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il I) t 01!) oolma st e r 21 bro a b.
EDITED BY SIMON 9YNTAX, ESQ.
g^Teachers and friends of educntionnre respect
fully requested to send communication:! to the above
care of •'dedfotd Gaxette."
COMMON SCHOOLS.
Jt has long been a matter of inquiry why the
common schools are not in a more flourishing
condition. There is, undoubtedly, some obsta
cle, and where it lies does not appear to be known
by a groat many who are highly interested in
the public schools. And not seldom do we hear
the inquiry "Why have we not better schools?"
We must acknowledge that the free schools, in
soma parts at least, are far below a desiruble
standard, and there must be some cause for the
defect; but, at the same time, it is certain that
the cause is not embraced in the school system:
though imperfect in some respects, yet, if prop
erly conducted, it would exhibit more efficacy in
a general diffusion of knowledge. Jt may be
asked, if the system does not, in itself, include
the obstacles that impede its progress, where do
they exist ? The answer is ready at hand, and a
plain one. Tho opposition to the system is the
sole cause of the work of education not progres
sing more rapidly and generally throughout the
community. True, every thing has met with
opposition ; but, whilst other changes have out
lived their opposers, it nppears that the system
of education by common schools, has yet, for
some time, to contend with opposition. Although
the opposition to the whole system is slowly di
minishing, yet a portion of its regulations is as
violently assailed as ever, by some who may be
truly termed anti-school men.
Daniel Webster, the Demosthenes of Ameri
ca, said; "If I had as many sons as old Priam,
1 would send them all to the public schools."
And the most eminent men at the present time
regard the common schools as the only reliable
nn-ans by which education can be generally ac
complished. Yet, in the face of all these evi
dences from philosophers and statesmen in favor
of the common S'-hools, there are those who tell
us that "prior to the adoption of the free schools
there were better teachers, and better scholars than
now." This assertion is frequently made and
supported by the fact, that in those days "the
scholars received from six to eight lessons per
da)', though the schools were larger than most
schools now." Thus the value of the labor of
the teacher, and his ability to teach were esti- j
mated bv the number of lessons given each day,
and the teacher that could give the greatest num
ber of lessons was the l^Bt.
As this assertion is frequently made by the
opposers of the system, it may he expedient to
notice it and show some of its falWio*. Ti.u
assertion may ho trun ns fur 119 the MUmher of
lessons goes, but the manner was, undoubtedly,
very defective, and is to be approved by those
oidy who value the schools by the number of les
sons given, and not by the in formation inijutrted.
By taking a school of thirty pupils—and most
of the schools contain more—and examining in
to the particulars of a school room, some of the
übsurditics of the statement may be exposed.
No teacher, at the present day, would think of
giving each pupil—taking the whole school at
un average—less than three minutes for the re
citation of each lesson. To give thirty pupils
ono lesson of three minutes to each pupil, would
require one. hour and a half, and to complete
the whole routine of six lessons, would require
nine hours, three hottre more than our school dag
embraces , being very nearly the entire length of
the day during the winter months. In a school
of forty pupils it would require twelve hours to
give each pupil six lessons per day of an average
length of three minutes to each pupil: a longer
time than is possible or profitable to devote to
school room exercises. Yet, in spite of these
facts,we hear it insisted upon that such was the
manner of conducting schools prior to the pre
sent system, and upon it are based the import
ance of the school and the .ability of the teach
er. Yet wc meet with many who still cry out
for the six lesson arrangement, not thinking that
"a little well done is worth more than n great
deal half done." Lessons must he well gotten
in order to lie beneficial, and a great number of
lessons precludes the possibility of getting them
thoroughly.
Another of the objectionable features is the
Superintendency. Despite the good it has done,
and is capable of doing, it is said to be entirely
useless. The principal objection to it is the dol
lar and cent consideration. It is necessary to
watch monetary affairs closely, in some respects,
but when the culture of immortal minds is con
nected with it, pecuniary interest should not,
for a moment, he allowed to run paramount to
the interest of the developing of the mental fac
ulties of the youths of the land.
