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[ ISi/ Requat.~\
HOW I CAME TO BE MARRIED.
It may be funny, but I've done it. I've
got rib and baby! Shadows departed—oys
ter stews, brandy cocktails, cigar-boxes,
boot-jacks, absorbing shirt buttons, whist
and dominoes. Shadows present —hoop-
skirts, band-boxes, ribbons, gaiters, long
stockings, juvenile dresses, tin trumpets,
little willow chairs, cradles, bibs, pap Sugar
teats, paregoric, hive-syrup, rhubarb, senna,
salts, castor oil, Godfrey's-cordial, squills,
doctor's bills. Shadows future—more nine
pound babies, more hive syrup, etc., etc.,etc.
I'll just tell you how I got caught. I was
the durndest, most tca-custard, bashful fel
low you ever did see; it was kinder in nty
line to be taken with the shakes every time
I saw a pretty girl approaching me, and I'd
'cross the street any time rather than face
one. It was not because f did not like the
critters, for, if I was behind a fence peep
ing through a knot-hole, I eouldn't look at
one long enough.
Well, my sister T>Sh gave a party one
night, and I stayed away from home because
I was too bashful to face Ihe music. I hung
around the house whistling "Old Dan Tuck
er," dancing to keep my feet warm, watch
ing the heads pop up and down behind the
window curtain, and wishing the thunder
ing party would break up so that I could get
to my room. 1 smoked a bunch of cigars,
and as it was getting late and mighty un
comfortable, 1 concluded to shin it up the,
door post. No sooner said than done, and
I soon found myself in bed. "Now," says
I, 'let her rip, dance till yer wind gives out!'
and cuddling under the quilts, Morpheus
grabbed me. I was dreaming of soft-shelled
crabs, shrimps, stewed oysters, &c., when
somebody knocked at the door. Rap, I laid
low. Rap, rap, rap! Then I heard a whis
pering, and I knew there was a whole raft
of girls outside —rap, rap, rap, then Lib
sings out:
'Jack, arc you there?'
'Yes,' says I—then came a roar of laugh
ter.
'Let us in,' says she.
'I won't,' says I.
Then another laugh. By thunder! I be
gan to be riled.
'Can't you let a fellow alone ?*
'Are you a-bed?' says she.
'I am,' says I.
'Get up,' say 3 she.
'I won't,' says I.
Then ariother laugh.
'Get out, you petticoatcd scare-crow,' I
cried, 'can't you get a beau without pulling
a fellow out of bed? I won't go home with
you—l won't—so you may clear out!' and j
throwing a boot at the door I felt better.
But "presently, Oh! mortal buttons, I
heard a still small voice, very much like my
sister Lib's, and it said:
'Jack, you'll have to get up, for all the
girls' things are in there.'
Oh Lord! what a pickle! think of me in
bed, all covered over with mutts, shawls,
bonnets and cloaks, and twenty girls at the
door waiting to get in; it I had had time to
think I should have fainted on the spot, as
it was I rolled out among the bonnet ware
and ribbons in a hurry. Smash went the
millinery in every direction. I had to dress
in the dark, for there was a hole in the door,
and girls will peep, and the way I tumbled
about was death to straw hats.
The moment came; I opened the door
mid found myself right among the women.
'Oh, my dear leghorn!' cried one, 'my
clear, darling little winter beaver!' cried an
other; and they pitched and they pulled,
this way and that, and one bright-eyed lit-*
tic piece, 'Sal,' her name was, put her arms
around my neck and kissed nic right in the
mouth. Human nature couldn't stand that,
and I give her as good as she sent. It was
the first time I ever got a taste, and it was
powerful good. I believe I could have kiss
ed that gal from Julius Cresar to the 4th of
•July.
'Jack,' said she, 'we arc sorry to disturb
you, but. won't you sec me home?'
'Yes,' said I, 'I will.' And I did, and I
bad another smack at the gate, too.
After that we took a kinder turtle-doving
after each other; both of us sighed like a
barrel of cider, when we were away from
each other.
