THE BEDFORD GAZETTE
IS rUBLtSHED EVERY FRIDAY MORNING
BY D. F. MEYERS,
At the following terms, to wit:
$1 .AO per Buniim, CASH, in advance.
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K?~No subscription taken lor less than six months.
fryNn paper disiontinued until all arrearages are
paid, unless at the option of the publisher. It has
been decided by the United States Courts that the
stoppige of a newspaper without the payment of
arrearages, is prima /sera evidence of fraud and as
a criminal offence.
courts have decided that persons are ac
countable for the subscription price of newspapers,
If they take them fiom the post office, whether they
subscribe for them, or not.
Select soet rn.
DE COUNTERBAN'.
Go 'way, you common black man I
I'se cutting quite a figgcr.
Dont you see I'se a counterban'?
Go 'way you common nigger!
Oh ! who wouldn't be a counterban',
And fill de lofty station ;
Be de envy ob de white folks,
De pillar ob de nation.
Go 'way, you vulgar white man;
I keens no common 'ciety.
I'se so bci'y delusive—
Go 'way, you cbery day variety.
Oil! who wouldn't lie a counterban',
And fill de lofty station ;
Be de envy ob be white folks, "
De gemmftn ob de nation.
I hab do freedom ob de cities ;
I'se de guest ob all de nation;
'Cause I'se so mighty popular
VV id dem, dey call de bobalition.
Oh ! who wouldn't be a counterban',
And fill do lofty station ;
Be de envy ob de white folks,
De pole-star ob de nation.
I dine wid all do hifalutin';
I partake ob de collation,
Wid all de foreign functionaries,
And am bully ob de creation.
Oh ! who wouldn't be a counterban',
And fill de lofty station ;
Be de envy ob de white folks,
De pet lamb ob de nation.
t attend at all de levees,
What* de common folks are slighted;
Win ir counterbans', and Senators,
Dey only am invited.
Oh! who wouldn't be a counterban',
And fill de lofty station;
Be de envy ob de white folks,
De mainstay ob de nation.
I'se do cynoshure ob all dar eyes,—
De Congress, and de Presidential;
Golly! I feel as dough I'd bust,
I'se so full ob de consequential.
Oh! who wouldn't be a counterban',
And till de lofty station ;
Be de em y ob de white folks,
De loadstone ob de nation.
Dey's gwine to send me to do Kussias
To represent the peoples ;
I'll tell 'em all about do ho cake,
Do blue-tail fly, de tr'owsers and de steeples.
Oh! who wouldn't be a counterban',
And fill de lofty station :
Be de envy ob de white folks,
And represent de nation.
Dey's gwine to send mo up to Congress,
To bring ole inassa in do traces;
Dey want's to clewate white man,
By do 'malgamation ob de races.
Oh! who wouldn't be a counterban",
And fill do lofty station ;
Bo de envy ob do white folks,
And de leber ob de nation.
Secretary Seward and the Emancipation
Question.
The Siiml'ti/ Morning Chronicle, and its twin
brother the Philadelphia Press, asserted that
Mr. Secretary Seward wus the earliest and most
persisting advocate of the universal emancipa
tion of the slaves of the United States, as one
of the features in the prosecution of the war
for the Union. Either Colonel Forney is greatly
mistaken or the letter of the latter to Mr Day
ton, dated April 20, 18ti2, and contained in uu
executive document, No. 3, accompanying the
annual message of the President. Mr. Sew
arl says, in urging that the existing revolution
is without a cause, or even pretext: —
The condition of slavery in the several States
will remain just the same, whether it succeed
Or fall. There is not even a pretext for the
complaint that the disaffected States are to he
Conquered by the United States if the revolu
tion fail for the rights'of the States, and the
Condition of every human being in them, will
remain subject to exactly the same laws and
forms of administration, whether the revolution
shall succeed or whether it shall fail. In the
one cage the States would be federally connect
ed with the new confederacy; in the other, they
would, as now, he members of the United Stutcs.
But their constitutions and laws, customs, hab
its and institutions,in either case, will remain
the same. It is hardly necessary to add to
(this incontcstible statement the further fact, that
the new President, as well as the citizens through
whose suffrages he has come into the. adminis
tration, has always repudiated all designs what
ever and wherever imputed to hira and them,
rtf disturbing the system of slavery as it is ex
isting under the constitution and laws. The
•case, however, would not be fully presented i(
I were to omit to say that any such effort on
his part would he unconstitutional, and all his
actions in that direction would be prevented by
ithe judicial authority, even though they were
assented to by Congress and the people.
