THE BEDFORD GAZETTE
IS TCBLISHEU EVERY FRIDAY HOBMNU
BY B. F. MfiVEBS,
Ai iti following terms, to wit
$1 75 per annum, if paid urietly in advance.
$2 .00 if paid xvitbin 6 mentis ; $2.50 if not paid
within 6 montbs.
QST'No subscription taken lor less than six months
QjP*N® piper discontinued until all arrearages are
paid, unle-s ai the option of the publishei. It has
been decided by the United States Courts that the
s'oppige of a newspaper without the payment of
arrearage-, is prima faci a evidence of Iraud and as
a criminal offence.
HP" l'he courts have decided that persons are ac
countable for the subscription price of newspapeis,
ii they take tbem from the post office, whether they
subscribe for tbem, or not.
Jpvcfesstcnal €arils.
JOSEPH W. TATE,
ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA.
Will promptly attend to collections and all busi
ness entrusted to his caie, in Bedford and adjoining
counties.
Cash idvaticed on judgments, notes, military and
ether claims.
Has for sale Town lots in Talesvil'e, and St. Jo
seph's, on Bedford Railroad Fainrisarid unimproved
land, trom one acrr to 150 ncies to suit purch-iseis.
Office nearly opposite the "Mengel Hotel" and
Bmk of Reed St Schell.
April 1, IS64—ly
J R. DURBORROW,
ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA.
Office one door South of the "Mengel House."
Will attend promptly to all business entrusted to his
care in Bedford and adjoining counties.
Having also been regul rly licensed to prosecute
claims against thefiovernnent, pari icutar attention
will be given to the collection of Military claims ot
ail kinds; pensions, back pay, bounty.bounty oans,
a CI April I, 18t>4.
ESPY M- ALSIP,
ATTORNEY JT LAW, BEDFORD, PA.
Will faithfully and promptly attenu to ait business
entrusted to his care in Bedford and adjoining coun
ties. Military claims, back pay, bounty, &c.,
speedily co levied.
Office with Mann Ik Spang, on ?„iina stree.. two
door* South of the Mengel House. Jan. 22, 'O4.
I 5 . If • AKEIt S ,
ATTORNEY AT LAW, Bedford, Pa.
Will promptly attend to all business entrusted to
his'care. Military claims speedily collected.
Office on Ju'iana street, opposite the poA-office.
Bedford, September if, 1863.
F. M. Kuimsi.l. I- W. Lisoenkeltf.*
KIMMELL & LINGEKFELTER,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW, BEDFORD. PA
KJ-Have tormed a partnership in the practice of
the Law. Office ou Juliana street, twodoors South
f the "Mengel House."
JOH\ P . R I: E I) ,
ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA.,
Kripr.rtfully tenders his services (a the Public.
[XT-Office second door North of the Mengel
House
Bedford, Aig, 1, 1861.
JOII X PhLHI ER ,
ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA.
CT""Will promptly attend to a 1 ! business entrus
ted to bis tare. Office on Juliamia Street, (near
ly opposite the Mengel House.)
Bedford, Aug- 1, 1861.
L It. lOFFROTII,
ATTORNEY AT LAW, Somerset, Pa
Will hereafter practice regularly in the several
Courts of Bedford county- Business entrusted to
bis care wilt be faithfully attended to.
Oece.lib r 8, 1801.
J. ILSII' &SCX.
Aurtioaeeis & llomrai-s'on Mcrcnatfs,
BEDFORD, PA..
Respectful! v solicit consignments of 80-Os and
Sfiues, Dry Goods, Groceries, Clothing, „nd H kw'e
of .Merchandise for AUC i ION and PR! V A 1 r- Sate.
REFERENCES.
PHJI.AUKt.PM:/ . RkDFOHB,
Philip Foil Co., Hon. Job Mann,
Boyd fc Hough, Hon. W. T. Daugherty
Armor Young Ik Bros., B. F. Meyers.
January 1, 1964—tt.
J. L. MARBOURG. M. D.
Having permanently located, respectfully tenders
his professional seivices to the citizens ot Bedford
and vicinity.
(XT*Office on Julianna street, opnosite the Binir,
one door north of John Palmer's office.
Bedford, February 12, 1804.
