THE BEDFORD GAZETTE
,j rOBLISHED EVEUY FRIDAY MORNIXQ
BY B. P. MEYERS,
At the following term*, to wit i
$1 .50 per annum, CASH, in advance.
$9.00 11 " >f paid within the yar.
jj j.rtO " '* 'f "of paid within the year.
tjyNo subscription taken tor less than six months
pgi-No paper discontinued until all arrearages
rf pnid f unless at the option of the publisher, it
hat been decided by the United States Courts that
the stoppage of n newspaper without the payment
ot arrearagesi is prima facie evidence ot fraud and
as a criminal offence.
B3" The courts have decided thai persons are nc
eountable for the subscription price of newspa
pers, if thej fake them from tbepost olhco, wheth
er 'hey subscribe for them, or not.
S!)c Scl) oolmostev CYbroab.
EDITED BY SIMON SYNTAX, ESQ.
BJ7"TeacheiE and friends of education are respect
fully requested to send communications to the above,
rate of "Btdfoul Gazette.'"
BEDFORD, JUNE 1, 18G2.
Jlfr. Editor :
Give mo room to save fctv plain
words to the teachers of Bedford county in
your columns. Imn in favor of common
schools, and of every means of improving
them. I believe inoat firmly that teaching
when well done —-is ns honorable as any
railing in the land—yea the most honorable.
I believe, too, that teaching, as a calling, is,
and will continue to be, just what teachers
mate it.
A word in your private car, Mr. Teacher,
if yotf please. The Bedford County teach
ers' Association, of which you are or should
lie a member, holds its semi-annual meeting
on the 27th inst. There are many reasons
why yon should be present at that meeting.
It is presumed you feel an interest in your
calling. If you do not you made a gross
inis'ako in selecting it, and the sooircr you
leave it the better for you and it. We as
oumu, however, that you do. Every true
teacher doe 3. Then manifest that interest
by your presence and assistance at this se
mi-annual gathering. You cannot expect,
the public to feel an interest in education
unless you do. If Teachers are not inter
ested in teaching, who should be? The pub
lic estimation of a profession is not apt to
bo higher than that of its own members,
and is apt to be nearty as high. If they
ere alive to its interest and its honor, so axe.
the public. If they are indifferent or luke
warm, so are the public. If teachers respect
teaching as they should, so will the public;
if they show by their conduct that they re
gard teaching as an inferior calling—a make
shift till they can get at something better —
so'will the public. If they regard teaching
as of little value, so will the public, and
pay accordingly. Don't stay away. You
can't afford it. No teacher can. Ah! but
you pay your salary is small and you can't
fiord to come. But when will it be higher
if teachers stay at home, say nothing, do
notliing, to press the claims of teaching on
the public? Not. noon, I venture to guess!
But let teachers themselves manifest, proper
spirit, let them turn out at institutes as
sociations, and show that they are in ear
nest, that they nro worthy of higher remu
neration, and that remuneration is sure to
come. Out of nearly two hundred teach
ers in the county, how many will be present
a thw meeting? fifty? Perhaps, perhaps
'oat. But suppose there are. This leaves
nearly throe-fourths of the teachers ol the
cojintv absent—some from necessity, per
haps, but most from indifference. Is this
showing a proper spirit as teachers ? A great
many very good citizens of the county think
it ij not. Great credit is due the live teach
ers who originated and who keep alive the
county organization; and it is matter of pro
found regret that a greater number are not
of this class. Come, then, to this meeting.
Bring yotir neighbor along, and tell him to
bring his. CITIZEN.
Amendments to the School Lr.w.
Tho/ollowing are the most, important pro
visions of the further supplement to the
school law, passed during the lust session
of the legislature.
Seetfen t Provides that the school month
shall hereafter consist of twenty-two day?—
twenty of which shall be devoted to the u
pual school-room instruction, and two to
Teachers 'lnstitutes, or other exercises for
Ihe improvement of teachers.
Section 2 provides for the decision of tie
elections and for the mode of determining
how long newly elected directors shall serve,
when there are terms of different length to
fill, and the voters have not specified for how
long time each was elected.
Section 3 defines what is meant by "sta
ted meetings' or 'regular meetings'of boards
of directors.
