tn the first place, it three-fourths of tire State ■
of Kentucky urn subj z* to incursions of peer- j
villas the other fourth i* not, aal that will fur- :
ni h jurors enough. If there is room to hold j
a military court there is room to hold a civil j
coina. if msr ••*-. .io: a:raid to go to testify j
before a military court they win not be afraid !
to go before a civil court. Jf bayonets are need- |
ed to protect them before n military court, bay- 1
oriel? can protest them before a civil oourt. >Sir, j
this hank-ring after military courts is not be- !
cause they cannot bo tried and convicted before j
the courts of the United States, if guilty ; but j
men mad with civil war want a sharper and '
easier way to deal with criminals as enemies j
It is tho cry for vengeance and not justice! That |
is what it is and nothing else, i live in a state }
that has never disgraced itself by rebellion, but j
it has been disturbed by internal dissensions ; j
and I know that rancorous hostility which has j
grown up between men even of the same furii- j
ly. And Ido not wish military tribunals to ;
apply their !.ar-h, sharp vengeance.between mea j
who live on adjacent estates, at. the instigation j
of personal revenge, of malice, without local i
public trial, unprotected by the rights secured i
to them by the Constitution and laws of thej
United States, when a whispered lie may stain i
innocence with the penitent! :ry by the vote of:
twj out oi three of a military ccmmi.-sioa. t .
they have committed acts which render them
dangerous but are not criminal or cannot be \
proved, we have authorized the suspension of
the / ulcus corpus and the President can hold [
them ; not try, not convict, not disgrace, not j
degrade, not kill, but hold them under the pre- j
cautionary discretion conferred by law and t en- j
dered secure Uy the military power. If they j
have committed crimes known to the law which .
can be proved, and which it is desirable to pun- j
isb. the President can prove it before the courts j
of Pe United States in Maryland, and they can
i onvicted in the courts of the L'. States in j
Maryland. Now a word touching the amend- j
ment of my honorable friend from Ohio, [Mr. j
!u:xo:c.l with whom I always differ with the
greatest hesitation. Yet 1 thiuk that his logic ;
will bring him to this conclusion, that if the
Constitution of the United states says that no
on. -hall be tried for any infamous crime other
wise than by a jury of the state and district,
' except cases arising i.i the military or naval
fore-? of the United {states, any enactment
which authorizes any one to be tried in any
other wav in the states where United State?;
courts are open is itself void. The tribunal i
; which tries a case not arising in the military for- '
c:s in any other way is a trespasser, and the •
party who was convicted has a private remedy j
for tlie injury lie has sustained if the court had j
no jurisdiction. No one can violate the right !
• cf the citizen to immunity from military trial 1
safely, whether we declare it or not. and every j
one has hi? remedy to-day in the courts of the !
United States, in spite of any enactment, tor ;
everv oppression. Why then place a provision j
in the law declaring these proceedings to be j
: void ? In order that a loud voice should go out j
from this hall to the American people, ringing j
over the land to announce by authority that their i
i reprc? rotative® recognize and declare the nullity j
of the proceedings of these military tribunals, |
and to encourage the people to seek redress in I
the courts of the country, nut by crawling ?o
'kit 'rimis at- the bands <,i the President of the I
; United States, but of right, by law. before those j
(courts, which are the glory and the safety of j
the Ameri an Republic. My honorable friend
.■■.tso wishes rue to trik • out that pact of my
amendment which provides that those not iiabie
. !o tri d by military courts now h -ld under their
| sentence? should be discharged or delivered to
the civil tribuual.® for trial. Sir, if it will sat
isfy any gentleman here, or remove any doubt
or f '-itatiort; 1 will most cheerfully agree that
the word "discharge" shall be strickhti <>ut. ®o
that tiie provision will stand that these men
shall he delivered over to the civil tribunals to
• be proceeded against according to law —the A
merican's birthright.
i But it is objected by mv honorable friend
; i'roai Oni'i (Mr. Schenck) that these men, hav
: ing first disputed the jurisdiction of the milita
ry court, will, when brought before a civil court,
plead their former conviction in bar. L know
the eminent legal ability of my friend, and if
he will run over it. his mind the form of plea
! that, must he made in such a case he would find
that it would be this : On a given day, at a
certain place, before A B C D E F and G, a
military commission convened by order of the
President of the United States, I. a citizen not
in the military service of the United States,
was convicted for a violation of "tho usages of
war," or sorno* crime known to the iaw, but
punishable by statute only in the courts of the
United State.-, rig sentence and punishment.
