THE BEDFORD GAZETTE
M PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY MORNING
BY B. F. BEYERS,
At th followini term*, to wit <
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countable for the subscription price of newspa
pers, if they take them from the post oflico, wheth
er 'hey subscribe for them, or not.
Constitutional Opposition to Incompetent Rulers-
Our amiable, soft-spoken contemporary,
the Commercial Advertiser, is lifted for once
on a very gentle swell of emotion—so far
as it is capable of emotion—and holds up
itß timid hands in horror—so far as it is ca
pable of so positive a sensation a3 horror—
at what it is pleased to call our "unblushing"
avowal that we think the public interest
would be promoted by the organization of a
patriotic efficient opposition party. This
quiet, placid, respectable organ of negation
rises to the vigor of "unfeigned regret" that
We do not continue to treat the
tion as we did before its demonstrated im
becility had tilled all loyal breasts with dis
appointment aad chagrin. "The best evi
dences of patriotism and loyalty," says the
Commercial , "are unmurmuring adherence
"to one's country and government in the
"hour of its adversity, and a hearty and
"unquestioning support of the administra
"tion." We must not deny that this is in
keeping with the character of a journal which
professed an abiding belief in the continued
existence of the old Whig party for live
long years after the corpse of that party had
been decently buried. Such fidelity would,
if well handled, make a touching scene in
the lamentable tragedy of "The Faithful
Lovers," but it is rather too mawkish for
the perilous times on which we arc fallen.
The only security for the efficient dis
charge of public trusts is RESPONSIBILITY.
Every office civil and military, from the low
est grade up to the President, must be held to
his responsibility, or we have no guarantee
for the success of any branch of the pub
lic service. But in the management of
this war, in what instance has responsibili
ty been vigorously enforced 1 We have had
repeated and shameful military disasters,
but we have not yet had the first court
martial, except for the trial of some insig
nticant officer. The same laxity in enfor
cing just responsibility which has prevailed
in the army, has, by a mistaken lenity,
been practiced toward the administration.
We have given it power without stint, but
we have nothing to show for its enormous
expenditure of blood and treasure. "Ad
herence to one's government and country"
is, of course, a sacred duty; but that is a
very different thing from an "unquestioning
support of the administration" temporarily
in power. Our republican president cannot
put on the airs of the Bourbon king, and
say I'etat, Cest mui —-"I am the state." —
Under our government the people are the
state; the administration are their minis
ters, responsible to them for the faithful
performance of their duties. It is only thro'
an opposition party that this responsibility
can be enforced. In times of extraordinary
peril art opposition party can make no head
way when the government is conducted with
reasonable vigor and success. But when
the weakness and incapacity of the admin
istration become so manifest that its most
partial and credulous friends can put in no
better plea than an appeal to the public for
bearance, further "unmurmuring adherence"
is quite out of place, and quite out of the
question. The country cannot afford to en
courage its rulers in a course which might
render the second army of six hundred thou
sand men and the second year of the war
as inefficient and abortive as the first.
A patriotic opposition party, strong enough
to carry several of the state elections, would
coerce the administration into a more vigor
ous policy. If it should have this effect,
the administration would partially recover
the unbounded confidence it has lost, and
the opposition would be held in check. Ylut
if lie President should turn a deaf ear to
all waniiiig, and disaster and disgrace should
.canting to accumulate under his manage
ment, tlie opposition would gather irresisti
ble strength. It would be the sole hope of
the country, the only barrier against anar
chy. • Already there is loud talk of deposing
the administration by irregular and revolu
tionary methods. Who can tell to what
height this feeling would rise if the people
should be further incensed by further arbi
trary acts and a new series of disasters ?
