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Select Jpoetvji.
SCHOOLS OF THE OLDEN TIME.
The schools—the schools of other days!
Those were the schools for me,
When in a frock and trousers dressed,
I learned my A, B, C.
When, with my dinner in my hat,
I trudged away to school,
Nor dared I stop, as boys do now,
For school ma'am had a RULE.
And if a traveler we met,
Wc threw no sticks nor stones,
To fright the horses as they passed,
Or break good people's bones.
But witli our hats beneath our arms,
VVe bent our heads full low,
For ne'er the school ma'am faiteel to ask,
"Hoys, did you make a bow V'
And all the little girls with us
Would courtesy full low,
And hide their ankles 'neatk their gown—
Girls don't have ankles now.
We stole no fruit, nor tangled grass,
We played no noisy games,
Ami when we spoke to older folks,
Put HANDLES ON TIIUIR NAMES.
Ami when the hour of school had come,
Of bell we had no need,
The school ma'am's rap upon the glass,
Each one would quickly heed.
That school ma'am! ] leaven bless her name!
When shall we meet her like!
She always wore a green calash,
A calico Vandyke.
She never sported pantalotts—•
No silks on her did rustle—
Iler dress hung graceful all around—
She never wore a BUSTLE.
With modest mien and loving heart
Tier daily task was done,
As true as needle to the pole,
The next one was begun.
'The days were nil alike to her,
The evenings just the .UH'.
And neither brought a change to us,
Till Saturday forenoon came.
And then wo had a "spelling match,"
And learned the sound of A.
Tlif months and weeks that made the year,
The hours that made the day.
And on thai day we saw her smile, j
No other time smiled she;
'Twos then she told us learnedly .
When next "leap your" would be.
Alas! kind soul! though leap year came 1
And went full many a time. i
In "single blessedness" she toiled,
Till far beyond her prime.
But now, indeed, her toils arc o'er, I
Tier lessons arc all said, '
Her rules well learned—her words all spelled, I
She's GONE UR TO THE HEAD.
(E I) £0d)o ohn a 011 r%bt oa b.
EDITED BY SIMON SYNTAX, ESQ.
tXTTeac!ierJnd friends of education nre respect
fully requested to send communications to khe above,
Cite of ''Brdfoid (raztttt."
RECITATION,
NO. 8.
Having now finished our brief description
of general methods, it may be proper to in
troduce, here, some remarks bearing equal
ly on all kinds of recitation, and hence, gen
oral in their character.
It will he seen that our descriptions of
methods suppose a uniformity of books, and
a We are aware there
will not be found in very many districts in
this section of the state, and can only say
that where they are. not. found method of
any kind is impossible. The remedy is sim
ple and effectual if Directors could only he
induced to carry out the provisions of the
school law, and insist at once on a unitor
mity of books. Tiiis done classification is
possible—and the teacher alone is to blame
if he does not introduce order and system.
The teacher's first step, therefore, in such
schools, should be to secure, as far as pos
sible, the desired uniformity. We are of
opinion this may usually be done if the teach
er be earnest and discreet. The chances
are at least worth a trial, and no teacher
does his duty who does not make the attempt.
Most directors and parents will he convinc
ed of the policy and economy of a uniform
series of books if the subject be fairly pre
sented. But whether the teacher carries
his point or not, he will have the conscious
ness of having done his duty.
In recitation the teacher makes his most
lasting impressions on the minds of his pu
pils. He there instils thoughts, and incul
cates habits, that are to shape the
destiny of those under his charge. It should
lie his constant care to nip, in the bud, bad
habits just forming, eradicate those already
formed, and to cultivate those which adorn
and ennoble the human character. It would
be impossible to point out in detail all that
the teacher should do in recitation; and for
VOLUME S B.
NEW SERIES.
which no other suitable opportunity occurs.
Wc will, however, call attention briefly to a
few points.
First: Cultivate accurate articulation.
It is astonishing how very few people talk
plain. Hardly one in fifty does. This may
seem a strong assertion, but we speak from
pretty careful observation, in the school-room
and out of it; and if any are skeptical we
simply ask them to observe for themselves.