It. was at the close of a glorious summer
day—the sun was setting behind a distant
hog-pen—and the chickens were going to
roost—the bull-frogs were commencing their
evening songs—the polly-wogs in their na
tive mud-puddles were preparing themselves
for the shades of night—and Sal and my
self sat upon an antiquated back-log, listen
ing to the music of nature; such as tree
toads, roosters, grunt ing-pig 3, and now and
then the mellow music of a distant jackass
was wafted to our ears by the gentle zeph
yrs thqt sighed among the mullen stalks,
and came heavily laden with the
odors of henroosts and pig sty 3. The last
lingering rays of the setting sun glancing
f|ta|fcbf brass buttons of a solitary horse
man, shone througn a knot-hole in the hog-
P®r>! Ml in Sal's face, dying her hair to an I
orange peel huo, and showing off my thread-
" f •- ■
VOLUME 58.
NEW SERIES.
bare coat to a bad advantage. One of my
arms was around her waist, my hand rest
ing on the small of her back—slio was toy
ing with my jet black locks of auburn hue.
She .looked like a grasshopper dying with
the hiccoughs, and I felt like a mud-turtle
choked with a codfish hall.
'Sal,' says I, in a voice as musical as the
notes of a dying swan, 'will you have meV'
She turned her eyes heavenward, clasped
me by the hand, had an attack of the heaves
arid blind staggers, and with a sigh that
drew her shoe strings to her throat, said
'yes.' iShe gave clear out, and squatted
down in my lap—l hugged her until I broke
my suspenders, and her breath smelt of the
oniojia a/ie.hod ate the day before. Well,
to make a long story short, she sot the day,
and we practiced for four weeks, every night,
how we would walk into the room to get
married, till we got so that we could walk
as graceful as a couple of muscovy ducks.
The night, the company and the minister
came; the signal was given, and arm in arm
we inarched tinough the crowded hall. We
were just entering the parlor door, when
down I went kerslap on the oil cloth, pull
ing Sal after me. Some cussed fellow drop
ped a banana skin on the floor and floored
inc. It split an awful hole in my cassimere?,
right under my dress-coat tail. It. was too
late to beck out, so clapping my hands over
it we marched in and were spliced. Taking
a seat I watched the bride-kissing operation.
My groom man was tight, and he kissed her
until I got up to take a slice, when, oh, hor
ror, a little six-year old imp had crawled
up behind me, and pulling my shirt through
the hole in my pants, had pinned it to the
chair, and in jumping up I displayed to the
admiring gaze of the astonished multitude
a trillc more white muslin than was allowa
ble. I was finally put to bed, when all my
troubles ended. Good night.
COUNTRY COUSIN.
PROPORTION OK MALES AND FEMALES. —
According to the United States census of
1360, there were at that time about 730,000
more males than females in the U. States,
a fact unprecedented in the census of any
other civilized nation. In most of the old
er Stato3 there is an excess of females; in
M"nancbviae.H-n, innm tlmn
males, while in Illinois there is anexceiJ
of 02,000 males; in Michigan, 40,000 ex
cess of males; in Texas. 36,000{in Wis
consin, 43,000; in California, C7,U00; and
in Colorado, there are 20 males to one fe
male.
HISTORICAL. —Since the organization of
the Federal Government eleven attempts
have been made to resist its authority. The
first was in 1782, the second in 1787, the
third in 1794, called the whiskey insurrec
tion in Pennsylvania. In 1814 and 1820
two more attempts were made, and 1 lie sev
enth was with the Cherokees in Georgia,
in 1830. The eighth was (lie memorable
nullifying ordinance of Soutli Carolina, in
1832, and in 1542, Rhode Island tried it.
The tenth was in 1859, on the part of the
Mormons, and the eleventh is the present
one.
EXTRAORDINARY DUEL.—Two sisters,
named Munzia and Maria Granata, fought
a duel at Naples, a few weeks ago, front
motives of jealousy. The combat rook
place witli the national weapon, the knife,
and one of the sisters died on lite spot;
while, the other, who still survives, received
as many as eighteen wounds.
SIIE "DIDN'T SEE IT."—A gentleman
from l'ort Royal was present when some of
the ."educators" sent from Massachusetts
arrived. One of the female teachers, on
reaching the shore, where a large number
of contrabands, male and female, had con
gregated, immediately walked to one of the
latter, and with extended arms, attempted
to embrace her, exclaiming as she did so,
"You are my sister." The wench had not
been used ts such nonsense, and supposed
the woman must be drunk. Indignantly
pushing her aside, she exclaimed, "Go way,
white gal—never saw ye afore, where you
git your whiskey?"—and thus ended the
interview.