A We suppose the Commercial would even
then, in its mild way, preach "unmurmur
ing adherence" to the administration; but
we warn it that it would have small chance
to be beard in the wild uproar of turbulent
passions, unless a safe and constitutional
channel were previously dug for the public
indignation to run in. The people would
net, under such circumstances, allowHhe
administration to go through its term, unless
they a prospect of the government fall
ing into better hands at its close. It is cer
tain the country Will not stand the unwar
ranted assumptions of power, the arbitrary
arrests, the denial of the habeas corpus, the
, interference of free discussion practiced by
this administration, when the policy to which
theee stretches of power are auxiliary re-
suits in nothing but disgrace to our arms
and fresh perils to the Union.
• .Party opposition, acting slowly and only
•JJorongh the elections, enables the adminis
cUipa-to fake timely warning and retrieve
M - struts. .It is a safeguard against the vi-
VOLUME as.
NEW SERIES.
olent explosion of revolutionary passions.
It keeps open an orderly, peaceful, and con
stitutional way of displacing incompetent
rulers. It trains, in the opposition chiefs,
a set of men to feel the responsibilities of
coming power and in some degree fit them
selves for the discharge of public duties. It
is like having another house to retreat to if
the one you inhabit should be beaten down
by the tempest or fall in rottenness about
your head. It the old dwelling continues
safe and comlortable, so much the better;
out, in these portentous times, it is but a
reasonable precaution to guard against pos
sible mob violence, committees of public
safety, and a reign of terror. Peaceful,
loyal, and constitutional opposition is the
proper prophylactic against the treasonable
revolutionary resistance that is already
threatened in radical quarters.
[K Y. World, (Repub.)
THE CASE OF LEWIS BALLARD.
Imprisoned without guilt, held without
trial, liberated without reparation—that is
the damning record which Lewis Ballard
must write; an honest and loyal man, im
prisoned in Fort Lafayette by Provost-Mar
shal Kennedy, under orders from Secretary
Stanton, for having been engaged in the
substitute agency business—only that and
nothing more. A policeman, whose badge
was concealed, stepped into Mr. Ballard's
office, where he was transacting a business
not yet prohibited or proclaimed a crime;
his honesty guaranteed by such men as Bel
mont & Co., Iloyt, Spragucs & Co., and
Daniel Drew, his loyalty proven by the
whole course of his life. The policeman
purchases an obligation to provide hiin with
a substitute if drafted (such are the arts by
which Justice must reach its ends), then
shows his shield and takes Mr. Ballard a
prisoner to the head quarters of Mr. Ken
nedy. The Provost Marshal refuses to re
ceive bail, sends his prisoner to the Fifteenth
ward station house—even denies him per
mission to visit first his own residence. Not
merely was no trial granted—no warrant
was shown by the Provost Marshal. To a
citizen of New York, one of the states of a
constitutional Union, the oral' statement of
an insolent and arbitrary officer was deemed
quite enough ground for consigning him to
the walls of a Bastile and the companion
ship of traitors. He lies there for days,
and at last is released unconditionally, with
out information as to the estimate of his
guilt, without bonds, without oath given or
required—indebted, perhaps, to the inter
vention of powerful friends with a member
of the cabinet for the liberation which, if
he was guilty, was not his due, anil if ho
was guiltless, was, in its manner, insult ad
ded to outrage. This befell in New York—
the chief city of the nation—the very core
of its loyal heart.
The stones of the streets of a city of cra
vens should cry out at such scorn of her
honor, her loyalty and her citizen's rights.
Imprisoned without guilt, for an act yet to
be pronounced a crime, arrested without war
rant, incarcerated without trial, liberated
without reparation. In what other terms
than these do we phrase the high handed
ordaining 3 of despotism ? Is there any oth
er language for the deeds of tyrants V Yet
this is a republic, and these are the men of
the nation's choice.
There are none to plead the cause of the
oppressed. The bar of New York is silent.
A phantom Provost Marshal opens and shuts
the doors of the harbor fort, and they are
dumb. The fort is named for him who gave
to the father of his country the key of a
Bastile which has perished, but the omen is
The blood in their veins is milk.