Section 4 provides that directors shall not
lew tax; buy or sell school real estate; lo
cate school-nouses; appoint or dismiss teach
ers; determine annual length of annual
school tcftn, course of studies, or series of
lieoks, without the concurrence of a majori
ty of the whole board; and the. yeas and
navs, on all such votes shall 100 entered in
the minutes bv the secretary.
Section 5 explains the mode of assessing
the occupation tax.
Section 6 provides that the school tax rtn
watches, carriages, emoluments of office,
&e., shall be the same as on other property.
8 provides that 5 per cent, shall
be deducted from shooltax on unseated lands
if paid to the treasurer of the proper dis
trict before May 1 following, and that 5 per
cent, shall be added to all remaining unpaid
one year after that date.
Section 9 provides for the time and man
ner of holding the first election for school
directors in newly formed independent dis
tricts.
.Section 7 provides that all money taxa-
VOLUME as.
NEW SERIES.
ble for school purposes shall be taxed only
in and for the district in which its trustee
has his residence, and all real estate only
in the district in which it is located.
Section 10 provides that changes in the
boundaries of school districts can only take
effect for school purposes at the end of the
school year in which sucli changes were
made; that school property passes with the
territory on which it is located to the dis
trict getting said territory; and that the
proper court shall decide what amount of
money, it' any, shall pass with said territo
ry and property.
Section 11 gives tho courts power to set
tle all pecuniary questions between old and
new districts arising out of the division of
school property, or property taxable for
school purposes.
Section 12 repeals a clause of tho law to
which this is a further supplement;
Section-13 provides that directors may,
any time within one year from the collec
tors reception of the duplicate, have judg
ment entered against said collector for tho
amount duo on said duplicate, by simply
filing a certificate of said amount properly
altested with the T'rofhonotary of the prop
er county, and that execution may be is
sued on said judgment at any time by or
der of the court.
Suction 14 provides that County Super
intendents shall be sworn to perform their
duties faithfully.
Section 10 concerns the annual reports of
state normal schools.
Section 16 allows trustees of academies
which have received state aid to transfer
said academies to the school directors of the
districts in which they are located.
Section 17 explains, or reiterates section
26 of the law of 1804.
Section 18 requires directors to publish
annually a statement of the financial condi
tion of the district as to receipts, expendi
tures, moneys due, moneys to be collec
ted, &o.
Section 19 repeals all laws inconsistent
with this supplement.
The 2d, 3d, 4th, 9th, 10th, 11th, 12th,
13th, 14th,15th, 16th, 17th, 18th and 19th
sections went into full force and effect April
11th, 1,862.
The lsf, Oth, 6th, 7th and B'h sections
go into effect June Ist, 1862.
IS THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED
STATES AN ABOLITIONIST?
I'i.YM'wrri, Ixn., April 2, 1802.
To the Editor of the Chicago Times:
1 took tho liberty to address you a few weeks
sineo in regard to the real sentiments and inten
tions of President Lincoln, and desired you to
explain a few positions occupied by him, so as
to make it consistent for Democrats to support
him. As those, positions have not been changed
by him, will you me to make a few more
suggestions*
As the loaders of the so-called Republican
pnrtv have thrown off all disguise, and accept
ed the chief priest of abolition as their acknowl
edged loader, if the. remainder of our liberties
and hopes are to be preserved and realized, it
must be done by Democrats, acting, as of old,!
under their organization. Query, first, —can
that be done ? Let nsseo, first, how westand.
What, have wo to deal with ? Is Mr Lincoln
wedded to abolition, or does he possess the con
servative elements we have given him credit tor,
and on the faith of which the people have rall
ied to his support ?
It is claimed for him and his advisers (or in
other words, for the present administration) that
he nnd they are conservative, ar.d entirely in fa
vor of the restoration of ihe I nion as it was,
and tho maintenance of tho Constitution as it
is, and the enforcement of the laws under the
Constitution.—ls it true?
By that Constitution, the highest power in
the nation is the Supreme Court. That power
expounds tho Constitution, declares what it
means, as well as the laws made under it, and
those expositions ami declarations are the supreme
law of the land.
There is no higher authority in the nation :
there is no law above it. Every officer is bound
to receive it and obey it. and swears to do so
before, entering oil the duties of bis office, lie
is guiltv of perjury if he knowingly refuses to
obey or willfully violates it. Mr. Lincoln and
his Cabinet. Lis Congress and appointeesarc thus
bound and have thus sworn.