My learned friend would he the first to put in a
demurrer to such a plea. On the record it
would appear that the military commission had j
no jurisdiction of the party or the offense; that!
the party had not been convtcled at all; that he
had never been in jeopardy of life or limb ; for
the Constitution forbids such a tribunal to try
such a person. The jurisdiction of every court,
especially one of limited and exceptional juris
diction, may be impeached collaterally, or must
appear on its record; and the appearance of
generals and cologels and captains sitting, at
the will of the President, in place of venerable j
judges, whose tenure is good behavior, and the !
absence of a jury, show that it is not a cqurt 1
at all, bu f an unlawful combination of trcspas- :
scr- usurping the functions of a court, guilty of j
a crime and not exercising an authority. Any
court of tho United State? will, on habeas corpus,
discharge a citizen confined under sentence of
such a tribunal. Let those new in illegal con-
lincment seek that remedy; and if it be denied j
them, let an impeachment by the rcpresenta- j
tives of the people vindicate the rights of the
people. Mr. Chairman, the public safety never
has required these illegal and summary trials; !
it now require; that they cease. The past, men
arc ready to forget, thr. American people most
jof a!i; they instigated or tolerated the usurpa
tion: of those in authority ; but they now have :
felt in*- sharpness of military justice and demand
| of their rulers a return to the Constitution and
j law:. If heretofore they have violated the law !
jan ' Constitution—l do not say criminally, Ido
■ mi* .>• with intent to opprs. Ido not say even
! knowing it to be criminal —it was the common
| error; and they may plead the error of the peo
| pie which .misled the leaders of the people at
j the beginning of the rebellion. More firmness,
! more knowledge, more coolness in high places,
j might perhaps have arrested the popular our
, rent and silenced the popular tumult and kept
'the torrent within the hounds of law. It was
| not found in places of authority; all bowed be-
I fore the storm and lloated with the current. It
is ii the power of the _ representatives of the
j Am- ilcan people alone to stop it before every
I vestige of American liberty i> hurled beneath
I the waters. Sir, I am not v\ iliing to change
) one word of my amendment. It was not fra
jmo out of in} own head, of my old-fashioned
j whims and fancies, now out of fashion in this
| era of gold lace and military vertigo. I had
I frequent consultations with some of the ablest
i members upon this side of tire House, those
j most conspicuous for the ardor of their support
i of the administration ; and they think with me
j that obstinate adherence to these abuses must j
I destroy either the administration or the repub
! lie. If it would satisfy any one to strike out'
i the word "discharge," I have no objection, be
i cause an American citizen is sate when deliver-,
•ed into the custody of the civil authorities to
i be proceeded against according to law ; but be
j yond that I do nut feel disposed to mo fify my i
j amendment in any particular. Least of all can'
; I accept the amendment of the gentleman from j
. lowa, (Mr. KASSON*,) which enumerates the of-'
j femes for which citizens shall not be tried by
I military courts, but yields the whole principle
i by admitting that persons not in the military
1 fur- in states where the United btutes Courts
j are open, may he tried for violating the "usages
j and customs of war;" it recognizes the cate-
I gory of military offenses committed by a citi
zen, an exception which would place your lib
; erty and life and mine at the beck and call, at
j the will and pleasure of any military cotnmis
: t. • i of officers too worthless for field service,
! or >r d to try us and "organized to convict."
That amendment involves a total roisapprehen
; sion of the whole question. It is not what of
fenses a military court may try, but what per
; sous they may try for any offense. The Con-
Istitutiou forbids them to try any citizen for any
orfene I will not detain thcllouse by narra
' ting the individual cases of oppression that are
j fresh in my memory. There is no gentleman
i that docs not know of such cases in las own
I ueig!.'> u'ljo jd, and has not felt this atmosphere
' of oppression around him.
Income of Farmers.
The following letter from the Deputy Cant
j missioner of Internal Revenue, may be of in
' terest to farmers:
TREASURY DEPARTMENT. OFFICE OF J
INTERNAL. REVENUE, WASHINGTON, :>
March 11. 1865. )
Slß: —Yonr letter of March oth, in regard
I to farmer's income returns is received.
1 reply that the act of July 1, 1862, under
I which returns were, made for lite annual income
j taxes -T j 862 and 1863, required farmers to
| mal • returns ol the entire crop harvested.
But the act of June 30th, 1864. now in force,
under which Ihe returns for the special income
tax of 18 3 were made, requires farmers tore
turn each year the amount of produce sold.
It will !>c found that the farmer's income re
turns of 18" 1 will include some portion of the
crop of 1863. and which was taxed as income
for that year. There is an apparent injustice
in subjecting the same income to tax in two
different wars when sold; but consideration of
the question will show that it is only an appa
rent one.