All the world say go ver ment for govern
nient, stun for stantZ, an or un for ant/, and
we could name hundreds of words the beau
ty and force of which are thus generally
marred to a greater or less extent by this
one fault of vicious articulation: words so
habitually mis-sounded that few people no
tice the error. It is no unusual thing, ei
ther, especially in towns and villages, for
pupils to get the common but very ridicu
lous notion that a mincing, half-talk, halt
whine style of utterance is elegant and re
fined. They rail butter buttch, never nev
eh, and practice a thousand other barbarisms
equally absurd, originating for the most part
with brainless hub dues of "first circles,"
and finding a few brainless imitators among
the masses. No mercy should be shown
such outrages upon the purity of our lan
guage and upon eonimon sense. Such pu
pils should at once be referred to the stand
ard dictionaries, and tnade to understand
that these are the only recognized authori
ty —the dialect of the would-be rcfiued, to
the contrary notwithstanding.
Recitation is the most suitable chance the
teacher has to break up these and other vi
cious habits of spgech; and the work should
begin with the child's very first lesson. De
lay only doubles the difficulty. Indeed, it,
seems next to an impossibility to correct j
faulty articulation when once the habit has |
become chronic. Some have defective or- ]
gans of speech, sonic articulate badly from
mere force of habit and association, and
some, and a very large number, never gave
the subject a thought, and really do not know
the difference between bad articulation and
good. The capabilities of the human voice
ure very little understood by 'he mas o "' ~ c
men. There are pupus in nearly every
school who do not, as it i 3 termed, "speak
i loud enough." This is, really, seldom true.
A very weak tone, if distinctly articulated,
can be clearly understood inevery part ot a
verv large room—even a whisper can, as
any good reader may satisfy himself by try
ing the experiment. The fault is not, there
fore, so much in the quantity a:s in the qual
ity of the voice; it is often the case that the
lowest tone in the room makes itself most
distinctly understood. The remedy of the
fault to be effectual, must, of course, strike
at the true cause.
SOWTIONS TO PROBLEMS OF MAY 30.
Find the ages of A, B, and C, by knowing
that C's age at A's birth%as 5 A times B's; and
now is equal to the sum of A's and Bs; also,
that if A were now 3 years younger, or B 4
years older, A's age would be equal to : j of B's.
SOLUTION.
of B's age now -j- 4 years equals A's age,
which equals J of B's age plus 3 years; then 7 ,
or B's age now, minus <{ of B's age -f- 3 years
equal J- of B's age minus 3 years, which equals
the. difference of their ages, which has always
been the same; then }of B's ng" 1 now minus 3
vears equals his age at A's birth, then •> A times
B's age equaled C's, which equals 5 ' times hot
B's age now minus 3 veal's,' or ' fl ' of B s age mi
nus 3 2 3 years, which equal C's age at A's birth.
C's age at A's birth must be increased bv A's
age in ofder to get C's age now. ' fi ' of B's
minus years (wtliich equal C's age at A's
birth) plus ;{ of B's age plus 3 years (which c
quals A's age) equal \ 7 of B's age minus if
years, which is C's age now. But C's age e
quals A's and B's; since J of B's age pins 3
years equal A's we have of B's age plus 3
years, plus |, or B's age, which equal J of B s
age plus 3 years, equal to C's age. We have
already seen that ' 5 7 of B's age minus 'if years
equal C's, then of B's age minus V years
equal \ of B's age plus 3 years, or % of It's age
equal \? years, and J equals \f years, and g,
or his age, equals 44 years. A's age equals *?
of B's age plus 4 years, which equals of 48
years, or 36 years, and C's age equals 44 years
plus 36 years, or 80 years. B.
A grocer purchased 25 pounds of butter of
two women, | of the number of pounds he took
of one, increased by the difference between the
amounts purchased of both, equals the number
of pounds he took of the other; how many
pounds did each sell *
SOLUTION.
I of the number of pounds lie took of one,
increased by the difference between the amounts
purchased of both, equals the number of pounds
he took of the other, which, being increased a
gain by the difference between the amount?, e
qmils what he took of the first: that is, Aof
the number of pounds he took of one increased
hy twice the difference between the amounts c
quals the whole number of pounds bo took of
one. Then §, or the number of pounds he took
of on e, —I, which equals gof what he took
of one, equal twice the difference between the
amounts, once the difference equals A of the
number of pounds ho took of one; + £,
• which equals y B of what he took of one, equal
what he took of the other. Then {j}, or the
number of pounds he took of ono, -f- yg, which
equal of the number of pounds he took of
one, equal what he took of boh. If fa equal
25 pounds, T ' c equals 1 ir., and Jg equal lu lbs.