This record is official, and although the Pres
ident has seen proper to assume a different po
sition from that assigned to him by his Secreta
ry of State, thene lias been as yet no evidence
that the Secretary of State has changed his
views upon the subject. At any rate, it is
hardly possible that'he should have put forth a
State-paper of .this character while, he was rec
ognized as the earliest and most active advocate
of tlie doctrine which, in this extract, lie so
clearly and unequivocally repudiates.
The call for postage stamps at the New
York post office, amounts to about SIO,OOO
a day.
Brfcfu rft
VOLUME 58.
NEW SERIES.
The Mineral Resources of Pennsylvania.
From the time of the first settlement of
our State by the European races its popu
lation has exhibited an unusual development
of physical vigor and energy. The Swedes,
who first began the work of colonization,
were a hardy and robust people; next came
the English Quakers, whose leading char
acteristics were industry, rigid morality and
a love of useful labor; and soon after fol
lowed tiie Germans, nn honest, persevering,
and athletic race, who for a long period had
almost exclusive possession of larger por
tions of our commonwealth.
We have always been regarded as a sol- 1
id, substantial people; and the* physical
character of the State has proved to bo in
remarkable unison with the nature of those
who have chosen it for their dwelling place.
Its leading attraction at first was the rich
soil which so bountifully remunerated the
husbandman for his toil; but at a more re
cent period it has been discovered that un
told riches lie buried in the bowels of the
earth, and almost every year is bringing to
light new sources of wealth, not dreamed of
by our early ancestors. Coal and iron in
inexhaustible quantities reward the indus
try of those who engage in those depart
ments of labor in which these articles are
mainly used. The anthracite in eastern
Pennsylvania, is peculiar to the region in
which it is found, and the bituminous coal
of the western part of the State is unsur
passed by the carbonaceous product of any
part of the world. Iron ore and limestone
pervade vast portions of the State; and
three such products as iron, coal, and lime,
would, of themselves, be sufficient, under
favorable circumstances, to afford employ
ment, wealth and prosperity to a vast-pop
ulation of industrious people; but within a
jfew years it has been found that in certain
| localities the earth contains immense quan
j fitics of oil, which is furnished so cheaply |
I that it has come into extensive use in our ■
j own country, and is already an important,
| article of commerce. In addition to all this, ;
we find by an announcement, that, in bo- ;
ring for oil, it has been discovered that sub
terranean streams of water exist, so strong
ly impregnated with salt a3 to crystalizc
upon reaching the air, and thai the salt is
of superior quality. What more may be
produced hereafter it is not easy to tell, but;
if there should be no more of the great sub- 1
stanlials which constitute the material ele- I
ments upon which the comfort and happi- j
ness of a civilized people are based, we have
great reason to rejoice and be thankful fori
the blessings which a bountiful Providence
has bestowed upon us.
There is probably no part of the earth's j
surface, of equal extent, within which a :
people may live with so little to depend up- j
ion from other countries. What other na- j
j tion possesses at once an agricultural soil of
j unsurpassed richness and variety, a climate
| the most agreeable and salubrious and which
| produces the most desirable articles of food,
| and materials for clothing, shelter, &c., and
! inexhaustible quantifies of coal, iron, lime,
oil and salt? Surely if any State in this
Unioil might presume to call itself an em
pire, it is our substantial old Keystone. It
is probable that we may never find mines of
gold, silver or diamonds in Pennsylvania,
but we have minerals ot tar more real worth,
and as yet our ground lias b"cn but slight
ly explored. In addition to the articles ot
which we have spoken, we know that there j
exists, to some extent, lead, zinc and nickel, ;
and future explorations may develop many |
things of which wc little dream at this time. |
A few years ago while traveling over the i
Bloomingsdale and Lackawanna railroad, as j
we were passing through (lie valley of Wy- j
oming, and looking over its magnificent sec- \
ncry, a friend remarked that he did not won
der that the red men of the forest fought
desperately for such a home.