S\MI E L KE TT E R N
RF.DFORD, PA.,
C7-W'oiild hereby notify the citizens of dedfotd
eourity. that he has movp.t to the Boiongh of Bed
f'oid, where he may at aft times be found b" persons
wishing to see him, unless absent upoi. business
pertaining to his office.
Bedford, Aug. 1,1 SO 1.
Jxcobßked, J.J. Schell,
KKED A\D SfHELL,
BANKERS h DEALERS IN EXCHANGE,
BEDFORD, FI NN A.
E7""DRAFTS bought and sold, collections made
and money promptly remitted.
Deposits solicited.
ST, CHARLES HOTEL,
iub THtliD 6TKEETS
COBNtfB OP worn* n u ts s.
rI T T S B v. n ° U ' F '
HARRY SHIRLS ?N. ORRIETOR '
April 12 1861.
WARTII.H & E\ELc'- V,
(succaoas TO MICHAEL WARTMAN is CO.)
Takscco ftutfl; aud Iftgw
MANUFACTORY.'
No. 313 NORTH THIRD STREET,
tsecond door below \V'od,
PHILADELPHIA.
J. w. U ACT.MAN. IL P- KNGELVIA.Y.
March 25, 1864.
ADMINISTRATORS' NOTICE.
Letters of i.dministration upon the cl- e o: John
Metzgir, I ol Juniata tow, r i deceased, h vmg
been granted to the undersign 1 R*£ l *l er
Bedford county, ail persons iii(,'-b te d to sa| d es,a
ore leqresied lo make immedia l* payment, am
those having claim* will make k twMBB same
without delay.
JOHN ALS. T P.
DANIEL Ml 14LAK,
April i, iec;—AilaainiAVft'Vf-..
VOLUME .10.
NEW SERIES.
SPEECH
OK
HON. ALEXANDER LONG OF OHIO
DK.r.tVKKKI)
In the House of Representatives,
APRIL 8, 1864.
Win. 11. Seward in his letter of April 11,
1861, to Mr. Adams, our Minister to England,
said:
'•For these reasons, the President would not
he disposed to reject a cardinal doctrine of theirs
the (Rebels) namelyt that the Federal Govern
ment could not reduce the seceding States to o
bedience by conquest, even though he were dis
posed to question that proposition. Hut in fact
the president willingly accepts it as true. On
ly an imperial or despotic government could
subjugate thoroughly disaffected and insurrec
tionary numbers ot the State.— This Federal
Republican svsreiu of ours is of all forms of gov
ernments the very oris which is most unfitted for
such labor."
buch was the "f the Secretary of
State in April, 1861? three days before the Sun
day on which the President wrote his procla
mation calling out seventy-live thousand troops,
hut afler seven States had seceded. The rvx*-
retary shared in the tears of the President, that j
the attempt to subjugate the S. nth would do- ]
stroy the Government. Three years of civil
war in a vain and fruitless effort at subjugation
attest and prove to day the correctness of the j
opitiion then held by the President : "Only an !
imperial or despotic government, could subju
gate thoroughly disaffected and insurrectionary
members of the .State." This Federal republic
ot otii - is of all forms of Gouernment the most j
unlit ted for such labor. Who docs not believe i
it? If there is truth in the declaration of Inde- j
pendence, and the gentlemen ou the opposite j
side of the House will certainly not dispute it, i
sin> e they incorporated it in the Chicago plat-j
form which became a law unto the I're.-i lent; j
who, I ask, can deny the com lusion of the Sec- |
rotary of State, having in vi ".v always, as he j
and the President undoubtedly laid, the great ;
cardinal truth underlying all republican govern- '
meiits "deriving their just powers from the con- j
sent of the governed." If tlie President and j
his Secretary of State gave utterance to truth ;
in 1861, is it any less a truth to-day ? Has not j
rather the exjierience of three years of war !
confirmed it ? I believed it then ; 1 believe it j
now. But, sir, I propose to call another wit- j
iiess to testify against this coercive policy, who j
also spoke in advance of the war. Edward j
Everett, in his letter of May 2D, 1860, to Wash j
ington Hunt, accepting the nomination as Vice j
President of the I "nion Party of which, I be- j
liuve, the distinguished gentleman fom Mary- !