How ALE STRENGTHENED HIM.—A stu
dent of one of our State colleges had a bar
rel of ale deposited in his room—contrary,
of course, to rule and usage. He received
a summons to appear before the President,
who said:
"Sir, I am informed that yon have a bar
rel of ale in your room."
"Yes, sir."
"Well, what explanation can yon give?"
"Why, my physician advised me to try
a little each day as a tonic, and not wishing
to stop at the various places where the bev
erage is retailed, I concluded to have a bar
rel brought to my room."
"Indeed. And have you derived any
benefit from the U3C of it?"
"Ah, yes, sir. When the barrel came
to my room, two days since, I could scarce
ly lift it. Now I can'carry it with the grcat-
I est case." ITis wit saved him.
Freedom of Thonglit and Opinion.
BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 17, 1862.
From the Pittsburg Post.
DANIEL WEBSTER,
Defender of the Constitution.
Mr. K'Utor —Permit me, even at this mom -nt
of excitement, when society appears drifting
and forgetful of the past and regardless of the
future, to occupy some space in your widely
read journal, with the mature opinions of Dan
iel Webster on the value of the constitution, de
livered at the Oilcan, in Boston, upon the occa
sion of the presentation of a Silver Vase in Oc
tober. IS3O, upon which was inscribed:
"To Daniel Webster, Defender of the Constitu
tion of the United States." In this address lie '
says:
Gentlemen, it is to pay respect to this Con
stitution, it is to manifest your attachment to
it, your sense of its value, and your devotion
ito its true principles, that you have sought this
occasion. It L not to pay an ostentations per
sonal compliment. If it wore, it would bo un
worthy of both you and inc. It is not to man
ifest attachment to individuals, independent of
<dl considerations of principles; if it were 1
should fed it my duty to tell you, friends as you
are, that you are doing that which, at this very
moment, constitutes one of the most threatening
dangers to the Constitution itself. Your gilt
would have no value in my eyes, this would lie
regarded by me as an idle pageant, if I did not
know that they are both but modes chosen b
you to signify your attachment*!o the true prin
ciples of the Constitution; your fixed purpose,
so far us in you lies, to maintain those piinci
l pics; and your resolution to support public ffn.
| and stand by them, so long as they shall support
the Constitution of the country and no longer.
"The Constitution of the country 1" Gen
tlemen. often as I am called to contemplate this
•subject, its importance always rises and magni
fies itself more and more before me. I cannot
view its preservation as a concern of narrow
extent, or temporary, duration. On the contra
ry, I sec in it a vast interest, which is to run
down with the generations of men, and to spread
over a great portion of the earth with a direct,
rind over the rest with an indirect, but a most
powerful influence. When I speak of it here,
in this thick crowd of fellow-citizens and friends,
I yet behold, thronging about me, a much lar
ger and more imposing crowd. 1 see a united
rush of the present and the future. I see all
the patriotic of our own land, and our own |
time. I see also the many millions of their
posterity, and I sec, too, tho lovers of hu
man liberty from every part of tho earth, front 1
beneath tho oppressions of thrones, and liierar- j
chics, and dynasties, from amidst tho darkness'
jjLjisnor.uuv. degradation, and despot ism, into!
■Call anyjfly ur TJomv-4—j, k ! ~J_
I see all the. ; countless multitudes gutlicr about j
us, and, I hear their united and earnest voices, j
conjuring us. in whose charge the treasure now .
is, to hold on to the last; by that which is our j
own highest enjoyment and their best hope.
FilledVith these sentiments, gentlemen, and j
having through iny political life hitherto always
acted under the deepest conviction of their truth
and importance, it is natural that I should have
regarded the preservation of the Constitution
as tho first great political object to be secured, j
Hut I claim no exclusive merit. I should deem
it, especially, both unbecoming and unjust in
ineto separate myself, in this respect, from oth
er public servants of the people of Massachu
setts. The distinguished gentlemen who have
preceded and followed me in tho representation I
of the city, their other associates from other
districts of the State, and my late worthy and
most highly-esteemed colleague; arc entitled,
one and all, to a full share in the public appro- ;
bation. If accidental circumstances, or a par
ticular position, have sometimes rendered nic
more prominent, equal patriotism and equal
zeal have, yet made them equally deserving.—
It were invidious to enumerate these fellow-la
borers or to discriminate among them. Long
may they live! and I could hardly express a ,
better wish for the interest and lienor of tho
States, than that tho public men who may fol-1
low thorn may be as disinterested, as patriotic, |
and as able as they have proved themselves.