But why so much opposition to the school
system? Does there not arise some benefit from
it? Certainly it has accomplished much good,
and to be appreciated needs only to he rightly
understood- A distinguished writer said: "That
is an auspicious day to any country <tn which
the subject of training the young mind for fu
ture usefulness, and aiding it in developing its
mental powers, is made the subject of serious
consideration and active effort; and more to be
regnrded even than the day upon which states
men and patriots meet to devise plans for sus
taining Our institutions of freedom, for, in a few
years, those who occupy the highest stations in
the gift of a free and enlightened people must
yield them to those who arc now school-bovs."
The future of any country depends a great deal
upon the education of the young. The young
m'md must be nurtured and trained as its power
is developed, and thus made capable to contem
plate more difficult subjects. The happiness
and prosperity of a free government are con
trolled by the masses; hence the importance of
educating the masses, particularly in a republi
can government like ours. "It has been observ
ed by Fellenburgh," says an excellent writer,
"that his last hope for the liberty of Switzer
land was In t4je reformation of hoe common
WtM#xto wmmg.
VOLUME ffS.
VEW SERIES.
schools, lie laid aside the sword as powerless
in elevating mankind and saving his country.
He retired from official state duty, because he
found intrigue and chicanery an overmatch for
sound sense and correct taste, while the mass
of men remained unenlightened. He found that
mere legislative enactments were ineffectual, and
that before any great and beneficial revolution
in the condition of his country could be effect
ed, a taste for education must lie created; and
that it must begin in early childhood." Hence
we perceive that statesmen and philosophers of
all ages and countries, have regarded a general
diffusion of knowledge as the best means to pre
serve lilierty, and the surest defense against tyr
anny. This sentiment should be more appreci
ated, and not only appreciated, but acted upon.
Our peculiar institutions require a general dili'u
sion of knowledge, and the common schools arc
illegally means by which it can be accomplish
ed. Yet, notwithstanding the evidence in favor
of'them, there are many in the community who
would stop their workings. Hut time will-show
that the system is not "a J'urce;" and the day,
it is hoped, is not far distant, when all opposi
tion to them will have died out. "Like the
showers of a bountiful Providence, the influence
of our popular schools must be felt alike by eve
ry grade and condition of our population."
W.
tt7"The above excellent communication has been
unavoidably crowded out lor several weeks. Here
after we shall endeivor to accommo date the friends
of the column mote promptly. Let us bear from
" W" soon again.
ADDRESS
OF THE
Democratic State Central Committee.
To the Democrats, and all other Frieiuls
of the Constitution and Union
in Pennsylvania.
THE Democratic State Central Committee
address you upon subjects of the gravest mo
ment. The life of our beloved country is in
danger. The nation writhes under the throes
of wide-spread civil war. All our patriotism,
all our wealth, all our physical powers, all of
whatever virtue exist in the licpublic is invoked,
and should be promptly afforded to save the'Xu
tiunal Constitution and the Union of the Stutes
from uiter overthrow.
Is there a Pensylvanian who values the title
of American citizen—who reveres the memory
of the men of the revolution —who values civil
and religious liberty—who abhors anarchy and
despotism—or, who claims to possess a manly, ,
patriotic heart, that is not prcptwot <- r<
life, fortune and sacred t.v.. -"• J" 9 country,
in ill is, h*.T hour oi greatest need una peril.
None can withhold such assurances of a just es- j
tint ate of the importance of preserving the ex- j
isteucc of our Republican institutions. We ap
proach you with the lull conviction that the ;
hearts of tho great body of the people of Penn
sylvania are with their country in this great eri- j
sis of her destiny ; that all that is needed, is to be
satisfied of a feasible mode ol relict and extrica
tion, and of the most effective organization to
combine all the forces tliut can be applied to
speedily and effectually yield the happy ft uits .