land (Mr. Henry Winter Davis) was a member, !
and ior whom a number of gentlemen upon this
lloor voted then said :
"The suggestion that the Union can b' main
tained by iiumciical preponderance and rniiita
! rv prowess of one .section exercised to coerce
j the other into submission is, in my judgment,
ias self-contradictory as it is dangerous. It
| comes loaded with the death-smell from fields
wet wifh brothers blood, it the vital princi
i pies of all republican governments 'is the eon
■ sent of the governed,' much in ore does a union
of coequal sovereign States require, as its basis,
the harmony of its members and their volunta
ry co-operation in its organic functions "
It will no doubt be said Mr. Everett lias cltnng
cd his views upon the subject.— That may be
so, but I have not. I believed it a sound doc
trine in 1860, before secession occurred or coer
cion began. Three years experience in attempt
ing "by numerical preponderance and military
prowess of one section exerted to coerce the oili
er into submission" has convinced me more thor
oughly that it is "as self-contradictory as it is j
dangerous"—contradictory because it violate?
the great principles of free government, which
"derive their just powers from the consent ot
the governed; and dangerous because, by its ex
ercise, especially when wielded by a weak, vac
illating and unscrupulous man, it destroys, in
stead ot maintaining, flic Union, Constitution
and organic law; civil liberty and personal se
curity are forced to yield to what is claimed to
be a military necessity and the government it
self. tn the brief period of three short years, is
to-day verging on the very brink of ruin.
I am well aware, Sir, that the cry of disloy
aty, want of patriotism and lack of devotion
to tint government, which is in every place and
and at all times raised against those who have
the independence to disapprove of any ol the
acts of Mr. Lincoln, as well as an ordinate de
sire for Government patronage from the build
ing of a steam ship and a shoddy contractor down
to the insignificant position of taking chaige ot
a mutilated and depreciated greenback in the
Treasury building, has changed the opinion of
many men, but the fixed principles of freegov
eii,iuentas well as the rules of right, reason,
justice trutu are unchangeable; and although
it may bo ami even at the risk of per
■rm-il lihertv in times like the present to advo-
S £*L they ate .nevertheless eternal and im-
The distinguished from Pennsylva
nia (Mr. Stevens) who 6tands upon this door
and before the country as an acknowledged lea
der of the Administration party, has had the
honesty and indepeudaiice, in a speech Jr-liver
ed at early an part of the session to announce
what he holds to la? the true position of the
Confederate States, lie says:
"Some think that ihese Stales arc still in tlm
Union and entitled to the protection of the Con
stitution ant' tlio laws of the United Stales."
This idea he at mice repudiates and then bold
ly allii rus that which i.o holds to lie the true
doctrine.
'•Others hold thai having committed treason,
renounced their uUegumee to the 1-nion, drscu.J
ed the constitution and laws organized a dis
tinct and hostile government, and l>v torcc of
arms have risen from the condition ot insurgents
Freedom of Thought and Opinion.
BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY MORNING, MAY 6, 1854.
to the position of an idepenbent power, de fac
to and having been acknowledged as a b lliger
ant both by foreign nations and our own Gov
ernment, the Constitution, and the Union are
abrogated, so far as they are concerned, and that
as lietween the two belligerents they are under
the laws of war and the laws of nations alone
and that whichever power conquers may treat
the vanquished as conquered provinces, and
may impose upon them such conditions and laws
as it may deem best."
In answer to any objections that may be rais
ed to tlils position, lie says:
But it is said that this must be considered a
contest with Rebel individuals only as States in
tha Union cannot make war; that is true so
so long as they remain in the Union ; but they
claim to be out of t'e Union, and the very fact
that we have admitted them to he in a state of
war, to be belligerents, shows that they are no
longer in the Union, and that they are waging
war in their corporate eapcitv, under the cor
porate name of t he Confederate States and that
such major corporation is composed of minor
corporations called slues, acting in their asso
ciated character.
"When an insurrection becomes sufficiently
formidable to entitle the party to belligerent right
it [)la<*e.s the contending Powers on precisely the
same footing as foreign nations at war with each
other."