There have been, gentlemen, it is true, anx
ious moments. This was an anxious occasion
to which the gentleman who lias addressed me
in your behalf lias alluded; I mean the debate
in January, 18J50. It seemed to mo that the
Constitution was about to lie abandoned-
Threatened with most serious dangers, it wasnot j
only not defended, but attacked, as 1 thought, ]
and weakened and wounded in its vital powers !
and faculties, by those to whom the country
naturally looks for its defeneo and protection.
It appeared to me that the Union w:.s ab iut to
go to pieces beforo the people woro at nil aware
of the extent of the danger. This occasion was
not sought, but forced upon us; it seemed to i
me momentous, and I confess that I felt that
even the little I could do, in such a crisis, was
cnNcd for by every motive which could lie ad
dressed to a lover of the Constitution. I took
a part in tho debate, therefore, with my whole
heart already in the subject and careless for eve
ry thing in the result, except the judgment which
the people of the United States should form up
on the questions involved in tho discussion. I
believe that judgment has been definitely pro
nounced; but nothing is due to me, beyond the
merit of having made an earnest effort to pre
sent the true question to tho people, and to in
voke for it that attention from tliem, which its
high importance appeared to mo to demand.
The Constitution of the United States, gen
tlemen, is of "a peculiar structure. Our whole
system is peculiar. It is fashioned according to
no existing model, likened to no precedent, and
yet founded on principles which lie at the foun
dations of all free governments, wherever such
governments exist. It is a complicated system.
It is elaborate, and in sortie sense artificial, in
its composition. We have twenty-four State
sovereignties, all exercising legislative, judicial,
and executive powers. Some of the sovcreign
' ties, or States, had long existed, and subject on
ly to the restraint of the power of the parent
country, had been accustomed to the forms and
to the exercise of the powers of representative
republics. Others of the.m are new creations,
coming into existence only under the Constitu
• tiou; but all now standing on an equal footing.
The general government, under which all
these States are united, is not, as has been very
i justly remarked by Mr. Gray, a confederation,
jit is much more than a confederation. It is a
popular representative government, with all the ,
j departments and functions and organs, of such I
| a government. Hut it is still a limited, a re-
J strained, a severely guarded government.
■ It exists undor a written constitution, and all
I that human wisdom could do is dono, to define
j its powers and prevent its abuse. It is placed
I in what was supposed to be the safest medium
, between dangerous authority on the one band,
I and debility and inefficiency on the other. I
i think that happy medium was touud, by the ex
ercise of the greatest political sagacity, and the
influence of the highest good fortune. We can
not move the system either way, without the
probalitlity of hurtful changes and, as experi
ence has taught us, its safety, and its usefulness,
when let I where if is, our duty is a plain one.
It cannot bo doubted that a system thus com
plicated must ho followed with more or less dan
ger, in every stage of its existence. It has not
the simplicity of despotism. It is not a plain
column, that stands self-poised and self-support
ed. Nor is it a loose, irregular, and untixed,
and undefined system of rule, which admits of
constant and changes, without losing its
character, llut it is a balanced and guarded
system; a system of checks and controls; a sys
tem in which powers arc carefully delegated,
and as carefully limited, a system in which the
symmetry of the parts is designated to produce
an agreeable whole, which shall be favorable to
personal liberty, favorable to public prosperity,
and favorable to national glory. And who can
deny, that, by a trial of fifty years, this Amer
ican system of government has proved itself ca
pable of conferring all these blessings. These
years have been years of great agitation through
out the civilized word. In the course of them
the face of Europe has been completely changed.
Old and corrupt governments have been destroy
ed, and new ones erected in their places, have
been destroyed, too, sometimes, in rapid succes
sion. Yet, through all the extraordinary, the
moat extraordinary scenes of this half century,
the free, popular representative government of
the United States has stood, and has afforded
security lor liberty, for property, and for repu
tation, to all citizens.
That it lias been exposed to many dangers,
that it has met critical moments, is certain. —
cfcis and that a
judgment. But it has hitherto been preserved?
and vigilance and patriotism may rescue it again.