of returned peace and prostenty. _ j
To clearly indicate the mode of relief it would
appear to he proper to first determine the cause
or causes of our present difficulties. Under-,
standing the causes, it would seem to be in the j
order of nature, that restoration should follow j
upon their removal. It is not compatible with
the practical efficiency of an address, such as j
this, to engage in any elaborate exposition or
historical account of tho gradual progress ot.
antecedent causes, that have at last culminated \
in the dreadful results wc now behold. We
shall, therefore, necessarily be briet, and best
discharge our purpose by a statement ot facts,
which you will all recognize as correct, and by j
assertion of propositions and conclusions which j
we maintain, cannot be suoeestutly controverted. |
The troubles that are now upon us are those
that the Fathers of this country foresaw might
arise upon the decay of patriotism, and against
which they undertook to guard by the Constitu
tion of the United States, and the establishment |
thereby of what was deemed by them —-and has
until recently, proved to be the htaiiionious ac
tion of tho States and the Federal Government
—in their defined and just relations to each oth
er. Washington, in his farewell address, point
ed out these dangers; and, above all, indica
ted as the •evidence of a waning attachment
for the Union ami as a precursor of its fall, the
creation of sectional parties. It was in view of
probable efforts in this direction that ho appeal
ed to his countrymen "to indignantly frown up
"on the first dawning of every attempt to al
"iennte anv portion of our country from the rest,-
"or to enfeeble the saercd tics which link togeth
"er the various parts." Had the countrymen of
Washington sufficiently appreciated bis patriot
ic warning, the wide spread civil war that now
afflicts us would never have existed ; but, on
the contrnrv, wc should, nt this time, under
the support which a most bountiful Providence
is extending to us, be in the enjoyment of a
degree of prosperity and happiness (we venture
to assert) unequalled in the history nations.
Most unfortunately, sectional parties have
grown up. begetting sectional bitterness; and
already the title of American citizen begins to
pale before the invasive progress of such titles
as Northerner and Southerner.
Years ago, men in the North, then a very in
significant combination, began to assail our Con
stituion and our Union. This faction basing Us
opposition upon n misguided sentimentality in
regard to the servitude of the negro race in the
Southern States, and allowing that sentimental
ity to swallow up all true feelings of patri
otism, and all duty ns citizens, boldly proclaim
ed their hostility to the Constitution and the U
nion, which tliev rightly claimed recognized and
was pledged not to invade the control of tho
Statee respectively over the institution of dome#-
Freedom of Thought and Opinion.
BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY MORNING, AUGUST 22, 1862.
tic slavery. Disloyal declarations such as "bet
ter no Union at all than a Union with slavehol
ders," became the axiomatic dicta of this fac
tion, then and now (in its formidahl p oportions)
best, known as abolitionists. Without dwelling
upon the progress and growth of this faction, it
Ls too lamentably trye and well known that pro
claiming through its leaders their chief object
to be "the utter extinction of slavery," it at
tained to such consequence that the people of
the slaveliolding states became alarmed, and
Itegan to form counter combinations to resist the
threatened overthrow of what they claimed to
lie rights that were intended to he sacredly guar
ded by the constitution of the United States.
At the same time there existed an. insignificant,
and of themselves powerless, band of du-iiniou
ists in one, or two of the slavcholding states,
who seized upon the opportunity thus afforded
by the agtrressive action of the abolitionists to
stimulate these counter movements. These ef
forts were too successful; and materials, too, for
such efforts, were being continually supplied by
the successes of the abolitionists. Abuse and
obloquy against the slaveholder streamed out
from some pulpits in the North, where the virus
of abolitionism had been infused. Retaliatory
epithets were indulged in by pulpits in theSoutb
against the aholitionsts. Church organizations
in the Union were split up into organizations
North and South. Nominations for the Presi
dency were made upon issues, in fainter or bol
der terms involving the question of the exis
tence or limitation of the area of slavery. The
decisions of the Supremo Court of the United
States were resisted, its integrity assailed, and
its remodelling avowed. These were followed
by outbreaks, as illustrated by the raid of John
Brown into Virginia Meantime the retaliatory
and disunion movements in the. South, erystali
zed and proclaimed the monstrous heresy that
the Union was hut an alliance of sovereign
states, and that any one of its members might,
in the exercise of an unlimited sover ignty,
which was claimed for it, withdraw front such
union. This heresy was designated, and as we
all know, is familiarly called sccesslouisiu, and
under its banner, a great and formidable com
bination in the slave states was rallied.