Has he, or have they, with his knowledge,
refused to obey the law on the. one side, or viola
ted it on the other, without "a great public ne
cessity ?"
Every officer appointed by him is liable to re
moval by him; and what grcnter reason could
there he for removal than wilful violation of the
express provision of the Constitution by one of
his appointees ?
The law bindseivry cdiien ami resirlent , wheth
er in arms or in civil employment. Military
rifles cannot be made to take tho place of civil i
law in places where war doe? not actually exist,
and where the means of enforcing the civil law
are in uninterrupted operation^
Where is tlie authority for the suppression of
the right of speech or the liberty of the preps ?
It does not exist. The express provisions of
tho Constitution are not. only against it, but
peremptorily declare that it shall nevcr'he even
abridged. This is strong language. It cannot
he misconstrued or misunderstood. Mr. Lin
coln and bis appointees solemnly swore to sup
port this fundamental provision to the best, of
their ability. They forcibly suppressed several
newspapers, (all Democratic.) and rejected oth
ers from the mails. Even the A r . 2 r . Caucasian
Freedom of Thought and Opinion.
BEDFORD,PA., FRIDAY MORNING, JUNE 13, 1862
—thut advocated the supremacy of the white I
man over the negro, and discussed no other i
question, and made no allusions to Government j
policy, that was started under Special leave from j
the administration—was suddenly silenced by |
the government, without why or wherefore.— |
Its editors were Democrats, and it only claimed '
that the negro could nut enjoy the lights and
privileges ot a white man.
They arrested men everywhere without war
rant, forced them to resign offices they held by
election, and discharged them after long impris
onment without charge, information, trial, or:
reparation. They arrested women, and even 1
girls, in tho same way, and refused thein trial j
unless by special tribunal—military or otherwise >
—unknown to the law. *
Mr. Lincoln litis appointed men to office j
whose avowed doctrines, preaching, and practice
are anti-constitutional and in violation of every
civil and political right.—He keeps them in of
fice, to he paid for .such teachings and acts* by
taxation on the hard earnings of the people,
whose rights they are outraging, and whose lib
erties nnd property their conduct is destroying.
11c has failed or refused to order on trial men
high in office who have been properly charged
in form with crimes and misdemeanors, and
those charges remain on file in the proper office.
He has even thrust such men into elevated po
sitions of trust and eonfidenre, and to the social
and official level of other men high in office and
above suspicion, while those charges remain
in foico and undisposed of, and while the honest
men who are thus forced to treat the accused '
parties as equals believe them to be guilty as
charged.
He has permitted tho most pestilent treason,
the most destructive doctrines, the most vi'dan- |
OUB falsehoods, and tho most virulent slander
■to be published and spoken day after day, and
month after month, by his supporters bull; iu
and out of Congress, and in his party newspa
pers everywhere, without restraint or rebuke
and to go broadcast over the land through the
same mails from which were rejected and exclu
ded democratic papers and others that never had
(jpblished one word of treason, "aid or coin
tort," or abuse of any body. The most arch- j
traitor that ever went unhung preached treason '
and disunion in the very capital of tho nation, I
was applauded by the officers, advisers, and sup- i
porters of Mr. Lincoln and those nearest- in his I
confidence, and afterward the name preacher i
was admitted to flic floor of the Senate, and j
received with honors accorded onlv to the most
distinguished persons on rare occasions. Thut ]
honor was extended to Washington ami a few
others, but it is the highest compliment that
can lie. bestowed on worth and excellence out
side of official station.
lie he? permitted Generals to issue the most
infamous abolition, treasonable, and anti-con
stitutional proclamations, and go unrebitked.
Investigation and reparation for the most
outrageous violations of law as to the rights of
persons and property have been rcfusod, and
gross violations of the law have been permitted
to go unpunished, when it was in the power of
the administration to have meted out justice.
The President litis issued proclamations and
delivered messages in which unmistakable asser
tions of anti-slavery political opinions have
linen elevated to a national test question, and
genuine abolitionism has received from him
countenance, support, protection, and immu
nity, while conservatism or democracy ha? been
merely tolerated so long as it could be used* to
advance the former infernal heresy.
Do you aslc for the proof? Why, the ver
iest simpleton knows that an immediate avowal
of abolition would luivc rendered the presonf
administration not, only powerless, but have
sunk it in immeasurable, contempt, had it been
avowed eavlv in the war. Now, although Mr.