If he tock 10 pounds of one, of the other ho
took 25 pounds —l6 pounds, or 0 lbs. B.
Freedom of Thought and Opinion.
BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY MORNING, JUNE 27, 1862
THE ABOLITION SCHEMES OF NEGRO
EQUALITY EXPOSED.
What the Tax-payers are Paying for their
Experiments
sloo,ooo per day expended on runaway
and vagabond negroes.
Speech of Hon. W. A. RICHARDSON,
of 111. inthelloc•' of Representatives, May 19, *62.
Mr Richardson—Mr Chairman, I desire this
morning to submit a few remarks for the con
sideration of the Raise and the country. It
is not my purpose to discuss questions pertain
ing to the army already in the field, which,
judiciously otiiuered and managed, is able to
crush out the rebellion. I shall direct my at
tention, therefore, to the consideration of some
of the mary new questions which are continu
ally arising during the progress of this terrible
civil war.
NEORO EQUALITY DETERMINED UPON.
Mr Chairman, there is a manifest anxiety, an
overweening desire, a persistent purpqpe, upon
the part of prominent members of the dominant
parly in this Government, to place upon terms
of equality and make participants with us in
the right-s of American citizenship an inferior
race. The negro race, which is incapable of ci- j
thcr comprehending or maintaining any form t
of government —by whom liberty is interpreted j
as licentiousness—is sought to be exalted, even i
:;t the cost of the degradation of our own flesh ,
and blood.
We all remember with what intense satisfac-1
tion a recent order of the chief clerks of the ,
President, was received in certain quarters, be-1
cause it declared that no fugitive slave should
be retained in custody Longer than thirty days, |
unless 'by special order of competent civil au- j
thority.'
That I may do no injustice to the head of the
State Department and his unwarranted asiump- 1
lion of powel, I quote the official paper itself:!
"DEPARTMENT OK STATE, 1 |
WASHINGTON, Jan. 25,1802. j j
"SIR: The President of the United States ;
being satisfied that the following instructions j
contravene no law in force in this district with- I
out waiting for legislation by Congress, I am i
directed by him to convey them to you :
"As Marshal of the District of Columbia, ;
you will not receive into custody any persons
claimed to be held to service or labor within
the District or elsewhere, nnd not charged with
any crime or misdemeanor, unless upon arrest
or commitment pursuant to law, as fugitives
from such service or labor; and you wilt not re
tain any such fugitives in custody beyond a
period cf thirty days from their arrest and
commitment, unit® by special order of compe
tent civil authority.
"You will forthwith cause publication to be
made of this order, and at the expiration of ten
days therefrom yon will apply the same to all
persons so claimed to be held to servico or la
bor, and now in your custody.
"This order has no relation to any arrests
made by military authority.
"I am, sir, vour obedient Bcrvant,
WILLIAM H. SEWARD."
PRIVILEGES FOR THE NEORO —OPPRESSION FOR
THE WHITE MAN.
While Mr. Seward was issuing this order for |
a general jail delivery of tho negroes, he was j
also sending, under a usurpation of power, and |
in violation of the laws and i.e Constitution,
hundreds o( white men and women to fill the |
prisons in the District ani throughout the j
loyal States. Against many of these white,
women thus incarcerated by this despotic See-!
rotary of State, no charge !iu.- ever been made; (
they are imprisoned without the form or author- ;
ity of law, and thus the personal libr~?y ot the
Caucasian is ruthlessly violated, while the Af
rican is r.iost tenderly and carefully guarded,
even to the nullification of State enactments
an>l the national statutes. —Let a rumor be
come current that a negro has been deprived of
personal liberty—either in this District or any
where else—and there are dozens of Republi
cans members upon this floor striving to obtain
the attention of the House while they may of
fer resolutions inquiring by what law, by whom,
when and where these objects of their undivi
ded affections may have been arrested. But
never yet has any of these philanthropic gen
tlemen made inquiry for the law or authority j
under which white American citizens have been
kidnapped by the State Department, dragged
from their homes, and left to pine, and die per
chance, in some of the many bastiies which
this Administration has established.