"No °ne acquainted with the magnitude of
this contest pan deny to it the character of a
civil war. For yearly three years the Confed
ate States lmve maintai'ied their declaration of
independence by force of are'i"-
"What, then, is the effect of the> war between
these belligerents, these foreign nations' B;f<re
tiiis war the parties were bound together by a
compact, by a treaty called a ''Constitution." —
They acknowledge the arbitrary or municipal
laws mutually binding ou each. This war has
cut asunder all these ligaments, abrogated all the
obligations."
Now, Sir for once at least I agree with the
distinguished gentlemen from Pennsylvania, that
the Confederate States are out of the Union,
occupying the position of an independent l\>w- j
er rle facto; have been neknolodged as a beiliger- i
ent, both by foreign nations and oar own Gov
erament; maintained theii declaration of in le- \
pen li-nrc for three years by force of arms and
that the war has cut assunder all the ligaments
and abrogated all the obligations that bound
them under the Constitution. So far I agree j
with him an I however unwilling we may be to 5
accept such position the actual condition of
the Con fed :rate States, the history of the past
three years, the la a- of nations, the geaius of
our government an 1 a regard for truth compel j
me at least to accept it, and my judgment to |
approve it and if the charge ot disloyalty is
brought against me for this opinion, I have only
to shield invself under the broad mantle of the 1
distinguished leader of the Republican party. —
At the commencement of the war England and :
France both declared the Confederate States ;
to be bdligerents; the United States lias treated I
with them as such in the exchange of prisoners, j
and tlie Administration is to-day without hori- j
esty or indejiendcncc of the gentlemen from
Pennsylvania to avow it, doing preei-ely what
he proposes to do under his war of conquest, !
waged against the Confederate Slates as a for
eign nation. It is not now even pretended, that '
the war is carried on having for its object the ■
restoration yf thelJiiiou; "reconstruction" "con-,
solid.ition" "centralization with an eniire change
of the Constitution," are the terms employed in
speaking of the government that is to exist here
after. To speak of the Constitution as it is. j
and the Union as it was, is an offence, subject
ing an officer in the army to punishment by dis
missal from the service, and conclusive evidence, ;
of disloyalty in the citizen. If the lime ever (
was. when the Union could have hem restored
by war, which I do not believe, it has long since
been dispelled by emancipation, confiscation, i
anine-iy and the like proclamations; military or
ders annulling State constitutions, setting a-i ie
State laws, obliterating State lines and attemp
ting to organize and set up a form of Slate gov
ernment in their stead in which one man out of j
ten who shall turn Abolitionist, take and sub- ;
scril)e an oath to execute and obey, the will of
Abraham Lincoln, whatever it may be, shall
govern and rule over the remaining nine who
refuse to become Abolitionists. These folllies
of the Administration and others of tlie like
character, have, instead, of crushing the rebel- j
lion," crushed out whatever Union sentiment
may have remained among the Southern peojde.
It is possible, that in districts of country occu
pied by the army occasionally a man may be
found who seeing nothing before him but ignom
iny and death, lus wife and innocent children
appealing to him for protection with all the ties
of filial affection his property to be confiscated,
and 11is family to become outcast and beggars
in the world, that such a man, in order for the
time lieing to save himself, save his family and
save his property, may take the oath but the
effect of it will lie, as it ought to be, like that
of Galtileo who invented the telescope, and wlio
first taught the rotary motion of the earth.—
That noble old Italian, after many years of la
bor in the study of science, and when he had
advanced to the extreme age of 70, was sum
moned before tin inquisition, tried condemned
and imprisoned in a dungeon for teaching a here
sy subsequently be was brought put and offered
liberty on condition of renouncing his heretical
doctrine. The effect of Ix'holding the glorious
light of the sun and breathing again the pure
air of Heaven as contrasted tyith the loathsome
it tinge .an in which he had been cast, and to which
lie must return or renounce his belief in the
earth's motion so far overcame his humanity that
lie consented to comply, and upon Ins bended
knres. with his hands upon the gospel, he abjur
ed his belief in the Copernic.in doctrine. Fart
of his objuration ran in these terms. "With n
sincere heart and unfeigned faith, I objure,
c irse and deteft the said errors heresies, (viz.