For, supp the income- cf a farmer to be
the same every year, and the rate of tax the
same, it is plain that the amount of tax should
always be the same. Now, the farmer does
not sell the whole crop of each year within that
year: and if he is taxed in 1864 on such pro
duce only as he raised and sold within that year,
it is clear that lie will nof pay the full tax due
on his real income.
Suppose the yearly crop to be the same, t'ue
farmer will, in the last year of the tax, raise a
certain amount of produce on which he will
pay no tax, because unsold, and such produce
vvii!, on an average, be a fair offset against the
produce raised in 1803, but sold in 1864, and
which consequently pays two taxes.
It is true that in particular cases hardships
will ari-e from ii#: fact that the practice of far
mers is not uniform in regard to selling or stor
ing produce, and in other cases farmers will es
i cape their just share of tax for the same reason,
j But the same occasional inequality will oc
i cur under any general provision of law, and
cannot be avoided.
j The entire amount, therefore, of produce sold
. in 1864 must he returned as income by farmers,
i without regard to any taxes previously paid on
I any such produce.
Very res oect fully,
E. A. ROLLINS,
Deputy Commissioner.
E. F. Church. Esq., Revenue Inspector, Tow
; sontown, Maryland.
C3~The total police force of London last year,
was 7,190, and its expense $2,800,000.
ALUM or vinegar is good to set colors, red,
green, or yellow.
WHOLE 3112
Particulars of the Capture of Jeff. Davis.!
A correspondent of tbc New York Tribune, ;
writing from Ililton Head, gives the following ;
particulars of the capture of Jefferson Davis: j
Through the kindness of Lieut. Col. Priteh- j
ard, in charge of the prisoners, your correspon
dent was permitted to visit the learner, and
learned from the Colonel and others the partie- j
ulars of lite capture, which was made by a de- j
tachment of 1 ~2b men of the ith Michigan Cav- i
any, under Lieut. Co!. B. D. Bjpicbard, about ;
one mile from liwinsville, Ga., and about 100 j
miles southeast from Macon. The Colonel learn- j
ed un the 9th mst. where they were encamped, i
and just before .tnyt.gbt on the 10th surrounded j
the camp. It was supposed that Davis had a
considerable force sts guard, and a severe fight ,
was expected. By an unfortunate and so far j
unaccountable accident one part of the force ;
tired upon another, and before the mistake was j
discovered two men were killed and six others
slightly wounded. Cant. Hudson had placed a
strong guard around the tent where Dae is was '
supposed to be, and when the firing commenced, i
thinking his duty called him to the fight, he left j
the tent in charge of a corporal with orders to 1
let no one pass out. The corporal went to the j
door where lie was met by a lady, who proved
to be Mrs. Davis, and who said that tent was i
occupied by iadie.-, and she hoped they would 1
be permitted to dress before being disturbed. j
Very soon, she again and voluntarily appear- j
ed at-the door, with another person in petticoats, j
morning dress and a woolen cloak, with a hood •
closely drawn over the head and a pail or. her ;
arm
Corporal ordered halt! which was of course f
obeyed, but Mrs. D. feelingly appealed to the
Corporal to allow her mother to go to the spring
for u pai! of water —it was hard, even if they
were prisoners, not to be allowed to get a little >
water for their morning ablutions. Mr. Corpo- i
ral just then observed that the morning dress ■
was not quite long enough to conceal a pair of
boots looking rather too heavy for "i other' to \
wear, and, with his Spencer carbine presented ;
to the aged lady's head, ordered her to remove I
that cloak. 'The argument was persuasive, ;
even to the chivalry. The disguise was reinov- !
eu and Jeti". Davis appeared in full view.
Davis said he should have defended himself i
if he had been armed—even it he had a revolv- .
er lie would have fought with it as long as be 1
could. The Corporal replied to him, that he
didn't appear to be in very good fighting condi
tion just at that time.
Alter a hurried breakfast the party was put
in marching order. The prisoners, inambulan
ces, preceded by the band of the 4th Michigan
Cavalry, playing first '"Yankee Doodle," which <
had evidently a depressing influence on the feel- i
ings of Mr. Davis; but when in a few minutes j
the band struck into the somewhat familiar air
of "John Brown's Body's Marching Ou," it was
too much for endurance, and he actually fell !
prostrate in the ambulance, and was kept con- 1
cealed from view by his friends for a consider
able time.