, Lincoln had said that the Chicago platform
should be a:, a law to him, and Mr. Seward
had Raid that tho vile rivulet of African slavery, j
flowing from tho stagnant pools of the South, j
must be dried up. yet, when the war came both |
cried out for the Union they hnd so long said j
could not exist as it was, and became, npparc nt- j
ly conservative. But mark the sequel. The I
support and' maintenance of all the.people were j
indispensable to a successful conduct of the i
war. When the passions of tho masses should |
be roused by wqr and tho appeals to their love
of the Union; their judgments blinded by preju
dice nnd false pretences, their cupidity excited
bv office and emolument, the nation brought in
debt for hundreds of millions of dollars, the
party in power would trust to their ability to j
use the eleiqents they had created for t'no sue- j
ccssful denouement of their most destructive dogs
ma. They had no material in their own parfy i
for statesmen or officers. They must perform* j
go to the party of the nation—the Democratic i
pai:tv—for both. .For diplomats they could
sorfe themselves. It required demagogues, nnd
that the sentiments of the people.should Www
represented. The work was easy, a labor of
love; conferred distinction and huge pay.
Hence an abolitionist went to every foreign j
court of n<>te. For soldiers, they did not ex-]
j>eet any body to fight except those who really j
loved the Union,nnd such were not abolition-]
ists. Ilenec the appeal to the people to rally
for the maintenance of tho constitution.
Whether Mr. Lincoln comprehended and de
signed it nil at the start or not, argues notliing.
ItTis certain that these facts arc patent now,
and the result thus far shows that they have
!>een made subservient to the circumstances.
As long as there is work to be done, it must be
done with such material as they could command j
success witli. Ilence tho proclamations and j
acts of Halleck, Buell, Grant, Burnable, Mc-
Clellan, Sherman, and other democrats are of
necessity submitted to; while those of h romont,
Phelps, and others of that stamp, although di
rectly opposite, are encouraged, winked at (at
least not rebuked or censured,) their advocates
kept in prominent positions, and their infamous
designs pertinaciously thrust forward into ev
ery opening made by the real men who are driv-
irtg hack rebellion and trying to sase the coun
try from utter overthrow.
Fremont was faithfully tried, and, after a
shameful failure, was charged in due form
with fraud, incompetency, and disobedience.
What then ? W by, he was simply superceded
.—not tried, dismissed, or even suspended; and
as soon as the gallant Hulled: had retrieved our
almost lost fortunes In Missouri; and Buell and
Grant had driven rebellion out of Tennessee
and Kentucky, Fremont with those charges still
hanging over hii.t untried, is thrust into an e
quality with them, given a Major General's de
partment, ami put into the field to curry aboli
tion where Democratic Generals and soldiers
have driven out rebellion, and immediate!;/ fol
lowing him goes broadcast Mr. fj.icolr's en.and; ;•
tian message!
Carl Sell itrz is re-culled from a foreign Em
bassy to take a llrigaii'er General's commission
while Col. Mulligan, who was loft to destruc
tion by Fremont, bat saved the honor of our
army, will lead some centre of a regiment,
wearing onlv a Colonel's enanlcttes, perhaps un
der Sohurz himself.
Twenty-six thousand now offices have been crea
ted in the internal revenue department alone;
and three times that many in other place;?, and
are or will be filled by anti-Democrats,
i The New York Tribune , the huh/temlerit, and
| other New York papers, the Boston Libera .or,
the Chicago Tribune, and hosts of smaller Abo
j lit ion sheets all over the country, have received
[ government patronage, had free access to mails
.and telegraphs, lilwrai support from Mr. Lin
coln's supporters and advisers, offieersand friends
and all the time they have preached treason, dis
union, and violation of the Constitution, mob"
law, maligned government officers, criticised ad
ministrative nets, lih'ded the dead and the liv
ing ; while Democratic or conservative papers
were mobbed by these partisans, and mail and
telegraphs closed against them by the govern
ment, and their supporters imprisoned.
Wendel Phillips and his co-workers have
preached the same things, been hived by the
same parties, been liberally paid, applauded, and
greatly distinguished, for striving to break up
the Union and build a strong government on its
I ruins.
Abolition runs riot, while conservatism and
democracy arc required to keep still, or submit
to summary treatment without authority ot
law. Renegades like Tloscph A. AV right are
rewarded for detect ion and hypocrisy, and true
hiac abolitionists arc admitted into tho "holy
of iiolic3."