Thus were confronted two great sectional par
ties—the Abolitionists North, and the Secession
ists South—the very antipodes of each other in
their sentiments, they met on the common plat
form of Disunion. Each, alike, tended to over
throw the Constitution and the Union. Each
alike, are the enemies of the Republic. The
secessionists, claiming to act from the appre
hension that the threat for "the utter abolition
of slavery" would he put in execution,, succee
ded Iftbare majorijpjft Jjy
noritics in others, in procuring the adoption of
ordinances of Secession, or for the withdrawal
of such States front the American Union as are
now banded under the designation of the Con
federate States Obtaining, thus, the formal
organization of a government, they set at defi
ance tho Constitution and laws of the United
States, and undertook to resist their execution
within the pretended jurisdiction of this revolu
tionary government. The Government of the
United States, in Btriet accordance with its
[lowers, undertook to enforce those laws and to
demand obedience to theru-*nrmed resistance
was at once inaugurated on the part of the Se
cessionists, and thus 1 tenon a rebellion and civil
war that has become one of gigantic propor
tions, and for many of its characteristics, one
of the most formidable that ever existed among
a civilized people. At its outset, the appeal
was made to the loyal men of the North, to fly
■ to arms, in order to uphold the Constitution and
laws, and to maintain the Union. With the
i rapidity of magic this appeal was responded to
; with unbounded enthusiasm, and an armed force
of over 700,000 men stood ready to oltey the
the summons' to meet the foes of the Union.
President Lincoln, in his inaugural address hud
i said:
"I have no pit po. Hirectlv or indirerl/y, to in
t,rf.r p with the institution ol slavery in the S'ates
wherp it exists. 1 tr-li**-I Kav no lawfu' bioht
to .to so, anil I have no inrlination to 'o r>."—From
Lincoln's Inaugural Ail<!rs<, March 4th, 1811.
The Congress of the United States, immedi
ately ultor the battle of Hull Run, in July,
18(il—•
>• Retolvrrl, That the present deplorable civil war '
ha. been Coned upon the countrv by di unionists of j
Southern States, row in aims agn;nat the Constitu
tional Governm-nt, and in arm. efnnnd the t'aptal;
that in thi. National cmeraeney, Congo-,., ham-h
--ing all feeling ot mere passion or resentment, will
recollect only its duty to the whole country ; that 1
this war is not waged on 'heir part in any spirit of
oppression, or for any purpose of subjugation or con- J
quest, or purpose ol overthrowing or Interfering
with the rights or established institutions of those
States, but to defend and maintain the supremacy
of the Constitution, and to preserve the Union, wit.
all the dignity, equality and rights oi the several
States unimpaired ; and that as soon as these objects
are accomplished the war ought to cease."—Adopt
ed by both branches of Congress, July 21st, 1861,
without opposition—two-thirds being Republicans.