The days go on. The administration
permits this monument of its shame to be
heaped higher—of dead civil rights and of
throttled liberties. Every hour offers it the
chance of atoning for the past and of estab
lishing impregnable what only in an hour of
national peril it could have undermined.—
But every hour the shaft is driven deeper.
The crime is even clinched. For lie who is
liberated goes free neither because he is
confessed guiltless nor because lie lias been
proved guilty; and the prisoners who re
main, guilty or guiltless as he—not more,
not less—remain it would seem, that the
spotless majesty of Law may be sullied by
every offense.—[iY Y. World.
CSrA Texan and an Illinois fanner were
speaking of raising corn, etc., and the Illi
nois man was boasting of the superior yield
of prairie land, and telling large stories, as
all Western men can do; to which the Tex
an replied: I'll tell you what, stranger, they
truly raise large com in your clearing, but
it ain't a circumstance to what we raise on
tho Colorado bottoms. Why, the corn there
averages thirty feet in lieighth, with twelve
ears to a stalk, and a gourd full of shelled
com at the top.
s7Able-bodied American skedaddlers are
stealing their way over to Canada, and ta
king the oath of allegiance to the British
Government, to avoid the draft.
Freedom of Thought and Opinion.
BEDFORD,PA., FRIDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 26, 1862.
Letter from Major Jack Downing.
WASHINGTON, Sept. 1802.
To the Editors of The Cawcashin:
Surs: —Senoe I -writ you lust I've been stud
yin in milingtury strutegy. It is a grate wci
eiicc. Our unriy, dowii In Virginny, ha l ! been
in grate strates lately, an if it hadn't been for
the milingtury strutegy it would have all been
taken prisoners. Ses the Kernel to me, the oth
er day, ses he, "Majer, what do you think that
milingtury strategy consists in i" "Wal," ses I,
"Kernel it consists in gettin out of your enemy's
way wen he's too much for you, an gettin in his
way wen you're too much for him." .Ses I,
"Kernel, I don't know whether that is down in
the books, but that's the common sense view of
the subject." "Wal," ses Linkin, "whatever
strutegy consists in, we don't seein to have a
bit of it, for we get in the enemy's way jest
wen he's too strong for us, an get out of his
way wen he ain't too strong for us. I'm gettin
ccnamost discouraged with this kind of miling
tary strutegy." "Wal," ses I, "Kernel, you've
got too many Giunerals an too many armies.
There's too many fellers, with more brass in
their faces than there is in their buttons, who
want to he the biggest toad in the puddle. Now,
there can't be but one big toad an so there can't
be but one head Ginneral. You ought to make
one Commander-in-Cheef, an make him take
the field, so that he can see for himself how mat
ters are goin. Ginneral llallick, here in Wash
ington, ain't the thing."
"Wal," Mnjer, "there is no use of crying over
spilt milk. The troops down in Virginny have
been roughly handled agin by the rebels, an have
got so mixed up that it will require a grate deal
of strutegy to get them straitened out. The
qiicstshin is, what is to be done i"
Jest as I was about to give the Kernel some
advice, who should come in hut Suinnure, an a
feller with a white handkereher around his ueck,
an two or three other solemn-looking chaps.
The feller in a white kercher spoke up, an ses
he, "Air. President, we're come to sympathize
with you in the nashin's alHicshin, for the Lord
has agin beat us with stripes—ah. Mr. Presi
dent, I'm chief Secretary of the American and
Foreign Benevolent Society for Ameliorating
the Condishin of the Colored Pace—ah—an I
have been appintcd Checrman of a committee
to wait on you an express to you our opinions
in the present fearful crisis iu our country's his
tory.
"Our society, which is composed of all the
most pious maiden ladies in our town—ah—
who arc over forty years of age, an, t.hm-of'ore,
may be considered wise and discreet, desire me
to express to you their deep conviction that God
will never bless our armies with victory—ah—
so long as you do not fight for the freedom of
our dearly beloved colored brethren—ah. Our
Society, Mr. President, has given f lie condishin
of our colored brethren great attensbin—ah.