Pennsylvania has many Scenes which
might elicit a similar remark; and if any- j
thing like the same feeling of patriotism j
which inspired the savage warriors, while
struggling for their native grounds, now
glows in the bosoms of the more enlighten
ed people who possess this favored land they
will not continue to live in "lazy ease" while
rebellious invaders arc approaching our bor
ders. If ever a people had a country worth
fighting for, or dying in defense of, surely
Pennsylvania should feel that they have
such a laud, and knowing its worth, they
should adopt corresponding means to pro-
Icet it from invasion.
THE TAX OK CONGRESSMEN. —A hand
some sum will be realized lo the government
from the tax upon the salaries of members
of the House of Representatives. Each
member is*taxed £0 a month, or $72 per
year. The. speaker will be taxed $144. —
The next House will consist of 197 mem
bers and 7 delegates —-in all 204. The ag
gregate amount realized will be $14,520 a
year. The yearly amount of revenue de
rived from taxation of employees now in the
House will be $7,432,930, which will be
augmented during the session by taxation
upon salaries of additional employees.
Freedom of Thought and Opinion.
BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 24, 1862.
The Press on the President's Proclama
tion.
(From the Pittsburg Pout.)
The President has at length yielded to the
Radicals in their demands for a proclamation;
the last card in the Abolition game has been
played, and the country will see it, like all their
experiments, a total and ridiculous failure. All
we regret is, that the President had not nine
months since given the Radicals all they demand
ed. Had ho done so, their programme would
six mouths ago have been proven a failure, and
the country would now be prepared to follow
diil'erent counsels.
(From the. Xcw York World.)
President Lincoln in his address to the bor
der States Congressmen warned them that the
pressure upon him to issue an emancipation
proclamation Was so great that lie feared he
might yet be compelled to yield. Ilis distrust
of his own resisting power has since been fully
justified. Indeed this yielding to pressure is
Air. Lincoln's fatal weakness. lie yielded to
pressure in urging General Scott to fight the
first battle of Bull Run; be yielded to pressure
in giving Colonel Miles another command, when
lie should have been shot; he yielded to pres
sure in disconcerting Gen. McClellan's plans
last spring, |,y ordering a premature advance,
at the West; ho yielded to pressure in so med
dling witji the peninsular campaign as to cause
it to miscarry.
No man ever yet administered successfully
the affairs of a great notion without a back
bone incapable of "yielding to pressure."
This extraordinary proclamation will bring
no advantages-to the negro race at nil propor
tionate to the obstructions it throws in the way
of reunion. It is certain that the Union will
never he restored till this ill advised action of
the Government is reversed. It converts every
inhabitant of the South into a zealot whoso all
is embarked in the success of the rebellion.—
The idea that they will succumb to threats, that
they will vote on compulsion, that they will feel
terror, or misgiving, or anything but increased
indignation at such a proclamation, shows small
knowledge cither of human nature or of the
temper of the Southern mind. Such a procla
mation can not possibly be enforced, and its on
ly effect will bo to strengthen the determination
of the rebels to fight to tile very last. They
are shut up to a lane which has no turning.—
When the military power of the rebels is bro
ken, we have laid before ourselves a still harder
task to perform. At the very crisis of the con
tost of arms the President has reinforced them as
elreetually as it' lie had doubled their squadrons
iti the field. IV© mnjr letu n from our enemies.
They will rejoice. Their leaders will inakf? of
this proclamation their chief st moral weapon.
It is powerless in our hands for good; in theirs
it will be potent for evil. Our only salvation
now is in the ballot-box. To that it yet re
mains possible for the people to resort. Titere
the battle lost to-Jay may bo won to-morrow.
(From the Louisville Journal•)
The following paragraphs are taken from the
Louisville Journal , edited by George D. Pron
tioc, one of the most influential and consistent
of the Union men of Kentucky:
Wc shall not stop now to discuss the charac
ter and tendency of this measure. Both arc
manifest. The one is as unwarantable as the
other is mischievous. The measure is wholly
unauthorized and wholly pernicious. Though
it cannot be executed in fact, and though its ex
ecution probably will never be seriously attempt
ed, its moral influence will be decided and pure
ly hurtful. So far as its own purpose is con
cerned, it is mere brutum fulmen , but it will
prove only too effectual for the purposes of the
enemy. It is a gigantic usurpation, unrelieved
by the promise of a solitary advantage howev
er minute and faint, but, on the contrary, ag
gravated by the menace of great and unmixed
evil.