that the earth moves, &-;■) I swear that 1 will
never in future say or assert anything verbally
J or in writing, which may give rise to a similar
■' suspicion uguiusi me." Rising from his knees
with his eyes fixe-l on the earth, lie whispered
i! to a friend, E pur si mure ," "It moves tor all
that." So il will he with the man who is for
ced to take the oath to save himself, his family
: and his property. He may take it, lut in his
heart he will detest and despise the authority
that requires it. Will such a man be devoted
to or make a good citizen of the government in
i which lie lives; The history of Poland, of Hun
: gary of Ireland and of Italy furnishes an answer to
} ine question. If imperial governments are apt
' able to hold in submissive obedience small por
tions of a vast empire once in revolt, how much
less a government having for its basis the con
. wilt of the governed. But subjugation" is the
Watchword. Liberty and freedom for the. slaves
and subjugation and extermination for the mas
ter is the popular cry. Meet tbem, fight them,
i crush them says the gentleman from Kentucky,
' (Mr. G re;;u Clay Smith.) Sir, that is easily
said upon this floor and is popular with those
who from day to day fill the gallery of this
• House, but even the gentleman from Kentucky
' as well as a number of other military gentlemen,
i were quite willing to forego the pleasure of the
performance and exchange their commissions as
general in the field for a certificate entitling them
to a seat upon this Hour: and were I to judge
: by the willingness with which it was done and
the tenacity with which they held on to it and
j the efforts some of them are making to return
here again instead of the war spirit they breathe
within these walls 1 should strongly suspect them
! of being in sympathy with the peace party.
Mr. Chairman : 1 am no military man, and
therefore incompetent to give advice or advance
an opinion in military affairs, but I have been
' of to; forcibly struck by a remark of Marshal
Ney, in reply to Napoleon, as related by Ilead
ly in his "Napoleon and his .Marshals. One
day, at .Madrid. Napoleon entered the room
j where Ney and several officers were standing,
and sai l in great glee, everything goes 011 well;
Roinana will be reduced in a fortnight; the Eng
lish are defeated and will lie unable to advance;
jin three months the war will la* finished." The
officers to whom this was addressed, made no
j reply, but Xev, shaking his head, said with his
j characteristic bluntness, "Sire, this war has last
ted long already, and our affairs are not improv
ed. The people are obstinate; even their wo
men and children fight; the massacre our men
in detail. To-day we cut tiie enemy in pieces,
! to-morrow we have to oppose another twice as
numerous. It is not an army we have to light,
it is a whole nation. I see no end to this bus
iness." "Bonaparte followed his own inclina
tion, and was eventually defeated '
Mr. Chairman: Is there not instruction in
the blunt yet forcible reply ot the old French
Marshal to his superior officer for us! Have we
not had, from time to tiuu, the predictions ot
Napoleon during tin? past three years, but with
out a Marshal Ney to say "i see no end to this
business."
But, Mr. Chairman, how do \vc stand in the j i
eyes of the civilize I world to-day, in waging a i
war of subjugation and conquest against the j
Confederate States, which have seceded from us j
and set up a government of their own? Are we ■
not inconsistent with all our former acts ? Have
we not been early to admit this property with re
aml to others ? There never was a people on the ,
face of the earth that demanded an in iepcudent ]
government that did not have the sympathy ot ,'
the American jieople; and ought we now to ,
shrink lrom the doctrine we have been willing
to apply to others? My earliest recollection'is
the appeal made by Clay and Webster in behalf
of Greece, in 182.4, when they so eloquently
declaimed in that behalf on this floor and in the
oilier branch ot Congress. WJiether it was
Greece or the States ol South America, or Po
land or Hungary, or Italy or Ireland, the fact j
that a large country, for any cause, demanded
a distinct and separate Government, always re
ceived the warmest sympathy and support of !
tlie American people, irrespective ot party. — j
Even as late as December, 1860, after Mr. Lin
coln was elected, and after the preliminary steps
for secession had been taken, the paper having |
the largest circulation of any in the Republican
party, and having more influence than any other j
in the formation of Republican opinion, declar
ed that it could see no reason why, if three mil
lions of colonists could separate from the Brit- \
i-li Crown in 1776, that five millions of South
erners could not separate from us in 1861. I
; have been as much puzzled us the distinguished ;
i Republican editor, Mr. Greeley, to find, look
i ing at it as a revolutionary light, the difference ,
Jin position. Ought we to shrink lrom the ap
i plication of a doctrine to ourselves which we
| have been so willing to apply to other nations, i
I such as Austria, Russia and Spain, if we do
what will be the judgment of impartial history?