It is well known, sir, that if any white citi
zen, perhaps a father or a brother, desires to
visit a relative or acquaintance in the military
service of this Government, that he is obliged
to secure a -'pass" from some competent au
thority, and to obtain this he is required upon
his honor to declare his loyalty and fidelity to
the Government But th" negro goes nnd comes
within the line of our army, whether his des
tination he toward or from the enemy, the col
or of black men is his passport, and is received
as equivalent to the pledge ot honor and loyal
ty upon the part of a white person.
RUNAWAY NEGROES RNCEIVE EMPLOYMENT TO THE
EXCLUSION OF WHITE CITIZENS.
In this District you have abolished slavery.
You have abolished it by compensation, by ad
ding $1,000,000 to the national debt, and a tax
of $73,000 to bo annually, as interest upon
this sum, by taxes imposed on the laboring
white people of these States. Not satisfied
with doing much for your especial favorite, you
extend the freedom of this city and the hospi
tality of the Government to all the runaway
wgr.ies in this country who choose to visit the
I District of Columbia. You issue rations to
| them day after day, and week after week, ra
tions which must be paid for through the sweat
' and toil oi' the tax ridden white men. You
are thus supporting in indolenoe hundreds upon
hundreds of black men. How many and at
what cost I am unable to state, because when
a resolution, asking for this information, was
introduced by the honorable gentleman from
Ohio, (Mr. Cox,) it was immediately tabled by
the Republican majority upon the other side of
this House. Those gentlemen dare not let this
information go to the country; they shrink from
the exposure which a truthful reply to such in
quiry would make. The resolution of Sir. Cox
also asked for the number of negroe.i employed
as teamsters in the army, and at what wages:
but this was equally objectionable, for it would
have illustrated the fact that negroes by the
hundred are receiving better pay asdrivcrs than
our own white sons and brothers are for peril
ing their lives as soldiers in the defence of the i
Union and the Constitution.
Havins? been thus deprived of obtaining of
ficial information upon th<> question, I am o
bliged to gather my statistics from such sources
us I can. I shall make no statement that I
have not received from respectable and respon
sible parties, and none which I do not conceive
to be rather under than over the true estimate.
The Government is to-day issuing rations to
about two thousand negroes in this District a
lone, that cost over twenty cents per ration—
s4oo perday, in violation of the law, is being
paid for this purpose. The Government is hir
ing in the District several hundred negroes,
some as teamsters and some for other purposes,
to the exclusion of white laborers, thousands of
whom, together witli their wives and children,
in our large cities, are sulFering for the want of
cropljynuart. I speak advisedly when 1 say
that the Republican party are already paying,
of tax gathered money, in this District alone,
over three hundred thousand dollars per an
num to buy, clothe, feed and exalt the African
race, for the negro you expend more in a sin
gle year in the District of Columbia than you
appropriate for the Government and protection
of all the people in all tlie organized Territor
ies of the United States. The negro is made
superior, in our legislation, to the pioneer white
men that settle the great West, and, amid hard
ships and dangers, lay the foundations of new
commonwealths—the hardiest and noblest men
of our common country.
So the people are taxed yearly more for the
benefit of the black race in this District alone
than it costs to maintain the burdens of State
government in either lowa, Michigan, Minne
uiont, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New Jersey,
Delaware or Maryland.
ONE HUNDRED THOUSAND DOLLARS PER DAY EX
TENDED ON LAZY NEGROES.
But it is not in this District alone that you
require the people to pay tribute to the idol of
your a flections. Wherever yon find our army,
! wuti one or two honorable exceptions, you will
I find that hundreds of rations are being issued
I daily to unemployed negroes who rendezvous
' in and about the camps; wherever the army is
I they are being employed in various capacities
at good wages, and to the utter exclusion of
' of white labor, that now languishes in irksome
1 idleness throughout our country. 1 state, there
fore, and I think truthfully, that the Govern
ment is already paying sl*oo,ooo per day for
the support and employment of negroes—pav
ing it. too, out of money raised through th"
toil, deprivations and taxation of our kith and
I kin.
In my district, Mr. Chairman, my constitu
ents are selling corn at eight cts. per bushel, in
order to support their families and maintain the
honor and integrity of our Government. Shall
money thus raised and for such a purpose be
diverted to the entertainment of the African?