The Constitution is founded on compromise,
and the most perfect and absolute good faith, in
regard to every stipulation of this kind contain
ed in it, is indispensable to its preservation.—
Every attempt to accomplish even the best pur
pose, every attempt to grasp that which is re
garded as an immediate good, in violation of
these stipulations, is full of danger to the'whole
Constitution. 1 nepd not say, also, that possi
ble collision between the. general and the state,
governments always hilt) been, is, and ever must
be, a source of danger to bo strictly watched by
wise men.
I desire not to stand before the country as a
man of no opinions, or of such a mixture of op
posite opinions that tlio result has no character
at all. On the contrary, lam desirous of stand
ing as one who is bound to bis own consistency
by the frankest avowal of his sentiments on all
important and interesting subjects. lam not
partly for the Constitution, and partly against
it; 1 am wholly for it, for it altogether, for it
as it is, and for the exercise, when occasion re
tinites, of all its just powers, as they have here
tofore been exercised by Washington, and the
great men who "have followed him in its admin
istration.
I disdain, altogether, the character of an un
committed man. lam committed, fully com
mitted; committed to the full extent of all that
1 :un, and all that I hope, to the Constitution of
the country, to its love and reverence, to its de
fence and maintenance, to its warm commenda
tion to every American heart, and to its vindi
cation and just praise, before all mankind. And
I am committed against every thing which, in
my judgment, may weaken, endanger, or destroy
it. Inm committed against the encouragement
of local parties and-local feelings; I am com
mit ted against all, any and every derangement
of the powers of the several departments of the
government, against any derogation from the
constitutional authority of Congress, and espe
cially against all extension of. tho executive
power; and I am committed against any at
tempt to .rule the free people of this country by
tho patronage of the government itself. lam
committed, fully and entirely committed, against
making the government the people's master.
"Why did you come backasked a sleek,
well-fed citizen of a poor half-sick Federal sol
dier just returned frout McClellnn's army.—
" Why don't you goT' replied the soldier.
GlßLS. —Tliere are two kinds of purls. Ono
is the kind that appears the best abroad —the
girls tbat are good for parties, rides, visits, balls,
&e., and whose chief delight is in such things.
The other is the kind that appears best at home
—the girls that are useful and cheerful in the
dining room, sick room, and all tho precincts of
home. They differ widely in character. One
is often a torment at home: the other is a bles
sing. One is a moth, consuming everything a
bottt her; the other is a sunbeam; inspiring life
and gladness along her pathway.
WOOLDN'T WORK.- —Seven or eight hundred
of the negroes who were sent from Cincinnati'
to Covington, to workon tho fortifications there,
refused to labor, and were* brought back and
placed in confinement under guai'd.
WHOLE NUMBER, SO©
WHERE ARE WE DRIFTING
When we want to discover whither we arc
drifting, and how far we have gone from r.afe
harbor, all we have to do is to recur to the or
iginal land-marks. With this view we subjoin
some extracts fjoin the Declaration of Independ
ence and from the Constitution of the United
States.—When our fathers grew tired petition
ing the British Crown against grievances, and
protesting against usurpalionst, hey took up arms,
and gave their reasons—some of which we an
nex—in a memorable paper, known to this day
as the
UKCI.AR.VnOV OF INDEPENDENCE.
The history of the present King of Great
Britain is a history of repeated injures arid u
sgr pat ions, all having in direct object thecstnls
llslnncnt of an absolute tyranny over these
{States.
He has affected to render the military inde
pendent of, and superior to the civil power.
lie has combined with others to subject us to
a jurisdiction foreign to our Constitution, and
unacknowledged by our laws.
For depriving us, in many cases, of the ben- !
tits of trial by jury.
For transporting us beyond seas to 1 e tried for
pretended offenses.
These reasons were held than fo be Pound and
sufficient, and to this day the whole civilized
world holds the same opinion of them.
The Revolution over and independence a
chieved, the Fathers of the Republic met in
convention to frame a Constitution for the safe
and better government of the states" which, at
a great expenditure of blood and treasure, they
rescued from British thraldom; and to save
their descendanth from outrages an 1 aggres
sions similar to those practiced upon themselves
by the king of Great Britain, they did as they
supposed, so distinctly define and limit the ex
tent df power entrusted to each department of
the national government, so clearly indicate the
reserved rights of the individual States, and so
securely hedge around with safeguards the
rights and personal liberty of the citizen, thatj
there could be no (Tanger of encroachments l>y
the central government, and consequently no
cause for dissatisfaction oil the part of the States
or insurrection or revolution on the part of the
people. How far their expectations have been
realized, history will declare. As far as human
foresight, profound wisdom, huge experience,
an 1 an humble trust in Divine Providence could
enable them to make a perfect Constitution, they
succeeded.