Proof, fnreopthl Except to drive back re
bellion until abolitionism could get possession of
the slave States, when, where, and how has it
ceased one moment from the advocacy ot its
doctrines, or intimated that it would not en
force them, law or no law, as soon as it got
such possession; and when it failed as soon a*
it could do so, seek to enforce its idea under
and aided by all the prominent officers of this
administration ?
Granting s.ll the difficulties of Mr. Lincoln's
position—granting all bis vaunted honesty—
granting the bewilderment of affliction and bis
want of diplomatic education —granting it all,
lie knew, and now knows, that conservatism
and.the Democratic party made the nation great,
united and prosperous ; that abolition plunged
it into discord, civil strife, and tbc present aw
ful sanguinary struggle; that, by calling to his
aid the former element and not the latter, he
could save the nation undivided, with its liber
ties and its strength, nnd escape great burthen.
If he is not an abolitionist, why does he curb
or sutler his officers to curb that clement, except
where it opens the way for abolition, and cling
to the. latter whenever it can be made progres
sive ?
T said that democrats alone could save us the
remnant of our liberties; but if they think they
arc going to be permitted to organize their par
ty for the purpose of defeating ihe present par
ty in power, I fear they arc mistaken, lhut
party loves power too well to surrender it to j
tin people. It cost them too much to surrender j
it on demand of their sovereigns. 1 hey think
they alone are fit to wield it., and they doubt
less moan to teach the people so. It is bootless
to hold up the constitution and their oath.
Where have they failed to seek to tear down its
barriers whenever it interfered with their wish-j
cs? Have they not tried to abolish tho Su
preme Court, when the constitution niada ,it'
Have they not impaired tho obligation of con
tract, when that instrument, said they should
not ? Have tiiey not stricken down the guar
antees of person and property reared by it a
r'Htnd every American, and trampled them in
the dust! What avails it, then, to claim a
right?— They have an army. How easy, as
soon as the South is in their power, to give I're
nionts, and Schurzs, and ( lajs the command ol
nnd remove the leaders that made it a victori
ous army! They have the courts. How easy
to enforce writs for any purpose ! They have
the press. How easy to suppress all publica
tions and speaking except such as they like I
They have tho purse. How easy to make men
subservient and obedient! They have the jiht
runnge. How easy to make adherents and sup
porters-! They bare tin scruples. —They hare a
lore for a consolidated government. They will not
tolerate enemies. And mark the prediction : If
ever another Presidential election is held, where
opposition to them exists, it will be through
revolution or by some special Providence, for
they will not permit any formidable exhibition
of opposition, nor the opo"h organization ola
party for such opposition.
Bat the preservation of this Union and the
annihilation of sectionalism, should lie toe mot
to of every democrat, .and he should face the
cannon's mouth if need he, nnd sncrifice home
and life, to accomplish it. And Iways let him
remember that he, and that the Union, have
no more deadly or bitter foe than abolition.
(Ktrljovcjoy seems to be on an African expe
dition to discover the sores of the Nig(g)or.
WHOM 3 KUHBER, 3008.
From the Philadelphia Inquirer.
The Last Great Scheme for Plunder.
Shall we- be Compelled to Pay Taxes for
our ovm Commercial Euin ?
That a sclietnc so monstrous as that which
seeks to enlarge and improve the railroads or
canals of a particular State, at the expense of
the people of the whole United States, is to be
vigorously forced through Congress if possible,
is evident from the concert of action visible in
the press of New York. Yesterday's issue of
the principal "Metropolitan" journals all con
tain commendations of the project. The first
step was the passage of the Act of Assembly,
to which wo have already called attention. This
generous piece of New York legislation agrees
that the locks of the State Canals may be en
larged immediately, "whenever the General Gov
ernment shall furnish the means, cither iniuo
"ney or in United States six per cent, stocks."
Liberal I.legislators! Noble New Vork! They
will permit their public works to be infinitely
increased in value if the patient tax payers of
the whole country will obligingly toot the bilks.