Kentucky cannot and will not acquiesce ill
this measure. Never! As little will she al
low it to chill her devotion to the cause thus
cruelly imperiled anew. The Government our
fathers framed is one thing, and a thing above
price; Abraham Lincoln, the temporary occu
pant o the executive chair, is another thing,
and a thing of comparatively little worth. —■
The one is nn individual, the sands of whose
official existence arc. running K?st, and who,
when his official existence shall end, will be
no more or less than any other individual. The
other is a grand political structure, in which is
contained the treasures and the energies of civ
ilization, and upon whose lofty and shining dome,
seen from the shores of all climes, centre the
eager hopes of mankind.
The President Ims fixed the first of next Jan
uary as the time for his proclamation to go in
to effect, Before that time the North will be
called upon to elect members of Congress. We
believe that the proclamation will strike the
loyal people in the North in general with a
mazemcnt and abhorrence. We know it. We
appeal to them to manifest their righteous de
testation by returning to Congress none but the
avowed and zealous adversaries of this measure.
Ixt the revocation of the proclamation be made
the overshadowing issue, und let the voice of
the people at the polls, followed by the voice of
their representatives in Congress, be hoard in
such tones of remonstrance and of condemna
tion that the President, aroused to a sense of
his tremendous error, shall not hesitate to with
draw his measure The vital interests of the
country demand that the proclamation should
he revoked, the sooner the better, and, until it
is revoked, every man should unite in vigorous
ly working for its revocation. If the President
by any means is pressed away from the Consti
tution and his own pledges, tic must be pressed
back again and held there by the strong arm of
the people.
(From the Chiciyo Tunes.)
The President has at last weakly yielded to
the '-pressure" upon him about which be lias
so bitterly complained, and issued his procla
mation of negro emancipation!
It Is not a month since he announced his pur
pose to "save the Union in the shortest way un
der the Constitution." He now announces his
purpose to save it by overriding tbeConstitution.
For he has no constitutional power to issue
this proclamation of emancipation—none what
ever. The Constitution forbids it by its spirit
from beginning to end. And the President has
no authority not derived from the Constitution
—none whatever. lie Is himself the creature
of the Constitution.
Nobody need argue with us that he has the
power under the military law. Military law
"does not destroy the fundamental civil law.—
In war, as in peace, the Constitution is "the su
preme law of the land."
The Government, then, by the act of the
President, is in rebellion, and the war is reduced
to a contest for subjugation. It has assumed
the character that Abolitionism has designed
from the outset it should assume. When the
war shall bo finished, whether the South shall
be subjugated or not, the character of the Gov
ernment will have to be determined, if indeed
the military power shall not have already de 4
tcrniined It.
The President has himself furnished some of
the most unanswerable arguments against the
expediency of such a proclamation, and this
even so late as at the interview the other day
with the committee of religious fanatics from
this city. He has all the while maintained that
until the rebel armies should be dispersed, such
a proclamation would he hrutum fulmen —harm-
less thunder. If he was right in this, what
x.tlier ground can the present proclamation be
made to stand upon except that it is an act oT
prospective vengeance.
(From the " Wheeling Press," a Union paper of <i
Border Slave, State.)
We regret to know that one more blazing
faggot has been cast into the fiery furnace of
national discord, and that by the last hands
that shbiitd have b'cn engaged in such an act.
The President of the United States has so far
yielded to that accursed "pressure" of which
he once lugubriously complained, as to have be
come no longer master of bis own actions.—
He 1 ins at length cotne to such a pass as to be
sure, sooner or later, to obey the behests of the
insane fanatics he has encouraged around him,
and to close all his circuitous meanderings by a
final engulfiucnt in thfe bottomless pit of unre
deemable Abolition.
We shall not any longer speak of the Presi
dent's conservatism, or waste any hopes for a
satisfactory solution of our tangled affaire in
pppnlinr "honesty" so often ascribed lo him,
nor in any other of liis personal qualities, good,
bad or indifferent. To all intents and purposes
ot our future history, he has definitely surren
dered to the most ultra men of the ultra North
ern faction, and turned his back upon every tie
that bound him to constitutionality and moder
ation. He lias taken his last leap, and hence
forward in all matters of public policy will be
regarded as but a finger of Grcely, an executive
instrument of Sumner and Lovejoy.