C. C. Clay was not captured, but wrote to ,
Gen. Wilson that having learned that a reward j
had been offered for his apprehension as an nc- !
complice in the assassination of l'resiuent Liu- ■
coin, and feeling entirely innocent of such a j
charge, lie would at once give himself up for :
due examination and trial.
Gen. Wheeler asked and expected to be pa- j
ruled, under the armistice granted by General 1
Sherman, but Col. Pritehard "couldn't see it.'* j
Instead of accepting the terms of the armistice !
and laying down his arms, the General under- j
took to keep up the war, fighting his way thro' |
the country, and the Colonel decided that his case
must be settled by higher than his authority.
Jefferson Davis looks careworn and dejected. •
None shook his hand; but sorn of the visitors, j
desiring to hear him talk, commenced conversa- j
tions with him upon ordinary topics—the v.ea- I
ther, -He., obe. It was noticed, in all bis con
versations, that his eyes were constantly toward I
the ilocr, as though the eye of a Yankee was '
not pleasant and agreeable to meet. He is dress- j
ed in a tine gray suit, and wears a drab soft hat. '
The last four years have added apparent more j
than ton to his age.
With Mr. Stephens it 13 different. He is, for
him, in tvicrable health, and his eyes are keen \
and pleasant to look upon. He is very ngreea- ;
bio in conversation, and earnestly desire 3 a per- j
eminent restoration of the Union. He says the !
advice and warning which he gave to the peo- 1
pic of Georgia before she seceded were such as !
a wise man ought to give, but the majority over
ruled him. Ho concedes that slavery is at an
end in this country.
Chief Justice Chase Begging Ucgro Votes, j
It is said to ho well understood in Washing- j
ton circles that Chief Justice Cha-e is already !
out as a candidate for the presidency in 18Gb. j
He is taking time by the forelock, and is rcsolv- j
ed to make a sure thing of the nomination-of ;
the radicals this time. He has issued another j
circular, similar in form to the one gotten up by j
his friend-- last spring; and it is now being eir- :
eulated extensively, though secretly, in Ohio, |
and throughout the Western States. His trip 1
to the South is looked upon as an electioneering ;
tour, and he has been making speeches for bun- j
combe to such audiences as he could gather.— j
The New York Herald has the following notice j
of a speech made by him at Charleston, a few ;
days since:
The Chief Justice of the United States is now j
on a stumping tour along the Southern coast, \
entertaining the negroes with his ideas of re- j
; construction. We gave yesterday his first speech, (
delivered in Charleston to a promiscuous audi
ence, composed mostly of negroes. The burden
of this speech is advice to t'ue negroes in regard
tc their duties and relative to their course of
| action in their new relations with the rest of
mankind. Alter urging upon the colored peo- 4
I pie to be industrious and economical, Tie deliv
i ered an essay on the importance of the right of
j negroes to vote. In his remarks upon that su'o
' he throws considerable doubt upon the
EaUs of Startisfng.
One square, one insertion, >1 00
One square, three insertions, 1 2C
Oue square, each additional lnsertioa >0
2 months. 8 months. 1 year.
One square, 50 $6 00 $lO 00
Two squares, $ 00 $ 00 18 00
Three squares, $ 00 IS 00 20 00
Half column, IS 00 25 00 40 00
One column; 30 00 45 00 80 Of
Administrators and Executors* notices, $3 00.
Auditor's notices, if under 10 lines, $2 50. Sheriff '•
sales, $1 75 per tract. Table work, double the
above rates; figure work 25 per cent, additional.
£strays,Cautionsand Notices toTrespassers, $2 00
for three insertions, if not above 10 lines. Mar
riage notices, 50 cents each, payable in advance.
Obituaries over five lines in length, and Resolutions
of Beneficial Associations, at half advertising rates,
payable in advance. Announcements of deaths,
gratis. Notices in editorial columns, 15 cents per
line. iE7"No deductions to advertisers ol Patent
Medicines, or Advertising Agents.
VOL. 8, NO. 44.
! present Administration favoring the policy of
! clothing the colored race with the privileges of
the elective franchise, adding, "I aru no longer
{in its councils." He, however, took special
{ pains to show that he had long favored that
! policy, and endeavored to prove that the idea
: originated with him referring to a speech deliv
, ered twenty years ago in Cincinnati. He ap
• i a red desirous of impressing upon his audieooa
( that he was the father of kite ifca of elevating
: the negro, but at the same time informing them
! that there were obstacles in their way, but by
perseverance they would finally accomplish it—
; that is, when he became President.