And mark the amazing liberality of the terms—
the jobbers in whose behoof this wholesale plun
der of the Natioual Treasury is to be authoriz
ed will tak<—either "money" or "United States
six per cont. stocks 1" Was there ever before so
sublime an example eiAjitriotic devotion "to
our noble selves?"
lint this is not all. The disinterested act of
the liberal legislature aforesaid actually provides
that after the General Government has paid l'or
the job, the boats and war munitions of the na
tion shall go through without toll. There is an
intimation, too, that the National Government
—which at this time has, of course, a great deal
more money than it knows what to (lo with—
shall have the privilege of enlarging the Cham
plain eanal on the same generous terms; and
the right to build a small canal of twelve miles,
from Clyde to Lake Ontario, is also extended for
the consideration of the Government. Such o
pen-hearted bounty stands without parallel, and
we cheerfully assist in blazoning it to the world.
Two questions, however, will obtrude them- j
selves upon prudent and inquiring minds—what
will be to pay! and why should the whole peo
ple of the I 'nited States be called upon to pay
it ? As to the first, the minimum amount is ea
sily stated. Four millions dollars, at least, will
Is: required for the Erie and Oswego canals, and
three and a half millions for the Champlain ea
nal. These arc the estimates of interested par
ties. Double them, treble tliem, or quadruple
thciii, and you may be. even then lielow the truth.
15ut what are seven, ten, twenty or thirty mil
lions, in these times *
Now, with regard to the second obtrusive que
ry: Why should the people of Maine, or Mas
sachusetts. or Pennsylvania, or Maryland, or
Missouri be compelled to pay their proportion of
even the least of these insignificant tens of mil
lions? The prime object of the prime movers of
the scheme is to create an enormous job. To
secure this, the Albany lobby, which has done
so much alreadv to corrupt the Government and
to plunder the Treasury during the existing war,
have been careful in their acts of Assembly to
provide tiiat the enlargement shall be done by
the ''State Canal Board," The// arc to handle
ai d disburse the cash. Otherwise, the country
may be assured the// would never bother their
heads about it. Albany operators waste no time
upon any matters unless they pay. The hope
of manipulating the millions involved is. there
fore, the potent motor impelling this scheme.
But this of itself would not do. According
ly New York city has been excited by the pros
pect of a monopoly of the Lake and \V estern
trade which the successful accomplishment of
tins scheme makes eertain. The entire freight
age of the boundless West is to he concentra
ted without transhipment in her docks and in
her harbor.
This rich and tempting prize is relied on
confidently and with reason to bring all the en
ergies of the Metropolis to bear in favor of the
measure at Washington.
Front these statements the merchants of Bos
ton, of Philadelphia, of Baltimore, and the
the heavily burdened tax-payers of all the, States
may see tiio. imminent danger of this nefarious
unjust and oppressive scheme forcing its way
through Congress. And they will also perceive
in these statements why they should not be com
pelled to pay taxes for such a purpose. It is
proper enough for New ork to grasp the whole
trade of the West if she can, hat she must not
he permitted to make other cities and States pay
the bills. If she wishes to fatten her greedy
jobbers, lobbyists and speculators with unlimited
plunder, lot her throw open the specie vaults
and bullion boxes of Wall stroct, and invite
thorn to help themselves there.
\\ ill our merchants call the at tot} ton of their
Senators and Hepresentativcs-to the matter, by
asking them to intermit their devotion to the
"gentlemen from Africa" long enough to see tlmt
our city and State, are not compelled to pay tax
es to effect thc-ir own commercial ruin ?
fvrlnqiiiry is respecting the
mode of putting a gloss 011 linen collars and
shirt bosoms like that on new linen. This
gloss, or enamel as it is some times called, is
produced mainly l>y friction with a warm iron,
and may be put on linen by almost any person.
The linen to be. glazed receives as much starch
as it is possible to charge it with, then it is dried.
To each pound of starch a piece of sperm, par
afine, or white wax, about the size of a walnut,
is usually added. When ready to be ironed the
linen is laid upon the table and moistened very
slightly 011 the surface with a clean wet cloth.
It is then ironed in the usual way with a flat
iron, and is ready for tho glossing operation.
l<"or this pnrpose a peculiar heavy flat-iron,
rounded at the bottom and polished as bright as
a mirror, is used. It is passed firmly upon the
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ing them in.
VOL. 5. NO. 45
J [ From the Cincinnati Inquirer, May 6.]
Was Abolition tlie Original Cause of the
Present War?
"Slavery has just as much to do with tha
strife—caused just as much and no more—than
money causes the robberies of the world."