| How much better it would have been tor us and
i for L the cause of Democracy throughout the
globe. What a splendid tribute it would have j
i been to a republican government if we had part-
I ed mi peace with our dissatisfied hister States, as
! Mr. Everett recommended as late as February
I 1861, sustained by such leading Republican ,
j journals as the Cincinnati Commercial, N.York
! Tribune, Indianapolis Journal, Chicago Trib
| unc. New Haven (Connecticut) Palladium. Co
lumbus Journal, and Salmon P. Cliase, now Seo
j retary of the Treasury, and many others of that]
: school. What in uiouarchieal countries had re- j
quired a long and bloody war, would have been
! accomplished by Democratic principles and re
: publican sense of justice. What a splendid
i proof it would have afforded of the capacity of
the people of scif-goverutuent- What a vniua
. bio lesson it would have conveyed to the whole
' civilized world. The fact that we could rise
superior to .ill prejudices and passions and to
have eonqu -red ourselves would have been the
highest triumph that we had ever achieved I
regret as much, Mr. Chairman, as any gentle
man upon this floor that any of our sister Knifes
I should have desired ioeul asunder th? lignn's
i that lmnnd them to w-. None would be more
willing than myself to make any reasonable 3ac-
WHOLE .\UJIIIER, IOHS
• rince to induce them to return to their partner*
i ship with us, but still recognizing the truth of
1 the doctrine taught by the fathers of the Re*
i public and so fairly expressed by John Quiucy
Adams, that our Government was, after all, in
the heart, it would be bettor, severe as would
i be tbe pang of regret to part in friendship, ra
ther than to hold sovereign States pinned to us
by the bayonet, as Mr. Greeley expressed it, in
ISdl. YVhat advance have we made in the sci
ence and principles of government, Mr. Chair
man, if we cannot rise above the Austro Rus
sian principle of holding subject provinces by
the power of force and coercion? What be
comes of the Declaration of Independence and
1 of all our teachings for eighty years ! After all,
Mr. Cha irinan, it is not the extent of territory :
which should be the object of our desires- Bet
| ter sacrifice over nine-tenths of the territory
; than destroy our republican form of govern
ment. What our people desired in IStil, and
which I honored though I regarded as mistaken,
was the preservation of the government and the
retention of our jurisdiction over the whole
territory. They were rightly willing to sacri
fice every material consideration for that pur
pose. Land is nothing, Mr. Chairman, com
pared to liberty. We existed as a Republic
when the mouth of the Mississippi was held by
a foreign power, when we hal nothing west of I
that river, when Florida was held against us;
and we could exist again if by the chastisement
of heaven we should be curtailed to our old ter
ritorial dimensions. For fifteen millions of dol
lars we purchased the whole of that immense
lerritojy, and were it a hundred thousand times
as valuable, its preservation would not l<e worth
our admirable form of government. Pride of
territorial ambition i a vulgar and low ambi
tion of national greatness. Ku.-sia, and even
China can vie with us m that, but who would
rather reside in one of the Cantons of "Mviizer
' land, or in Great Britain, than in those coun
tries- it is not the extent of territory that we
' possess, but in the manner in which we govern
it that renders us respectable. Many gentle
men seem rather to look to the quantity than
the quality. All Republics have been destroy
ed by the thirst of territorial aggrandizement
' and the lust of conquest. The great object of
! our Government should be to develop and cul
tivate lite internal resources of those friendly to
; its jurisdiction rather than to extend it over hos
tile and foreign people. It is in that character
that true patriotism is to be cultivate 1 and true
national glury found. Especially should all re
j publics cultivate the art of peace, since it is by
: the war power that free Governments are com
monly overturned The charge has been made
I that Deioocraoy is turbulent, warlike and ag
gressive, but it so it is a ter.ible misconception
of its true interests, tor upon the people fall j
the awful calamities ot armed collisions. An !
eminent p"el has sai l—Lord Byron—that war
was a game wnich it the people were wi e,
kings and princes would never play at. The
j venerable Dr. Franklin, at the close of his il
lustrious career, remarked: "That there was!