To the President, by virtue of the civil func
tions of the office, and as a Commander-in-Chief
of the army and navy, is comntitted the faith
ful execution of the laws; by and with the ad
(Vico and consent of the Senate, he may perform
the" of
outh.
Constitution of the United States.
OF THE EXECUTIVE.
8. Before lie enter on the execution of bis
office, he shall take tile following oath or affir
mation :
"I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will
faithfully execute tho office of President of the
United States, and will, to the best of my abil
ity, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitu
tion of the United Status."
OF THE LEGISLATURE.
ART. 1 , Sec. 1 . All legislative powers here in
granted shall be vested in a Congress of the U
nitod States, which shall consist of a Senate and
House of Representative.
SEC. 8. The Congress shall have power to lay
and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises,
to pay the debts and provide for the common
defence and general welfare of the United
States.
To make all laws which shall be necessary
and proper for carrying into execution the fore
going powers, and all other powers vested by
this Constitution in the Government of the U
nited States or in any department or officer
thereof.
SEC. 0. The privilege of the writ of habeas
corpus shall not bo suspended, unless when in
cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety
may require, it.
OF THE JUDICIARY.
ART. R, SEC.2. The trial of all crimes, except
in eases of impeachment, shall he by jury, and
such trial shall lie held in the State where the
said crimes shall have been committed within
any State, the trial .shall bo at such place or
places as Congress may by law have directed.
SEC. .'l. Treason against the United Stares
shall consist only in levying war against tlieiu,
or in adhering to their enemies, giving them
aid and comfort. No person shall he Convicted
of treason, unless on the testimony of two wit
nesses to the same overt act, or confession in o
pen court. *
CONSTITUTION.
ART. a. No person shall be held to answer
for a capital or otherwise infamous crime, un
less on a presentment or indictment of a grand
jury, except in eases arising in the land or na
val forces, or in the militia when in nctual ser
vice in time of War or public danger.
Aur. G. In all criminal prosecutions, tlicaccus
de shall enjoy the right tosjieedy andpublio trial,
by an impartial jury of tlio state and district
wherein the crime shall have been committed,
which district shall have been previously ascer
tained by law, and to lie informed of the nature
and cause of the accusation ; to he confronted
with the witness against him ; to have compul
sory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor;
and to have the assistance of ceunsel for his
defence.
These are extracts from tho Constitution
made by our fathers after they had emerged
from British tyranny. This constitution tho
President of the United Stbtes has to
"preserve, protect and defend" to the "best of
my [his] ability." It seems that the Constitu
tion vests in. Xfbm-enn alone the right to suspend
the writ of habeas cotpusi, and that only in ea- l
' ■ ' - ' v "fc v *
Hatea of 2liißtrtising
One Squire, three weens or lew. $1 0(1
One Square, each additional iniertion leia
than three month 2< j
3 HOITIIS. 8 MOJITHS. 1 TKAR
One square • $2 00 $3 00 $a 00
Two square 3 00 sO O 900
Three 400 700 12 00
li Column gOO 900 15 00
§ Column ........ 800 19 00 90 00
J Column 12 00 18 00 3* 0 0
One Column ...... 1% 00 30 Ott ,00 00
The space ocrii£ie(JJ|iy ten tbli,*iue of
type counts one square. All fractions of a square
under live lines will be measured as a half square
and all over five lines as a full square. All legaj
dvcrtisements will be charged to the person hanci
jngthem in.
VOL. 6. NO. 11
scs, during the existence of "rebellion or inva
sion,' when ''the public safety may reqire it.
Hits the Congress sus|>ended the privilege of
habeas corpus ? No !
1 his it authorized the President to suspend it?
No!
lias it the right to authorize the President to
suspend itNo! The Congress cannot dele
gate the right." *
lias it been suspended ? Yes! '
By whom ! The President.
Does the "Public safety" require its suspen
sion in (lie loyal .States, where there-is neither
"rebellion" nor "invasion," and where the ad
ministration of law is unimpeded ? No! None
I but a fool or a knave will say it docs.