Can any American imagine a more disgrace
ful proceeding than that! Here i 3 the Cbiet
j Justice of the United States, begging votes of a
! promiscuous crowd of ignorant negroes, in on©
! of the principal cities of the South, before they
have r::y right to exercise the right of suffrage;
and when it is clear that no such right can bo
; conferred upon them except through a clear and
■ palpable violation of the Constitution of the
United States; of which Mr. Chase, as Chi©.'
\ Jo. tice of the Supreme Court, is the sworn guar
j dian and defender. This single disgusting cxhi
| bition is enough to damn the doctrine of negrq,
suffrage to eternal infamy. Let any man irna
j sine what would b A the condition of this coun
; try, or of any State in it where there is a large
[ negro population, were the right to vote given
|to them. What white man, with a decent sens©
of self-respect, would appear on the hustings
■ where he had to solicit the votes of every igno
: rant and degraded negro in the district? What
| decent white man is there who would not feel
i himself to be degraded when every fiiihy and
! ignorant negro could jostie him as he approach
ed the polls to deposit his ballot? How long
would the right of suffrage be regarded as of any
. worth after it had been so basely prostituted.
We should speedily see State Legislatures and
i the hails of Congress filled with such low wretch
es as would not scruple to associate on intimate
■ terms with the nc-gro. He who would put him
self nearest on a level with them would be most
j certain to receive their support, and in almost
\ aoy district in the South they would be the con
i trolling political element. Only a negro, or
I some white wretch utterly lost to all sense of
decency, could be elected to office. It is hard
to preserve proper composure when speaking of
. such things. Every instinct of the nobler race
revolts at tho outrageous doctrine boldly and
shamelessly advocated by such well known lead
j ers of the Republican party as Salmon I*. Chase.
; —Lancaster Intelligencer.
President -Johnson's Opinion of the Use
of Ardent Spirits.
The New York Observer says:
' We have great pleasure in laying before our
readers the following letter from E. C. Deiavan,
, E-q., which gives to the American people the
j opinion of several Presidents on the use of ar
dent spirits. Jt presents the names of the late
Mr. Lincoln and his successor, Andrew John
{ son :
SOUTH BAIXSTOX, Saratoga Co., }
April 29, 1805. }
MKSSKS. EDITORS.* —In 1833. I visited ex-
President Madison, who signed the declaration
1 below. On my return from Virginia I called
. on President Jackson add ex-President Adams.
They added their signatures. The declaration
{is on parchment. Every succeeding President
, has added his name except President Harrison.
!He died before I had time to forward it; but
that he would have signed it I have no doubt,
: had he lived, as I was given to understand, af
ter hi-> death, that he had abandoned his inter
j est in a distillery from principle. * • *
| President Johnson has now returned the docu
ment to uie with his autograph.
Your?, truly,
EDWARD C. DLLAVAN.
PRESIDENTIAL DECLARATION.
Being satisfied from observation and experi
• enee, as well as from medical testimony, that
ardent spirits, as a drink, is not only needless,
j but hurtful, and that the entire disuse of it
i would tend to promote tjie health, the virtua
j and the happiness of the community, we here
by express our conviction, that should the citi
i zens of the United States, and especially the
! young men, discontinue entirely the uso of it,
they would not only promote their own person
al benefit but the good of our country and tha
j world.
James Madison, Andrew Jackson,
I John CJuincy Adams, M. Van Buren,
j John Tyler, Z. Taylor,
J Millard Fillmore, James K. Polk,
i Franklin Pierce, James Buchanan,
1 Abraham Lincoln, Andrew Johnson.
1
S3*'Ve arc frequently asked what the words
! '*Sic Semper Tyrannis," used by Booth, tha
' assassin mean. We answer that, they are La
; tin, and mean u May the fate of Tyrants over he
; thus." It is the motto of Virginia, and illus
j trates a man killing a tyrant with a sword, and
J having his foot on his neck.— Hamburg Advtr
! tiser.
<E3~Much excitement exists in Pittsburg about
a house or. Pennsylvania Avenue in that city,
| which is said to be haunted. Several columns
l of marveiioua things are published in relation
; to it, enough to make any person believe that
|he saw a ghost himself every dark night,
| through the terror of reading of such dark hor
; rors.
C3*There are 300,000 houses in London, —
i which, if all set in a row, would reach across
France, and over tha Pyrenees. Land is in de
mand and has been sold at the high price of sl,-
000,000 per acre.
gjf-To drcani, only tu dream, that you've com
mitted a capital crime, is lucky—for you.
6J-In order to deserve a true friend, you tnuat
first learn to be one
C3~Ladies will sooner patdofi want of sens©
than want of maimers.