Will my people, will the people anywhere, en
dorse the party and tho Administration that
thus seeks the elevation of the negro, even at
the cost of ruin to their own race?
The negro placed upon an equality with our Sail
ors and Soldiers.
One might suppose that your ardor in the
care and protection of tiie negro would stop
and cool here; but no, you go still further. Hav
ing made him your equal as a civilian, you now
seek to place him on the same level with Amer
ican sailors and soldiers. First came the or
der of the Secretary of the Navy, Mr. Welles,
as follows:
"NAVY DEPARTMENT, April 30, 18G2. ,
"Slß:— The approach of the hot and sickly
season upon the Southern coast of tho United
States renders it imperative that every precau
tion should be used by the officers commanding
vessels to continue the excellent sanitary condi
tion of their crews. The large number of per
sons known as 'contrabands' flocking to the
protection of the United States flag affords an
opportunity to provido in every department of
a ship, especially for boats crews, acclimated
labor. The flag officers arc required to obtain
the services of these persons for the country by
enlisting them freely in the navy, with their
consent, rating Ihem ~s boys, ut eight, nine or
ten dollars per month, and one ration. Let
a monthly return be made of persons employed
on each vessel under your command. I am, re
spectfully, your obedient servant.
GIDEON WELLES."
Under the plea of the approach of the sick
ly season, Mr. Welles issued this order; under
tho same plea the negro may be cafifd into any
service in the South, through the sickly season,
and the terrible effect it might have upon our
army and navy, was not thought of by any
Republican official until recently.
Having made this progressive step in our
navy (as my colleague from the Bureau Dis
trict [Mr. Lovejoy] would call it,) it remains to
be emulated in our army—Not long does it a
wait an imitator; Gen. D. M. Hunter, comman
ding in the military department of South Car
olina, Georgia and Florida, issues an order to
cnrol'compauies, regiments and brigades of ne
groes in tho military service of the United
States.
Thus, in less than two years after the accca-
WHOLE NUMBER, 3010.
sion to power of the liepublican party, the ne
gro is made, as far as possible, the equal of the
white man as a ci viuan, a sailor and a soldier.
Nay, more than this, the Constitution is viola
ted that white men may be bereft of guaran
teed rights. White men are stripped of the ar
mor of American citizenship in order that the
negro may he clothed therein. All this has
been done against the earnest protest of all con
servative men. And appropriations and a
mendments to bills appropriating money for the
suppression of the rebellion, which provided
that 110 moneys should be diverted cither to the
freeing, the support or the enlistment of ne
groes, have been invariably voted down hy the
liepublican party in the House.
Worse than this even, Gen. Hunter, in hi 3
zeal for the negro, withdraws the protectionjof his
army from the loyal citizens of Jacksonville,
Florida, in order to protect his great negro boar
ding house and African military academy at the
mouth of the Savannah river. This is un
doubtedly in harmony with this brilliant discov
ery that African slavery and martial law are in
compatible. Common minds have heretofore
considered martial law and slavery, either for
whites or blacks, among the most concordant
institutions upon earth. This prociainatory
commander, who vies in profundity with the
immortal Gen. Phelps, undoubtedly considers
martial law the very casket jewel of American
liberty.
My mind, Mr. Chairman, revolts at thejdea
of degrading the citizen soldiery of my country
to the level of the negro. Sir the American
volunteer has always been our reliance in peace
and our vindication i:i war. lam opposed, and
you will find the volunteer army of the Union
opposed, to the equalization in the ranks of cit
izens and slaves.
WE MUST RECEIVE NEGRO DIPLOMATISTS.
Having made such efforts for the negroes of
the United States, it would seem that your zeal
in their behalf would lag and languish. But,
no; you now go wandering among the isloiuls
of the sea, and over the continents of the globe,
in pursuit of negro principalities and republics
which you may recognize among the powers of
the earth. Iluyti and Liberia furnish further
matter for your infatuation to fatten upon, and
von at once proceed to establish diplomatic rela
tions between the United States and these be
nighted and half-made parodies upon human
government.
At an annual expense of thousands of dol
from them, and send United States Ministers to
them ; indeed arc you the champions of negro
equality, without regard to cost, place, propriety
or dignity.