! never a good war and a bad peace,"
We have made, Mr. Chairman, by this war
eight millions of bitter enemies upon the Amer
ican continent. While time shall last the rec
ollections of this bloody strife will never fade
from the memories of the people North ami
South, hut will he handed down to the latest
generation. l ite words Shiloh, Antietatn, (jet
tysburg, Mnrfreesborougli, liichnmnl, \ irks
bnrg and Fort Donelson, are words of division
and disunion, and will serve to bring up emo
tions of eternal hate. If it were true, as was
alleged by a distinguished Senator from Ohio
(Mr. Wade), in a speech in Portland in IS.>5,
"that lie believed that no two nations on the
eartli hated each other as much as the North
and South/' how much more true is the remark
now after they have been arrayed in such bloody
contests. It is the object of the sword to cut
and cleave asunder, but never to unite. What
union is there between Russia and Poland, be
tween Austria and Hungary, between England
and Catholic Ireland, where the sword and the
bayonet for centuries have been employed .' In
stead of conferring national strength, they are
sources of weakness to countries that hold tbctu
in subjection, and which would this day be stron
ger without them than with them.
Mr. Chairman, these lessons of history are
full of warning and example. Much better
would it have been for us in the beginning—
much better would it be for us now—to con
sent to a division of our magnificent empire and
cultivate amicable relations with our estranged
brethren than to seek to hold them to us by the
power of the sword. Here let me advert to the
common, yet perfectly glaring and apparent er
ror. that to part with one jurisdiction over elev
en States involves the destruction of our govern
ment. The statement of the proposition de
monstrates its absurdity. As well might one
say, who had a farm of two hundred acres of
land that he had lost his title deed to all of it
because, by some misfortune, he had parted with
tifty. In losing the South, not one function of
our government over us is surrendered. It re
maius over us as completely sovereign as it ever
did. Here let me say, as the experience of my
individual belief, that if it had fieen understood
in the North, as in the South, that by the terms
of the Federal compact a State had a right to
secede from the Union, this disruption would
never have occurred. Had the Nurtii so un
derstood the matter there would have been upon
its part a forbearance from the exercise of ex
treme measures, and a desire not to press its
Southern sisters to the wall that would evr
have maintained the Confederacy unbroken, it
was the prevalence of the idea of the Consoli
dationiste in the North that the Southern Stubs
had no right to and would not secede, that
tempted them and that fatal policy taut l.as sun
dered the Confederacy.
It is dJ that no coa.ederacy can exist by a
recognition of this principle, but such was not
tuc i* n - of the fathers ot our (hove; anient, it
ivas not the view ot Jcfurscn and Madison in
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$1.25, if but one bead is advertised, 25 cents foe
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type counts one square. All fractions of a square
under five lineswill be measured as a half square
and ail over five lines as a lull square. All! eg al
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ing them in.
VOL. 7, NO 40.
their immortal resolutions of 1798 and 1799.
It has been said, Sir. Chairman, that it would
make a confederacy a rope of sand but if so it
is strange that the Southern Confederacy, whero
it is recognized should hold together through
such a bloody pressure as we have applied to it
for the last three years; it is a strange rope of
sand that endures all that.