Thus the faith of the President and Congress
was pledged to every loyal man in the North,
that the war was to be carried on for the Con
stitution as it is, and tlic Union as it was. Un
der the inspiration of this high, patriotic and
holy purpose, our gallant ccuntrymcn have
marched to the battle-field, keeping step to the
music of the Union, enduring privations and
sufferings that would have utterly appalled less
patriotic and devoted soldiers. The enemy, al
though massed in formidable bodies, and sup
ported by an energy, skill, nnd munitions of
war that evinced an increased concentration of
sentiment in behalf of the rebellion, yet, before
the mighty shock of our arms—inflicted by the
soldiers of the Union—they for a time were van
quished ; tlieir forts, towns, and other strong
holds were rapidly taken, and amid the shouts
of tho exultant and triumphant soldiery, who
| had'enlisted for the mere purpose of te-eslah 4
I lishing devotion to, and the protection of, our
I prou< 1 national ensign, the star-spangled banner
■ there again spread out its folds. At the begin
ning of these successes much attachment to the
Union was developed among the people whero
snch successes occurred. It was hoped and be*
lieved that, with a few more similarly impor
tant blows in fie ted upon the rels-llion, that its
force would have been spent, and that the peo
ple of the rebellious States, being assured that
the pledges of the President and Congress wonld
be faithfully olss rved, would have relaxed their
efforts in tiehalf of their usurping government,and
that the Union men of theSuuth, and the return
ing sense of the inestimable value of the Union to
all divisions of population there, would complete
the restoration of respect and oltedicnce to the
Constitution and laws of the Federal Govern
uien —These hopes have not l>een realized, and
the explanation of this disappointment, in a
great degree at least, is fonnd in the evidence
afforded of the terrible fact that the abolition
ists in the North are det. ruined that the white
population of the South shall he exterminated
or held in subjugation, and that our Govern
ment shall be overthrown, and the Union of
these States finally and forever broken up.
Yes! exterminate the whites of the South, or
govern them as a subjugated people, and over
throw the Government and destroy the Union,
is tlieir purpose And we ask your consideration
for a moment, until we present to you a points,
from which you will see that the inference is ir
reeistable that this is the design of this most
disloyal hand.
The Constitution and the Union were early
regarded by abolitionistsasthebarriers that stood
in the way ot negro emancipation. Hence the
Constitution washy them denounced a "aconve
nant with death uuil an agreement with hell."
'So late as the 15th of June last, a portion of the
members of this band, at a meeting in Massa
chusetts, passed a formal resolution, viz:
"Resolved, That as abolitionists, devoted to
thegreat work of overthrowing slavery, we renew
and repeat our old pledgp, "No Union with
Slaveholders. No support to atty administration
or government that [icrruits slavery on any por
tion of its soil—and we value this war only as
we believe it must lead to emancipation by order
of the Federal authorities, or to a dissolution of
the Union, which must speedily produce the
same result."
It is unnecessary to even specify the promt 4
cent evidences that, from lime to time, have
been afforded that the abolitionists had firmly
resolved upon the destruction of this Govern-1
uuijit. A few of them are found in the uncon
of several States-, the repeated declaratioiW'Ot
prominent party leaders, even in the last Presi
dential campaign, (see the speech delivered by
Frank I'. Blair, ut Franklin Hall in the city
of Philadelphia, on the '2nd of Octoher, 18011,
one week before the election,) in which he, quo
ting still higher authority, declared that the ob
ject of the Republican party was "the utter
extinction of slavery." In the avowed determi
nation to resist the decision of the Supreme
Court ot the United States, in the Dred Scott
ease, and in such declarations as made by Sen
ator Wade, "a Union where all men are equal,
or no Union at all." Acting upon this original
purpose, and upon the conviction that a return
to Congress of Senators and Representatives
front the Southern States would result in their
overthrow, the abolitionists in the late Congress
have pursued a policy that has alarmed every
loyal man in the North, and forced the convic
tion that our gallant armies in the field, and the
whole nation were to bo thwarted in their pat
riotic purposes. The resolution above quoted,
adopted by Congress in July, 1801, immediate
ly alter the Hull Run disaster, it was sought to
ro-afiirm in the present Congress, through a res
olution offered by Mr. Huhnun, of Indiana, in
the following terms:
Resolved, That the unfortunate civil war into
which the Government of the United States has
been forced by the treasonable attempt of the
Southern Secessionists to destroy the Union,
should not be prosecuted for any other purpose
than the restoration of the authority of the Con
stitution and welfare of the whole people of the
United States, who are permanently involved in
the preservation ot our pioseiil form ot Govern
mont, without modification or change.
This resolution was defeated by a motion to
lay it upon the tabic, made by Mr. Lovejoy, by
the following vote, yeas lit), nays 58. Ot those
who voted to thus dcfcut the resolution', 5!) were
republicans," while every Democrat excepting
one, and every Border States representative,
whose vote is recorded, voted in tho negative.