You can judge of the extent of our labor wen
I inform you that the sisters of our Society
have distributed the past year to our colored
brethren in Liberia 500 flannel shirts—ah-rUOO
wool socks—ah— 100 Bibles—ah— loo 'Tracts
onTemperance —ah— 500 toothpicks—ah—and
a large supply of cologne water —ith!
"We should have boen glad to have supplied
the sufferin bondsman of the same oppressed
race in our own country, hut the vile rebellion
of the infernal slaveholders has prevented. We
ask you now to proclaim lilxrty to Ihe captives,
an 'let the people go'—ah. Do not let your
heart be hardened as Pharaoh's was, hut save
our land from sorrow, an our armies from fur
ther defeat by a degree of righteousness. Then
shall glory cover the land—all."
I believe I've got that speech down purty
nigh as the feller delivered it, for lie spoke very
slow and stately, as if he was tryin to make an
imprcshin. When lie got thru, Linkin got up,
an ses he, "Mr Secretary, I'm kinder glad to see
you, and will only say that we need all the help
about these times that we can get, an if I thought
the Lord would only help us lick the rebels, I
wouldn't free the niggers. An if I thought lie
would help us by freein 'em, I would do that.
In fact, whatever I do, an whatever I don't do,
I do it, an I don't do it, jest as I think the Lord
will be most likely to help us. The great thing
is to get the help of the Lord, an I shall adopt
new views, on this pint, jest as far as I think
they are good views." When Linkin got thru,
I pulled him by the coat-tail, an ses I, "Kernel,
Seward himself could not banc boat that non
committal speech." Ses he, "Hush, Majer, don't
throw all the fat in the fire." Jest then the fel
ler in the white handkereher spoke up, an ses
he, "Let us pray," an at it he went. Ses lie,
"Oil Lord, throw grate light upon the mind
of our Chief Magistrate—ah—give us vietorys
over the rebils—all—give us thisyere grate vie
torys—ah—not such little victories as we had
last yere—all—taut crush the rebils with the
arm of Thy power. Amen—ah." After this,
they all shuck hands, an went away.
After they had gone, ses the Kernel, ses he,
"Majer, that's a wonderful pious chap," "Yes,"
ses I, "Kernel, I think he is in his way," but,
ses I, "findin fait with the Lord, bekase he don't
give us bigger victrics, ain't much like the Chris
tians of arly days." Ses I, "his prayer for big
victries, reminds me of old Joe Bunker's prayer.
Joe was a wicked old sinner who swore wus
than a salcyur. One day he was a swarein' kos
he didn't hcv better corn. Someone told him
he orter pray for good corn, if he wanted it.
So one day soinc one wos goin' long the road by
the old feller's corn field, and heurin' a noise,
they stopped, and who did the noise cum from
but the miserly old skinflint Bunker, who was
prnyin. Ses he, "O, Lord! give us a good crop
of corn this yere, long ears, long as your arm,
not sich d—d little nubbins as we bed last yere."
"Now," ses I, "Kernel, I think thar's a great
deal a singularity 'tween them two prayers, and
I think the Lord is jest as likely to answer one,
as t'other." Ses I, "Kernel, you could bust up
fifteen Unions easior than you could destroy sla
very." Ses he, 'iMajer, I dont see into that
exactly, and I'd like to know the reasou why."
"Wal;" ses I, "Kernel, the reason is jest this:
men made the Union, biit God made slavery)
and I tell you, 'ses I, "Kernel, when you under
take to butt agin that, you butt agin a big sub
ject." Ses I, "ain't every body bceu fightin
for the liist thirty years, and haven't they all
cum oft second best, while nigger slavery has
been growin and expandin' in spite of -era f
God made the nigger to sarvc and obey the
white man, and until he's altered and made an
other being, you can't make him anything but
a sarvent. These fellers, like that white cra
valted chap, who was jest licro, and who cm
ploy their time in sendin' ftannel shirts and tooth
picks to the wild nigger in Afriky, don't know
nothiu' more about niggers than they do 'bout
the iuterior of the artli. You might presarve
all the brains they've got in a drop of brandy,
and they would have as much sea room as a
tadpole in Lake Superior."