This Congress has been in session nearly eight
months, and all that I have reviewed you have
done, and more you would do if you Could, lor
the negro. What have you accomplished for
the white man'] Have you provided t'orjhc pay
ment of pensions to the soldiers who have been
disabled while fighting the battles of your coun
try ] Have you appropriated money to relieve
the wants and necessities of the widows and or
phans of white men who have perished upon
' the battle-fields defending the Constitution and
the flag of our country! Ah, no! your time has
been too much engrossed with the negro to think
of these things. You have not appropriated
one dollar for these purposes—purposes which
should enlist the ability and the sympathy of ev
ery patriot in the land.
if this statement is incorrect; if this Republi
can party or its Administration have ever made
a single effort in behalf of the maimed soldiers,
single appropriation for the support of the
orphans und widows of slain soldiers, I hope
some gentleman on the other side of the House
will correct inc. There is no response, and lam
reassured in the correctness of my assertion l>y
your silence. The alleviation i.f sufleriugs of
white men or the protection ol their rights is
not in your line of pliilanthrophy. Like your
illustrious prototypes, Mrs. Jellaby, of the
Bori-bo-la-ga mission, or the Rev "Aminidab
Sleek," in the plav ot The Serious Family to the
political branch of which you Abolitionists will
soon belong your sympathies are never active in
behalf of practical and genuine benevolence.
REASONS AGAINST- EQUALIZING THE RACES.
Mr Chairman, I am opposed to all these sick
ly schemes for equalizing tho races. God made
the white man superior to the black, and no
legislation will undo or change the decrees of
Heaven. They are unalterable as the laws of
nature, eternal as Divinity itself, and to legislate
against them loads us to infidelity nnd ruin.—
Since creation dawnedghe white race has impro
ved and advanced in the scale of being, but as the
negro was then, so he is now. "But," say the
Abolitionists, "the African has been blest with
no opportunity for improvement." Who gave
the white man an opportunity for improvement 1
God in his infinite justice, placed the two races
upon the earth at the beginning of time to work
out their respective destinies. History has faith
fully recorded their achievements. To that
impartial tribunal I confidently appeal for tho
verification of tho white man's superiority. An
God made them so have they remained, and,
unlike the Abolition equalizationists, I find no
fault nnd utter no complaint against the wisdom
and justice of our Creator.
But the evils of the attempted equalization of
the races is illustrated by the history of Mexico.
That country was settled by the intelligent Span
iard; a race not inferior to our own ancestors.
They developed the resources of the country by
building roads, highways and canals. All along
their lino of march the church and the school
bouse were erected as landmarks of their pro
gress. But finally the idea of the equalizing of
the races beoamo jnoro popular; tho attempt,
was made, tho racos were commingled, and thence
forward the deterioration of the people was rap
id and fearful. This holds true, not. only in
Mexico and throughout Central and South A
morica, but in all sections of tho globe,, wher
ever the white race has commingled with the
black or the Indian. This system of equaliza-
Hfltta of 2titotrttglng
One Square, three ween or lees.. .•. . . .#T 0#
One Square, each additional inaertion lead
than three months ]{
3 MONTHS. 6 MONTHS. 1 Till.
One square • $2 00 $3 00 S3 00
Tmo squares 300 500 • otf
Three squares 400 700 12 00
i Column SOO 000 15 00
i Column . 800 12 00 20 00
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The apace occupied by ten lines of this sise of
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under five lines will be measured as a half square ;
and all over five lines as a full square. All lege
advertisements will be charged to the person hand*
ing them in.
VOL 5. NO. 47
tion lias failed to elevate the inferior, but has
always degraded the superior race. On the oth
hand, where ever the purity of the white race
has been preserved, its superiority has continued
and its development, both mental and physical,*
progressed. Neither soil nor climate, upon this
continent or elsewhere, lias ever lowered the
standard of the governing race.
For three-quarters of a century the United
States have led the van in all that is great or
useful in inventions. We have made an errand
boy of the lightning; we have applied steam as
a propelling power. In a single year we have
demonstrated the frailty of "England's wooden
walls," by the construction of our iron clad
ships of war, at the same time, by the same
thought, dissijwpated all previously entertained
opinions of sea coast and harbor ifortifications.