In co-operation with this most significant dec
laration, by the Federal House of Representa
tives, we had the military emancipation procla
mations of Generals Fremont and Hunter.—
Along with these we had the projoct of Mr. Sum
ner, in the Senate, to blot out the State govern
ments of the rebel States, reduce thom to a ter
ritorial condition, ami to govern them as such.
Then followed various emancipation schemes,
and among thetu the project ol confiscation of
slaves nominally, but realty a hill to enumcijuiU
them. We can not probably better provo the
operation of such measures upon the Southern
mind, than to quote the following extract from
twenty out of twenty-eight representatives from
the Border Slave States to President Lineoln,
in reference to his appeal to them to adopt his
project, that the Federal Government should aid
them with money to pay the master for hie ne
gro upon his emancipation, viz:
[Here follows an extract from the reply of
the Border State Congressmen to Lincoln's E
mancipation proposition, which will bo found in
the Gazette of August I.]
In further prosecution of the emancipation
project of the Abolitionists we have the propo
sition to arm and enlist the negroes ns soldiers.
1 Indeed, we are informed, from, official eouroee,
WHOLE NVIMBEK, 301*
I that one General in the army has already orga
nized a full regiment of negroes. We forbear
to discuss the question, whether such Roldiers(?)
] are not a burlesque upon the name, and whcth
! er clothing and arming negroes as such, beside
: the waste of clothes, arms, and other supplies,
j is not exposing us to defeat in battle, from the
clearly established fact, that the negro is utter-
I ly disqualified by nature to stand the musketry
1 and artillery fire—not to speak of the bayonet
! charge—of modern warfare. The subject has
! infinitely greater proportions when regarded in
' its effect to discourage enlistments by our own
race; resulting from the commendable repug
nance of the white man to be placed upon an
equality of military rank with the negro.
And not the least objectionable consideration
is the fact, that this inferior race having their
minds and passions inflamed by the tales of real
or imaginary wrongs which Abolitionism is 100
careful to impart to tiiein, will, with arms in
their hands, perpetrate the atrocities of "the
indiscriminate slaughter of all ages, sexes, and
conditions''—harUnity in warfare—of which
our ancestors complained against Great Britain
who had employed against "merciless
Indian savages."
I The Jiirtory of negro wars and insurrections
j in St. Doiuingo, and other West India Islands,
| ia replete with the barbarities of rapine and
■laughter of helpless women and infants, that
shock the sensibilities of the lowest development
of humanity in the white man. And yet. should
the negroes in the Southern States lie employed
and armed by the Federal Government against
the white population, then the atrocities of the
West India Islands we may naturally expect to
he repeated here only oil a vastly more extend
ed scale. Against such a fiendish policy would
not the moral sensibilities of all the whites of
the Northern States who have not become bru
talized by the devilishncss of Abolitionism, be
most painfully shocked, but the whole civilized
world would condemn us, and probably in the
cause of humanity, rise to stay atrocities so dis
graceful.
But what sane man can doubt that under
such policy the last spark of Union sentiment
in the South would lie extinguished, and the en
tire Southern population become united as otic
person against the Government? It were the
merest folly to suppose otherwise! How then j
would such fighting bring back the revolted
States into the Union? Can the 8,000,000 of
white people there be held under our republican |
form of Government, in subjugation? Is it be- i
lieved that the people of the North can Is' ma 1- '
dened into the effort for the extermination of
8,000,000 of people, with whom we have hitli-"
erto lived in a Union held together by fraternal
meilUXTni ul wn-\ *-£ Hrrnnrl in
ties of consanguinity! If we were to exhaust
all our physical resources and all our pecuniary
means, could we, if we would, accomplish such
purpose of extermination! Can we hold the
Soutliern States or jieople in subjugation with
out overthrowing onr Constitution aud the Un
ion; without, in fact, establishing a government
the most despotic. ?
Wo need not answer for you these inquiries.
We know what must be the response ot every
mind not demented by Alxilitionisin.