Hut to return, Mr. Chairman. As will be
judged perhaps, by the tenor of these remarks,
I am reluctantly and despondingly forced to the
conclusion that the Union is lost, never to lie re
stored. I regard all dreams of the restoration
of the Union, which was the pride of my life
and to restore which even now, I woo Id pour
out my heart's blood, as worse than idle. I see
neither North or South any sentiment on which
it is possible to build a Union—those elements
of Union which Mr. Adams decribed have by
the process of time been destroyed. Worse,
yea worse than that, Mr. Chairman, lam re
luctantly forced to the conclusion that in attemp
ting to preserve our jurisdiction over the South
ern States, we have lost our constitutional form
of government over the northern. What has
been predicted by our wisest and most eminent
statesmen has come to pass; in grasping at the
shadow we have lost the substance; in striving
to remain the casket of liberty in which our
jewels were confined, we have lost those pre
cious monuments of freedom. Our Government
as all know, i> not anything resembling what it
was throe years ago; there is not one single ves
tige of the Constitution remaining ; every clause
and every lettei of it has been violated, and I
have no idea myself that it will ever again be
respected. Revolutions never go backward to
the point at which they started. There has al
ways been a large party in this country favora
ble to a strong or monarchical government, and
they have now all the elements upon which to
establish one. They have a vast army, an im
mense public debt, and an irresponsible Execu
tive- Ambitious to retain power, lie is a candi
date for re-election, and as Commander-in-Chief,
it is charged (whether true or false, I shall not
undertake to decide), that he has already used
the army in the Florida expedition to advance
his chances of success. One of the Generals
he has decapitated (Gen. Fremont), has entered
the Held to oppose hi claim to a continuance in
power, and if The Chronicle of this city, the
President's organ, is correct in its construction
of the suggestions of The New York Herald,
speakinguf Lieutenant Gen. Grant, thequestion
is already mooted whether he, in certain con
tingencies, at .'lie head of the army would not
be justui.-d in assuming the reins of government.
The very idea upon which this war is found
ed—-coercion of States, leads to despotism ; to
preserve a republican form of Government un
der any Constitution, under the prevalence of
the doctrines now in vogue, is clearly impossible.
These convictions of the complete overthrow of
our Governments areas unwelcome and unpleas
ant to me as they tire to any member of the
House. Would to God the facta were such I
could cherish other convictions. I may be de
nounced as db-loynl and unpatriotic for enter
taining them, but it will only be by shallow fools
and arrant knaves who do not know or will not
admit the difference between recognizing u fact
and creating its existen it.-. *A man may not de
sire to die, Out nevertheless his belief will not
alter the fact of his mortality. I shall not in
liu-sc remarks revive lite unpleasant and acri
monious controversy of who is r sponsible for
the death and destruction of our lie public. I
do not ee that any such discussiou now would
be productive ot good. I entertain clear and
strong convictions upon that point, convictions
that 1 have no doubt will be shared in by the
impartial historian of the future. For the pres
ent 1 am willing to let the past with all its re
collections rest, provided we can snatch from
the common ruin some of our old relics of free
dom. Ido not share in the belief entertained
by many of my political friends on this floor and
elsewhere that any peace is attainable upon the
basis of Union and reconstruction. If the Dem
ocratic party were in power to-day I have no i
dca, and honesty compels me to declare it, that
they could restore the Union over thirty-four
States. My mind lias undergone an entire
change upon that subject. I believe that there
are but two alternatives, and these are, cither
an acknowledgement of the independence of the
South as an independent nation, or their com
plete subjugation and extermination as a peo
ple; and of these alternatives I prefer the for
mer.
Mr. Chairman. T take little or no interest in
) the discussion of the question which many of
| my political friends would make an issue as to
; how this war shall be prosecuted, its manner
; and object. I regard that as worse than trilling
with the great question. Ido not believe there
' can be any prosecution of the war against a
j sovereign State under the Constitution, and I
do not believe that a war so carried on can be
prosecuted so as to render it proper, justifiable
or expedient. An unconstitutional war can on
ly be carried on in an unconstitutional manner,
and to prosecute it further under the idea of
the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Stevens),
as a war waged against tLo Confederate States
as an independent nation, for the purpose of
conquest and subjugation, as he proposes, as
: the Administration is in truth and in fact doing,
I am equally opposed.
I will say further, Mr. Chairman, that if this
war is to be still further prosecuted, I prefer
; that it shK be done under the auspices of those
who now conduct its management, as I do not
wish the party with which I ty connected to
be in anv degree responsible for it* results, which
cannot be otherwise than disastrous and suici
dal—let the responrihilitv remain where it is
' until we can have a change of policy instead ot
: men, if such a thing is possible. Nothing could
i be more fatal for the Democratic party than to
' set V t<-collie into por.-e:- pledged to a conlinu
! anee of av. .• policy—tf ha policy would
j libel on its creed in the past and Iho idoas **
' lie at the iTasis of tvil lro# govw
. ainenW, and
Uatcs of