"Wal ," ses Linkin, ses he, "Majer, let's drop
the nigger jest now, as I want to ask you wheth
er you think the rebils kin take Washingtonf"
"Wal," ses I, "Kernel, that depends on the
strutegy again. Ef you keep Giunerals in the
field who dont pay any attention to 'lines of re
trete,' afore you know it, Kernel, that feller
with a Stonewall in his name, will be around on
the North of the white House, and I'm afeerd
my "line of retrete' to Downingvillc will be cut
off." "That's so, Mujer, and my retrete to
Springfield may be a hard road to travel." When
Linkin made this remark, he looked oueasy.
I didn't know what to say, so I did jest what
1 idlers did in that case, 1 whistled! Ses Linkin,
ses he, "Majer, are you whistlin to keep your
courage up.'" Ses I, "No, "Kernel, I ain't n
iecrd a mite, but, ses I, "I'm in what old Dea
con Doolittle calls a quandary." Ses he, "what's
your quandary!" "Wal," ses I, "I was think
in what 1 would do, if the rebels should take
Wahsiugtori."
The Kernel didn't say notion for about a min
ute. He looked very serious, arid finally, ses
he, "Mnjer, we're in a tight place, an there is
no use donyin it, but it don't do any good to get
into fits of hysterics about it." "Yes," ses I,
"Kernel, hut it makes me feel solemn to see this
Old Ship of State kuockia around, an' may be,
jest reddy to sink." "Wal, Majer," ses the
Kernil; "that remark reminds me of a story.
A good many years ago there was an old feller,
a free an easy chap, around a steamboat on the
Missippi river, and he was a grate fiddler.
He had notliin to do, an ginneraliy went up
and down the river on a boat, spendin his time
n fiddlin an tellin stories. One day the boat
atriivU a snag, an wn fast Mien with water.
The old feller was in the cabin sawin away on
his fiddle when the boat struck, but he paid no
attenshun to it, but kept rite on fiddlin. Final
ly, one of the passengers came in an told him
that the Captnin warn't tryin to save the boat
as he ought, an that she would be lost in ten
minutes. 'Wal,' ses the old feller, 'she's been
i a losing concarn for five years,' and lie kept on
fiddlin. l'retty soon another passenger rushed
in, and screamed out, 'She's settlin very fast.'
'I wish she'd settle with me beforcshe goes down,'
an still he kept on fiddlin. The next that was
seen of him lie was swimmin ashore, with the
liddio under his arm ami the how in his mouth.
Now, Majer, if they take Washington, alid the
ship sinks, we'll swim ashore. r '
"Yes," ses I "Kernel, and I suppose yon will
take the nigger with you, jest as that old feller
did the fiddle, for the nigger has been the fiddle
your party has played on!"
The Kernel didn't seem to like this application
of his story, hut didn't say a word. 1 felt very
solemn, for I couldn't help feelin eenamost like
cry in when I thought how lhi*gi9to liashin
might all be shipwrecked afore we knew it, by
a set of fellers who have been takon up so with
the nigger as to let the country go to destruc
tion.
I went to lied that nite with a heavy hart,
and lied a terribul attack of hilyusness, which
I had to take nigh onto a gallon of elder bark
tea to cure. Sence then, I've been better, and
if God spares my life I'll keep you pasted about
our nashinal affairs as long as there is a liashin.
Youm, till deth,
MAJER JACK DOWNING.
STARTLING DEVELOPMENTS. ,
Conspiracy of the Radicals to Repose the
I'reside nt.
WASHINGTON, Sept. 10. —The N. York Her
ald says that most astounding disclosures have
been made, here to-day, by letters and verbal com
munications from prominent politicians, showing
that a vast conspiracy has been set on foot by
the radicals of the Fremont faction to depose
the present administration, and place Fremont
at the head of u provincial government; iu otli
ior words to make him military dictator. One
of these letters asserts that one feature of this
conspiracy is tjic proposed meeting of Governors
of the Northern Mtatos to request President
Lincoln to resign, to enable them to cariy out
their scheme.