Have we not shown, then, the policy of Ab
olitionism, if carried out, is the overthrow ot
our Constitution and Union? That Abolition
ists are the enemies of the Republic! Believing
we have done so, it remains to inquire, What
is the relief for us in this our hour of gloom idi
om-beloved country ? We answer: Remove the
cuuacSf remove Alxilitiouism and Secessionisni.
Put down the former ut the ballot-box; put
down the latter (backed by the force of arms)
by force of arms. In the execution of the lat
ter, that the Government shall stand by its
plighted faith—to conduct the war to uphold
> the Constitution nnd the Union, and not us Ab
| olilionism would have it, to make disunion eom-
I plete and to overthrow the Constitution 1 As
Pew.sylvanians, you have possibly a greater
stake ill the preservation of the Union than the
people of any other State. Should the co-op
erative, yet, in some sense hostile movements of
Abolitionism and Seeessiotiism succeed, and dis
union becomes an established fact, Pennsylvania,
owing to her peculiar geographical position,
would be exposed to the desolation and become
the battle field of the conflicting forces that
might undertake to scf tie all questions that would
remain as the heritage ot disunion.
Those, however, we forbear now to contem
plate; for we are unable to believe that, "that
God who presides over the destinies of nations'
will permit such a terrible dispensation to beiull
us. We arc unwilling to believe that the peo
ple of the free States will ever become so mad
dened as to aid the spirit of Abolitionism, that
seems now to brood over us like somu evil ge
nius, that would control us to our destruction.
It cannot be that to have a doom worse
than befell Babylon after she bad "become the
habitation of devils and the hold of every foul
spirit." .
The only excuse offered by Abolitionism for
its policy, is the plausible fallacy that "slavery
is the causeW our threatened disunion." To
those who look only to immediate and proxi
mate causes, this position is captivating; but to
those who remember that the original Union,
which waged the war of the Revolution, was
made up of thirteen slaveliolding States ; that
the Union at the time of the adoption of the
present Constitution, consisted of twelve slave
holding to one free State, it is very plain, that
instead of slavery producing disunion that, un
less it had been recognized and the faith of the
whole pflople pledged for its protection, this
Union would have never existed.
It would be as reasonable to argue that hou
ses and money should be exterminated because
so long as they exist there will be incendiaries
and thieves, as to argue that slavery should bo
destroyed, because so long as it exists there will
be Abolitionists. Houses and money are not
moro clearly and decidedly recognized by the
Ratea of SUtoertiaing
One Squars, thrse Wieuor let* . .$1 00
One Square, each additional insertion leu
then three month* . I ......... jj
3 MONTHS. 8 MONTHS. 1 THAN
One aqusre *...... $2 00 $3 00 $S 00
Two squares 3 00 #OO 9
Three quare> ; 400 700 12 00
i J Column sOO 900 19 00
J Column gOO 12 00 20 00
4 Column 12 00 18 ' 0 30 00
One Column 18 orf 30 00 50 00
The sp re orrupiei! by ten lineh of this size of
type monts one square. All fra'tioks of a square
! under fie line* will be tnet<ured as a half square ,
and all o*er Are liries as a lull square. Alt' lesal
advertisements will be charged to 'he person band
ing them in.
VOL 6 NO. 3
Constitution and Inws of the Federal Govern
ment, an sulject to the laws ami protection of
the States where they exist, than is the right of
the master to the services of his negro slave in
states where negro slavery is roeognked. In
cendiaries and thieves no Itiorc violate the re
cognized rights yf others when they burn hou
ses and commit roblwry, than do the Abolition
ists when, by the under around rail road and
other devices, they deprive the slaveholder of
the South of that property to which the Con
stitution and laws of his State, as well its those
of the United States guarantee protection. If
in the attempt to commit arson or robbery, life
is taken, it is murder in the first degree; so too
it is murder of the same grade to take life in
the unlawful attempt to deprive tho owner of
his rights in the services of his negro. And
here, too. we will remark that the present war,
if AMitionists should su|ppcd jn diverting it
from its proper purpose of upholding the Con
stitution and the Union, and prostituting it to
their cherished object of freeing negroes by kill
ing white men, would beeomean atrocious mur
derous war, that would justly subject all who
give it such direction to the |>enalty of the law
imposed against the highest of crimes.