And yet it has been suspended ? Yes! And
j by the President? Yes! l>y what authority?
I Certainly neither bv the authority of the Con
[ stitatiou nor of Congress—the former does not
I give the authority in any case, and tho latter
neither has norcan-and as those arethc only two
sources which we know of from whence ho
might derive ft, it must be that there isatithori
ty for the suspension which we arc ignorant of.
or lie has assumed the fearful responsibility of
the act without any authority at all.
WANT CF CONFIDENCE.
A little Frenchman loaned a merchant s.>dod,
when times were pood. lie called at the coun
ting house a few days since, in a state of agita
tion not easily described:
'How do you do ? inquired the merchant.
'Hick—very sick,' replied the monsieur.
'Whnt is tlvc matter ?
'Do times is dc matter.'
'Dcthnes —what disease is that V
'Do maladio what break all de merchants ver
much.''
'Ah—the times, eh ?—well, they are had,
very bad, sure enough;. but how do they affect
you !'
'Vy, monsieur, I lose do confidence!'
'lu whom V
'ln every body.'
'l'ardonnez moi, monsieur, but Ido not know
who to trust at present, when all de merchants
break several times, all to pieces.
'Then I presume you want your money.'-
'Oui, monsieur, I starve for want of far
d-nt.' ,
'Can't you do without it V
'No, monsieur; I must have him.*
'You must V
'Oui, monsieur ;'said little dimity breeches,
turning pale with apprehesion for the safety of
his money. _ ~
'And you can't do without it t*
'No, monsieur, not von other lectio moment
longaro.'
The merchant reached his bank-book, drew
'fc.fSUSp " !lA Commercial for the a-
Vat is (lis. monsieur 0 ?'""
•'A check for five thousand dollars with the
interest.'
'ls it hon ? said the Frenchman, with nmaze
mont.
'Certainly.'
'llavo you tie C argent in do bank ?'
'Yes.'
'And is it pefait men convenient to pay de>
sum V
'Undoubtedly. What astonishes you V
'Vy, dat you have got him in dees times.'
'Oh, yes, and I have plenty more. I owe
nothing that I cannot pay at a moment's no
tice.'
The Frenchman was perplexed.
'Monsieur, you shall do me one leetlc favor,
eh V
'With all my heart.'
'Veil, Monsieur, you shall hocp de Targent
for mo some leetlc year longare.'
'Why I thought you wanted it.'
'Tout an contrairc. I not de Fargot —l vant
de grand confidence. Suppose you not got de
money den I vant him ver much; suppose you
got him, den I not vant hiin at all. Vous com
prenet, oh V
Alter some further conference, the little
Frcnchmnn prevailed upon the merchant to re
tain the money, and left the counting-house
with n light heart, and a eountennncc very dif
ferent from the one he wore when he entered.
Ills confidence was restored, and although he
did not stand in need of the money, he wished
to know that his property was in safe hands.
This little sketch has a moral, if the reader
has sagacity enough to find it.
A notorious scamp was brought not long ago ,
before an Onondago Justice. He was accused
of having come the "strap-game" over a native.
The portly Justico wishing to decide under-
requested the culprit to give him a
sample of his skill. The parly instantly pro
duced a leather strap gave it a scientific whisk
across the bench, and remarked!
"You see Judge, the quarter under the strap?"
"What!" interrupted the dignified function
my, "do you mean to say that there is a quar
ter there 1"
"Nartin!" was the reply.
"No such thing," said the Justice.
"I'll go you a dollar on it," said the prisoncK
"Agreed!" said the Henich.
With accustomed adroitness the strap was'
withdrawn, when lo! there was the quarter!
"Well," said the astonished Shallow, "I
wouldn't havo believed it if I hadn't seen it
with my own oyes! There is yonr dollar, and
you arc fined jice dollars for gambling, contrary
to the statuo in such case made and provided!"
The elongated countenance of the discomfit
ed gambler required no additional evidence to
testify his appreciation of "the suck."
"There's two ways of doing it J' said Eat td
himself, as ho Mood uuising a
jrm, "if I stive die four'thftulariclciMlars I'must,._
lay up two -hundred dolhrs a ysrc. £
years, or I can put aVay twenty dollars a year
tor two hundred
w -* 9