To the rebels flagrantly in arms; to the hos
tile people of the South, and to those in the
loyal Stales who sympathize with the Southern
defection, the proclamation will come with heal
ing on its wings, it will command their un
mixed gratification, and will be counted by them
ns not only forming a set-off to their recent
disasters tn the field, but as adding at least a
hundred thousand men to the side of their sink
ing cause.
• •
It is not within our power to express the
hundredth part of the thoughts that crowd for
utterance, but wo will say in terms as compre
hensive as now occur to Us, that the proclama
tion on which wc thus hastily and briefly com
ment, sounds more liko the knell of Freedom
and the wail of the departing Angel of Peace,
than any that has been promulgated in the world
since the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes.
Autuffiiii
Slimmer is over, unil the fruits are to be path 4
erod, for the winter is coining 011 apace. With
what mad speed, with what slow and heavy
footfall, tiine brushes or drags along, as one or
another of us views it. To one, looking back
to May, it seems but last week; to another, the
spring time is far away in the remote pastj so
£;r that the odor of its flowers comes not down
on any wind, and the memory of its breezes is
absolutely dead in the hot and sultry atmos
phere of the war summer. We are none of us
very much disposed to look back over t he events
of this summer, and the less disposed to do so
now that we gnter the autumn with the roar of
cannon, the terrible solemnities of what may
lie the great battle of the Union.
Never did American autumn, proverbial for
its glories, find America in such a state as this.
The sun sliines on the broad country with all
the ripeninz warmth of our September suns, the
winds blow softly over hill and valley, the morn
ing sky is hazy, and the evening sunsets are red
and golden, the moon looks out of the blue a
bovc us with the same old, silver radiance, and
yet we look on all with new eyes, with chang
ed hearts. We are not, as a people, what we
were. We have learned new and terrible les
sons. Wo have seen that though national
growth may begin in winter, and progress
through spring to summer richness, and almost
autumnal ripeness, yet the very day of its full
grown strength may be the day of its most fear
ful trial, when the tempest will threaten to tear
it up and dash it to pieces. We have watched
our own hopes growing up and gathering beau
ty and strength, to see them blighted. We have
learned what it is to send our best and bravest
out to die for their country, the very period
when we fondly believed that their country was
far beyond the need of any such sacrifice. We
arc not, as we were two years ago, in heart, in
thought, in anything but hope. Hut the autumn
WHOLE NOIRE It, 3027
brings with it always the best of reason for hope.
It is the season of gathering in, and though we
have sometimes despaired, though the heat and
the drought have been terrible, though the in
sidious toes of our trees and vines have attack
ed them in strength, 'though the very heavens
have been black above us, we have in former
years filled our store houses, and rested on the
reward of our labors. "Never despair" is the
autumn lesson, which we must learu now. All
our sacrifices of this year, all the treasure we
have planted, all the young life we have strewed
broadcast over the fields of the country, must
have resurrection, and must return us a hun
dred fold in the time that is to come. Let us
take strength, and, trusting to God, look for
ward. —"i Journal of Commerce.
IBM! C (1R R ESPOXIIENCE.
CASIP, NEAR SUFFOLK, Va., Oct. 11, 'G2.
IJcdr Mother:
Being off" duty to-day, lying in camp, I
thought I would drop you a word or two.
The weather is very warm here now. The
sun comes down the short truck. It is too hot
through the day to sit down and enjoy a good
meal after you have foraged for it 4 or 5 miles
outside of the picket lines.
There are plenty of sweet potatoes and ap
ples in this country, but we have to go a great
distance to find them, as the soldiers have got
them all gathered that were near at hand. I
had a good mess of apple dumplings yesterday,
but no milk on them. That can't be got. I
am a pretty good cook, and generally get a share
of what the country produces. The great Kouth
i ern Planters, as these people are called up North
hy some of our big folks, or "would-be's" that
never saw a Southern plantation, appear very
common. Their dress is not very noticeable,
neither for elegance nor costliness. I have look -
led at both the country and town folks. Those
that live in town don't seem to mind the war.