The writer, in conclusion, says Governor An
| drew and Senator Wilson are at work, and they
arc probably at the bottom of the movement.
Brum other well informed sources it is learned
that the fifty thousand independent volunteers
i proposed to be raised under the auspices of the
! New York National Union Defenco Committee
were intended to be a nucleus for the orgauiza
i tion of this Fremont conspiracy. It was the
i purpose of those engaged in this movement to
have this force organized and armed by the gov
ernment, and placed under the independent com
mand of their chosen leader, and then to call
upon all sympathizers to unite with them in arms
to overthrow the present administration and es
tablish in its stead a military dictatorship, to
carry out the popular policy they desire the gov
ernment should execute. Failing in this, it is
stated that a secret organization has been inau
gurated, the members of which are known by
the name of lloundheads. It is intended this
organization shall number two hundred thousand
1 men in arms, who shhll raise the standard of the
WHOLENIJIIBER, 3093
conspirators and call Gen. Fremont to the com
mand. They expect to be joined by two'thlrds
of the army of the Union now in the field, and
that eventually one million of armed men will
be gathered aronnd their standard. This start
ling disclosure is vouched for by men of high
repute in New York and other Northern States.
It is the last card of those who have been Vain
ly attempting to drive the President into the a
doption of their own peculiar policy.
We take the above from the Washington cor
respondence of the New York Herald, of Sept.
' 17- The I/era Id's reputation for originating
sensation dispatches has the effect, usually, to
discredit its statements. Put, in this case, there
arc corroborating facts and circumstances which
go far to confirm the statements contained in the
above dispatch. The late action of the New
York War Committee, their secret meetings—
their resolutions providing for the raising of
50,000 men to be put under command of Fre
mont, as an independent corps, their attempts to
raise large sums of money from the people—the
late meeting of Black Republican Governors—
the attacks of the radical press, generally, on
the administration—the fact that about a year
ago, the New York Times advocated the depo
sing of the President and the inauguration of a
dictatorship, and that the same paper now says
that "the people look upon the Government at
Washington as actually falling tu pieces ! The
fact that Governor Andrew hesitated to furnish
volunteers, unless the President would adopt an
abolition policy—the fact that Henry Wilson
goes about the streets of Washington cursing
the President and declaring the war is a failure
—the fact that Fremont has withdrawn from
the army and is in New York in daily intercourse
with the men supposed to he at the bottom of
this alleged business—the well known fact that
the radicals have always desired the destruction
of this government, and the fact that they have,
ever since this war commenced, endeavored to
make it the means of accomplishing their •'in
fernal" purpose—these facts, and many others
of a kindred character which we might men
tion, go far to confirm what the Herald corre
spondent alleges.
The Cincinnati Gazette, a republican journal,
recently put forth the following:
"Many arc willing to invest the President with
a military dictatorship, so that one mind, with
out so much distracting counsel, shall infuse new
and terrible energy into the measures to put
down the rebellion. A day or two since I at
tended the ceremonies of raising u flag over a
new hospital, a mile east of the Capitol. Dr.
Sunderland, chaplain of the Senate, and pastor
of one of the largest New School Presbyterian
churches in Washington was the orator, lie
boldly proclaimed the sentiments of the loyal
North, that a new war policy must he inaugu
rated. or the rebellion never could be put down.
He advocated a military dictatorship."
In view of all the known facts to which we
have referred, there is reason to apprehend that
a military dictatorship is contemplated by trai
torous radicals, in and out of Congress. Such
wretches as Governor Andrew, Henry Wilson,
Charles Sumner, Ben. Wade, Zach. Chandler
& Co., are quite capable of conceiving such a
project, and of desiring to have it executed.