Sir I am satisfied with the history of the races
as they are, as thev were created, and as our
forefathers legislated for tncm. I claim no or
iginality for the thoughts ; they have been en
tertained by some of the ablest statesmen, not
only of our country, but of England j among •
them Mr. Canning, who, when the British Par
liment was considering schemes kindred to those
now occupying the attention of the Republican
party in this country, said:
"In dealing with the negro, sir, we must re
member that we are dealing with a being pos
sessing the form and Rtrength of a man, but the
intellect only of a child. To turn him loose in
the manhood of his physical strength, but in the
infancy of his uninstructcd reason, would be. to
raise up a creature resembling the splendid fic
tion of a recent romance, the hero of which
constructs a human form, with all the corporal
capabilities of man, and with the thews and sin
ews of a giant; but, being unable to impart to
the work o& his hands a perception of right and
wrong, he funis too late that he has only crea
ted a more than moral power of doing misqjjjief,
and liimscl f recoils from the monster he has made."
One of their great statesmen of to-day, Lord
John Kussell, whenever he alludes to the black
in America, and to a change of its status, talks
only of a very gradual emancipation, Iwcause
he knows that sudden and unconditional eman
cipation would be destruction to both the negro
and the white man. British statesmen opposed
immediate emancipation upon the ground of
ex|>ediency alone. American statesmen should
oppose it, not only upon that ground, but also
upon the ground that the Constitution gives no,
power to interfere with the domestic institutions
peace or war. . .T
But to reach the goal of their hopes, the Ab-'
olitionists of this country are willing to over-"
ride expediency, the law and the Constitution—
to destroy the Government itself, in order to
emancipate at once all the slaves of the South.
BuVets for licbeh — Ballots for Abolitionists.
Sir, I will not digress; but return to the con
sideration of the solemn responsbilities that are
resting upon us. Our country is menaced by
Secessionists, nullifieis of the laws and the
Constitution, upon the other. Sir, I propose
bullets for the former, ballots for the latter. —
These two classes disposed of, and there will
be a return to prosperity, the peace and happi
ness of the earlier days of the Republic. Sir,
these armies were raised to execute the laws
and maintain the authority of the Constitution
in all the States. They are, sir, to suppress
armed violators of that instrument. And, sir,
it remains for the people at the ballot box to
suppress these Northern violators of the Con
stitution, if they would preserve the rights and
iberties of Amcri can citizens.
Pennsylvania's Quota of tlie Direct Tax.
PHILADELPHIA, June 14.— The State Treasu
rer paid this morning to the assistant treasurer
of the United States $330,00, the final install
ment of Pennsylvania's quota of the direct tax
imposed by the act of Congress of July last,
the whole amount paid being nearly two mil
lions. This promptness saves the 15 per cent,
authorized to be deducted.
THF. ENEMIES OF THE GOVERNMENT. — The
Louisville Journal says "whoever, atthisjuocture,
contributes either to indentify apparently the
Union men of the South with the abolitionists
of the North, or in any other mode to encour
age the latter in their treasonable schemes, is in
effect if not otherwise a mortal enemy of the
government. In the one case, he pelps to dis
able. the Southern friends of the government;
and, in the other, he helps to strengthen tho
Northern enemies of the government."
An eminent physician has discovered that the
nightmare in nine cases out of ten is produced
by owing a bill for a newspaper.
"BIDDY," said U lady, 'I wish you would step
over and sen how old Mrs. Jones is this morning.
In a few minutes Biddy returned, with the in
formation that Mrs. Jones was just seventy two
years, seven months and two days old.
PHONETIC. — A young man, on being asked
by his sweetheart what phonography was, took
out his pencil and wrote the following, telling
her that was phonography: "URABUT,
L N !"(you are a beauty, Ellen!)
There is no moral philosophy that will teach
us anything bettor than Christ taught. There
is no conception of purity, that is more trans
cendent and beautiful than that which was in
volved in the life of the Savior. There is no
idea of disinterested henevolenoe to be compar
ed with that which is portrayed by the New
Testament. _______
THE WORST TWIST OF ALL. — Sam; WHAT I* D®
worst twist you ever heord of T
Well, I can't say. ,
Well, I'll toll you; de worst ticist I ever heera
of was a twister of twists onco unttmtcd a twisty
and the twist that he twisted was a thrice twisted
ticist; now, ih tiristihg this ticist, if one twim
should untwist, the twist that was twisted would
untwist the twist- and the twist that was untwisted
would be an untwisted twist.