You can see them march through the streets
with as careless a tread, as if they trod on land
that had belonged ancestors since the
days of Adam and Eve.
I have talked with some men here, that have
taken the oath, and appear to be gentlemen.—
They seem to think if the proper means had
been taken, by both sides, the name of war
would never have been breathed in our councils.
I told them I thought not. That both sections
were in for war, and war it is, just what they
wanted. But if the persons that make war,
had to fight the battles, wc would have a very
peaceable country.
This was once a land of beauty and plenty,
before war and violence laid it waste. IV4 have
had a pretty brisk time of it' since we have been
here. There is a large rebel force up at a place
called Franklin, on the. opposite bank of the
Blackwuter, some 20 miles from bore. Our reg
iment marched up there the second week after
wo landed here, but found no force on this side,
and the consequence was, we exchanged a few
shots across the river with them, and turned a
round and marched the 20 miles back with no
body hurt. Last week we received orders to
have rations on hand for a two or three days'
scout, against morning. Morning came and the
orders were to fall in, every man that was able
to carry a gun. That the rebels had crossed tlio
Blaekwater, and were coming down on us in
great force. We fell in with our little sixty
rounds of blue pills, and away we went, tow
ards Blaekwater, to meet the boys. But we did
not have to go over 15 miles before we fell in
with their pickets, drove .them in, and found it
to be a true bill that they were coming. We
had a 6mall engagement, and drove the enemy
back. Two of our boys lay rigid in death's
cold embrace, and several were wounded in that
day's reconnoitring. But there was none hurt
in our regiment. The suddenness of a soldier
being rushed, unenred for, to the presence of his
God, creates 110 alarm. For he is like a stran
ger in a strange land, and no one seems to care,
only so it is not he. You may simply hear the
remark, that such a one is dead or killed out of
such a company or regiment. A soldier be
comes so that he doesn't care about any one
but himself. He becomes used to all the scenes
as they are unfolded from the panorama of war.
A soldier killed in battle Is buried sometimes;
sometimes he is not. It is owing to circum
stances. If killed where his companions have
an opportunity to bury him, ho is just rolled up
in his blanket, his garments saturated with
blood, and put into his last resting place. But
every one knows, death is omnipresent, in war
or out of it. He enters and departs and no
man knows when he shall knock at the door of
his heart. Bat a man in the army never feels
the bitterness of the cup he might have to
swallow. So you may sec that there is not
much sorrow in the parting of a soldier, for we
are drilling on the threshold of two worlds.
We have this town well fortified since we came
here. We expect to be nttaeked every day and
night. If they try to take this town from us,
they will meet with a warm reception.
I received your letter wanting to know if I
had got tho box you sent mc. I have never re
ceived yet or heard from it. Tgot Boor's letter
with the express receipt on it.
You said you heard I was sick, I was very
sick about that time, I had something like tho
swamp fever and diarrhoea, a disease that is prev
alent in this country, but I am better now.
Over has been sick for throe or four days, I
was afraid he would die. He has got pretty well
again. Three of our men diod last week at
Point Lookout hospital, an old man by the name
of Cook, from Pittsburg, and Henry Otto, from
our County, ho was William Showman's son
in-law. Showman, himself, died in a New
York hospital some time ago.
I saw the death of Major Tate in the paper,
I could hardly believe it. We have not been
paid oil" yet for this time. I expect we will
have to wait four months again, like vfe did the
lust time. Yours affectionately,
JOHN B. HELM. |
Hates of 2tt>t)trtisitig
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under five tines will be measured as a half square t
and all over five lines as a full square. All legs!
dvertisements will he charged to the peftou hand
ing them in.
Transient advertisements should be paid for in
advance.
VOL. 6. NO. 12
CAMP CO 11., 53th P. V. 1
Beaufort, S. C. Oct. 3, 1862. J
| B. F. MEYERS :
Dear Friend:—l take this opportunity
to let you know how the Bedford boys are get
ting along. We would all like to see old Bed
ford once more. We are now at Beaufort, a
very fine little town, directly North of Hilton
Head, and ut a distance of 15 miles from that .
place Our camp is half a mile from Beaufort
city, directly West of the city. The city is an
old looking place and chuck full of contrabands.
It takes about 130 men each day to guard these
contrabands. We have two or three Union
Stores in this place.