In their desperation to retain power and perpet
uate the opportunity for plunder, they would
resort to any .scheme, however infamous to sat
isfy their selfish desires. .So far as the minds,
lienrts and wishes of these men are concerned,
the Herald's statement is undoubtedly correct,
and if every one of the traitors should be hang
ed for treason, justice would be getting her duo.
But, when their capacity, or incapacity, to suc
cessfully execute so great aseheme is considered,
the public mind will not bo disturbed by this
announcement of their wish or purpose. Their
hearts nre black enough to desire it, hut their
heads are too weak to accomplish so great a
scheme of infamy and treason. The fact that
Fremont is their chosen leader in this business,
stamps the whole matter with utter impotence,
and renders it supremely ridiculous. This choice
of one for a leader who is, himself, so notori
ously a failure, iu every respect, fitly illustrates
the hunnlessness of their proposed scheme,
black and infamous as it is in its conception.
But while there is no danger that these vile
traitors to their country, their own race, their
own children and to God, will be ablo to con
summate their hellish purpose—while it is known
that our loyal army would annihilate whomso
ever might he base enough to take up arms in
such u cause, and that our people, generally,
would trample such scoundrels into the dust—
yet, it is incumbent upon us all to drive those
traitors from the high places of trust which they
so much disgrace, and in which they have al
ready done so much to injure the cause of the
Union. Let the verdict of the loyal people, at
the coming olcction, tell the world how Ameri
can freemen appreciate such traitors.
[Phil. Evening Jour.
FACTS FOR THE PEOPLE.
"There should be no restoration of the Union
with slavery in it."— Eliot, ltep. of Mass.
"I will not vote another dollar for this war,
unless this war is made a war against slavery."—
Conway, Rep. of Kansas,
"Universal emancipation must be declared to
all ."—Thad. Stevens, of Penna.
"I will favor no pacification without distur
bing slavery."—.Senator Fessenden, Rep.
"The times demand an Anti-Slavery Bible,
and an Anti-Slavery God."— Burlingame, a lead
ing Rep.
"We don't want to see the Union restored iu
it was."— Sciota Gazette, Rep.
"Tho election of Lincoln will lie like pouring
oil upon tho troubled waters."— Greely.
"The rebellion will lie crushed in ninety days."
—Chase (Black Republican Prophet) to the New
York Brokers.
"The prcsenco of our troops will restore tho
Union sentiment in the South." — Gov. Tod, Fu
nonist.
"The South cannot sustain this rebellion for
| Ratifl of g
| On* Square, three weens or lew. . ,- k t v o
One Sqimre, eaeh additional insertion lee*
than three month* 55
3 MONTHS• 6 MONTH*. J THAN
One square $2 00 $3 00 $S 00
Two square* 300 5 <&■ 900
Three squares 400 nfa 12 oO
4 c olmn 500 #OO 15 00
§ Column 800 14 CiO 20 00
i Column 14 00 18 00 30 00
OneCotomn 18 00 30 00 •00 00
Thd space occupied by ten lines of thd* size of
>ype counts one square. All fraction* of a square
under .five lines will be measured as a half square i
and *)| over five lines as a fill square. All legal
advertisements will be charged to the person hand
in; them in.
VOL. 6. NO. 8
one month without starving."— Abolition Stump
ere 1 **
"The North can whip the South with a reg
iment of old women.' I — -Clermont Courier.
"The war tax will be about the one seven
teenth of a mill."— l *Sclm Galtouki; /, (a standing
Black Republican candidate) at the Fair Givund'.
"Every voter in the North has already (May
20th, 1802,) a tax of S2OO "'-rMqwes, Rep.,
from Afass.
"The Constitution and Laws must be strictly
en forced."— f Jncoln.
"Any person claiming a strict construction
of the Constitution is an aider and abetter of
rebellion."— Ben Wade.
"I am nof for a reconstruction of the Union'
until slavery is abolished from the land."— Thud.
practical Amulgamafionist.
inPOUTMT EXTRACTS.