The policy of Abolitionists, therefore, is not
only unsupported by one tenable ground, even
for its palliation, but judged by its objects and
its effects, it is in the highest degree criminal and
disloyal. By eradicating Abolitionism, we re
move not only sectionalism from the North, but
the cause of sectionalism in the (south.
The fall of Abolitionism, we verily be
lieve, would in a short time be attended by
the fall of Secessioiiism. Although the im
aginary advantages of a Southern Confed
eracy, entertained by many in the revolted
States, has secured for it unconditional sup
porters, yet the desolation that has already
attended upon their efforts at separation, the
continued pressure of our arm.s, and the re-*
collec'ions of the blessings of the Union,
will, upon the removal of the cause of South
ern Sectionalism, revive their sentiments of
nationality.
We believe that upon the substantial ex
tinction of Abolitionism, the Union certain
ly can be restored, but that without such
extinction it never can be. It is, therefore,
quite as essential that the energies of the
loyal men of the North be directed against
(lie Abolition foes of the Union as it is a
gainst Secession foes. It remains therefore
only to inquire in what way can these encr- .
gies l>e most effectively directed to accom
plish the desired purpose? We reply only
ocratic party, lhere is no 01 uer ifiuiougu
ly loyal party in the land; it has always
been national; it is tlic only party that has
no affiliation or sympathy with sectionalism
—North or South—it is the only parly in
Pennsylvania, that is not in the sympathy
or support of such friends as Wade, Sum
ner, Greelv. Philips, Lovcjoy, and Wiimot.
The national men who supported Bell and
Everett in the late Presidential canvass, we
believe, may now be counted in the ranks
of the Democratic party. The only other
political organization in fhisS'ateis theen
einv of the Democratic party, who has ral
lied onremore under the designation of the
People's Party. This party held their Con
vention at Harrisburg on the 17th instant,
and their f rue character is abundantly shown
in tljat in their resolutions they eulogize ipid
sustain Senator Wiimot, while they con
demn Senator CoWlftn, both by the homage
paid to Mr. Wiimot, and by refusing to Mr.
Cowan even the meed ot "laint praise.''
The distinguishing feature in the political
course of those two Senators, it is well
known, is, that Mr. Wiimot has supported
the extremest Abolition measures ot the
present Congress, whilst Mr. Cowan has
won the admiration and confidence of every
Union-loving patriot in the land by his hon
est and fearless opposition to these measures
measures that tended to make Disunion
perpetual.
Can any loyal man in the State, there
fore, hesitate which of the two political or
ganizations is entitled to his support? The'
standard bearers selected by the Democrat
ic State Convention are in every respect de
serving of your confidence.
Isaac Slcnkcr, Esq., cur candidate for'
Auditor General, is a gentleman of distin
guished ability and spotless reputation. He
is a native of York county, Pennsylvania—•
born of German parents, and who were til
lers of the soil. The early political course
and well-tried integrity of Isaac Slenker, is
known to many of the people of Pennsyl
vania. In 1834 he was elected to represent
Union and Northumberland counties in the
Senate of Pennsylvania; and while too ma
ny Senators in that body yielded to the in
fluences that were employed by the late
Bank of the U. States to obtain its charter
from a Pennsylvania Legislature, Isaac Slen
ker, with eleven others, as honest men, re- x
sisted these influences, and won the reputa
tion of faithful among the faithless. He
was upon the Judiciary Committee of the
Senate, and took an active part in the revt
sion of our civil code. At the expiration
of his Senatorial term, Mr. Slenlw return
ed again to the practice of his powaaittn •*
a lawyer, and since then he has beeneutoff .
public position, except that in 1858 hewee
one of the Presidential Electoraont theDera
i ocratic ticket in this State. Mr- Spetar •