I must reccommend South Carolina: We get
dp in the morningandgo uptothe doctor's shop.
"Well, John, what's the trouble 1" "Doctor, 1
have had the diarrhoea for 4 Weeks." "Well,
Student, give him a dose and put him off duly."
Another eriters. "Well, Tom, what's the matter
with you ?" "Oh, Doctor, I have had ihe chills
for 2 hours." "Student, give hitn a dose of
Quinine and return liirn to his quarters." En
ter No. 3. "Pat, vrhat's do rrfatter wid yesi"
"Oeh, and sliure, doctor, I've had chills and
fever for 2 weeks." Quinine again. Quinine
is well adapted to the climate of South Caro
lina.
Our rpgiiricnt hits captured three rebels some
two miles from camp. When they Were cap*
tured thoy were fine looking young men. They
were dressed in citizen's clothing and that was
of the poorest kind, something which we call
"hard times," drab color. Our farmer boys
would not be caught wearing the like ; such
was the uniform the had on. Tbey had old
slouch hats on which Northerners Would not
be caught wearing at any time. I judge they
were about 18 years old, each having two re
volvers. They had been 4 days on the Island,
without any thing to cat. We have a great
deal of picket duty to do here, We have some
3or 4 different points to gard. We have been
some twenty days on picket on Ladie's Island.
When we cante from picket, to our quarters,
there were some fifteen of our company not fit
for duty.
We are all getting tired of guarding contra
bands. The boys of the soth are all getting
anxious for a fight. We want this unholy re
bellion crushed out.
We have been in the army 1 year, the sev
enth of this month. I think we have been long
enough in this sandy Southern country; the day*
are warm and the nights very cool.
A soldier's life is one of the hardest that cat!
be lived. I don't care how good a man's con*
stitution is, let him soldier one year and he is
not the man that be was when he entered the
army-
Our Major has returned to our Regiment, in
good health. All the boys think welt of the
Major. Ho is a true union man. I wish our
county could turn out some more men like him.
Our Regiment wis quite "lost" when he had
gone to Bedford to see his friends. When he
returned there was some, cheering among our
men. He is always ready to meet the enemy.
Respectfully Yours,
ISAAC N. BROAD.
Acts cf the Last Congress.
Not copied from the Record, but put down
according to our recollection, and warranted
correct in the main. Do you want another
like it? If you do, vote the abolition ticket.
If you do not, vote the Democratic ticket.
1. An act in relation to niggers.
2. An act to emancipate niggers.
3. An act to prohibit what-dye call it in tha
Territories.
4. An act to abolish what-dye-call-it in the
District of Columbia.
5. An act concerning niggers.
6. An act to confiscate niggers.
7. An act to emancipate the wives and babies
of contrabands.
8. An act to emancipate niggers who fight
for the Confederacy.
9. An net to make 'em fight for the Union.
10. An act to make freed niggers love work.
11. An act to educate said niggers.
12. An act to make paper worth more than
gold.
13. An act to make a little more paper worth
more thnn a good deal more gold.
14. An net to free somebody's niggers.
15. An act in relation to said niggers.
IG. An act to make white folks squeal, Oth
erwise known as the Tax Bill.
17. An net authorizing the President to draft
white folks.
18. Art act authorizing the President to arm
negroes.
19. An act to give us a little more paper.
20. An act concerning niggers.
2hr An act to make omnibus tickets n legal
tender.
22. An net to compensate Congressmen for
using their influence in obtaining contracts.
23. An act authorizing tho issue of more om
nibus tickets.
24. An act declaring white men almost as
good as niggers, if they behave themselves.—
(Laid on the table.)
25. An net to repeal the clause of the Con
stitution relating to the admission of new States.
20. An act to-repeal tlie rest of the Consti
tution.
27. Resolutions pledging the Government to
pay for emancipated niggers.
28. An act authorizing the President to pay
for said niggere. (Went under.)
29 An act to confiscate things.
30. Resolutions explaining that some other
things are not meant.
31. An act in relation to niggers.
32. An act to make niggers white.
33. An act to make 'cm a little whiter. _
31. An act to make them a good deal whiter.
35. An act in relation to contrabands.
36. An net concerning niggers.
37. Resolutions of ndjournmout.