Head them and Reflect.
OPINION OF JUDGE DOUGI.AS.
Republicans of our day, now that he is no
more, profess implicit faith in the opinions of
the late Hon Stephen A. Douglas. We call
to the witness stand the living history of that
tried patriot and eminent statesman. In the
United States Senate, upon the 3d of January,
1801, Judge Douglas sad :
"I address the inquiry to the Republicans a
lone, for the reason that in the committee of
thirteen, a few days ago, every member from
the South including those fVom tne cotton States
(Messrs. Toombs and Davis)exprcsssed their read
iness to accept the proposition of my venerable
friend from kentucky (Mr. Crittenden) as a final
settlement of the controversy, if tendered ahd
sustained by Republican members, hence the
SOIC responsibility of our lisagreement,
the only difficulty in the way of amicable ad
justment, is with the Republican party."
The Republioau Party before the Elec
tion.
The following is the sixth of the series of
resolutions composing the platform of the Repub
lican party, as adopted at the Chicago Conven
tion, in 1860.
Itcsolfed, That the People justly view with
alarm the reckless extravagance which pervades
every department of the Federal Government j
that a return to rigid economy and accounta
bility is indispensable to arrest the systematic
plunder of the Public Treasury by favored
partisans—while the recent startling 'develop
ments of frauds and corruptions at the Federal
metropolis show that an entire change of Ad
ministration is imperatively demanded."
The Kepublican Party after the Eleotion.
The following confession was made by the
lion. Mr. Dawes, a Republican merpber of Con
gress from Massachusetts on the 25th of April,
in which he exposed the corruption of Lincoln's
Administration:
"The gentleman must remember that in the
first year of a Republican Administration, which
cainc into power upon professions of Reform
and Retrenchment, there is indubitable evidence
abroad in the land that somebody has plundered
the public treasury well nigh in that single year
as much as the entire current yearly expense of
the Government during the Administration
which the people hurled from power because of
its corruption."
GROUNDS OF EXEMPTION.
"A Looker-hn at the City Hall," who has
mingled with the crowd that daily besiege the
City Clerk's Office to'claira exemption from mil
itary duty, gives the following as the result of
four hours' observation:
Four men claimed exemption because they
served their country in the fall of November,
18GO, by bearing a torch, wearing a cape, yel
ling hi! hi! and shouting for a free press, free
speech and other ridiculous privileges of a sim*
ilar character.
One man claimed exemption because he was
always opposed to men who carried lanterns,
and thought they ought to do the fighthig.
This man was over forty-five, however.
Three desired to be excused because they yo
tcd for Lincoln.
One thought ho had the right to stay homo
because he didn't vote for him.
Eleven men who aro known to be ultra Re
publicans, did not want to go because the dar
keys would not be allowed to shoullor a mus
ket.
Two men wished to be excused for fear the
negroes would have (his privilege given then!.
Six patriots desired to remain at home, but
would go when all the sympathisers with treA*
son were put in the front rank.
One would not go until the .Republicans went
first. i
Four great ruddy faced men wercf on the
verge of the gra'vo from disease of the lungs.
One lost his front teeth and could not bite
the cartridge.
Eighty-seven had chronic rheumatism.
One hundred and two were subject to palpi
tation of the heart, especially when in the neigh*
borhood of gunpowder.
Eleven were ruptured.
Twenty-four were near-eighted.
. Eighteen were deaf on one side.
Two had Soft corns between their toe#.
Eleven had tender feet.
Three hundred had joined the fire department
within two weeks.
One was opposed to the war. .
Fifty-four were for making war in earnest,
and could not think of going until tfcis-was
done. J,
One was certain tho Declaration o£ Inde
pendence would be violated if a draft-etas hfhde.
Two would go if they were certain the Con
stitution would not be violated, and that all
the puns captured from the rebels Would W> re
turned, and interest allowed on their pamage
value while retained, - , +
Seven would not go becaflso there was tow
much talk about preserving the Constitution.