[Knquirer
"This sentence shows the animus of the En
quirer. The declaration made Is that, the cause
of the war is the wrongs suffered by the slavery
interest—a more gross lie than winch was never
penned.—f Commercial."
Our declaration is that Abolitionism was tha
original cause of the war, and that without it,
it would not have happened. This we shall
prove by testimony that you cannot dispute.
Here is our lirst witness, Hon. Joseph liolt, of
Kentucky, in his Louisville speech, last summer,
said:—
"We make no apology for this wicked effort
in the South to destroy the Government. We
grant the necessity of suppressing it; but Abo
litionism, THAT PRODUCED IT, must also bo sup
pressed. Abolitionism and Secessionism must
be buried in the same political grove."
The Commercial praised Mr. Holt's speech at
Louisville, and, yet, when we reiterate one of
its material statements, it is called a "gross lie."
It considered it a truth when uttered by Mr.
Holt, a LIB when uttered by us.
Our second witness sliull be Mr. Wendell
Phillips, who is a great favorite with the Com
mercial. Sec how he sustains our statement.
Less than a year ago he made a speech in Tre
mont Temple, in Boston, in which he said:
"The anti-slavery party had hoped for and
PLANNED DISUNION, because it would lead to tho
development of mankind and the elevation of
the black man."
Will you tell us now, Mr. Commercial, whe
ther Wendell Phillips told the truth or whether
he LIED? Answer.
Now let us hear from Gov. Andrew Johnson,
of Tenn., whose veracity the Commercial will
hardly call in question. lie said:
"AN ABOLITIONIST IS A SECESSIONIST."
"I would not he personal, but an Abolition
ist is as much a Secessionist as any one to be
found in South Carolina. Now, as much as
these disunionists of both classes abuse each
other, they, nevertheless, both unite in laying
violent bauds upon the Government that never
harmed either. If I were an Abolitionist I
would break up the Union, for the disruption
of the Union must inevitably destroy and oblit
erate slavery. Hence we are for the prosecution
of this war to save the Government us founded
by our fathers; for restoring the Constitution
as we received it, without regard to the peculiar
institution of any State. That a Secessionist
and an Abolitionist are on a par, I can prove
by a simple syllogism; An Abolitionist is a Dis
unionist, a Disunionist a Secessionist; therefore
a Secessionist is an Abolitionist!" [Cheers and
laughter.]— Hon. Andy Johnson, at Columbus, 0. t
Oct. 4, 1802.
Now listen to a voice from Jhe grave. Henry
Clay, in a letter which ho wrote to the Bev.
Mr. Colton, dated Ashland, September 2, 1843,
advising him to write a pamphlet against Abo
litionism, said: "I will give you an outline of
the manner in which I would handle it. Show
the origin of slavery. Trace its introduction to
the British Government. Show how it is dis
posed of by the Federal Constitution; that it is
left exclusively to the States, except in regard
to fugitives, direct taxes and representation.
SHOW THAT THE AGITATION OF THE QUESTION IN
THE FREE STATES WILL FIRST DESTROY ALL lIAR
MOVV, AND FINALLY LEAD TO DISUNION, rOVERTT
AND PERPETUAL WAR, THE EXTERMINATION OF
THE AFRICAN RACK —ULTIMATE MILITARY DESPO
TISM."
THE KINTANDWIOLDIERS.
Frederick of Prussia had a great mania for en
listing gigantic soldiers into It oval Guards, and
j paid an enormous bounty to his recruiting offi
cers for getting them. One day the recruiting
I sergeant chancod to espy a Hibernian who was
at least seven feet high; ho accosted him in Eng
lish and proposed that he should enlist. The.
idea of military life and a large bounty so del
lighted Palldck lliat he immediately consented.
'But', said the sergeant, 'unless yon can speak
German, the king will not give you so muclr.
'Oh, bejabers,' said the Irishman, 'shurc it's
I that don't know a word of German.'
'But,' said the sergeant, 'three words will bo
sufficient, and fliesc you can learn in short
time- The king knows every man in the Guards.
As soon ns lie sees you, he will ride up and ask
you how old you are - , you will say, twenty-sev
en; next liow long have you been in the ser
vice, you must reply three weeks, finally, if
you art; provided with clothes and rations, you
answer, both. # •
Put soon learned to pronounce his answers,
but never dreamed of learning questions. In
t lirrc weeks he appeared before the king in re
view. His Majesty rode lip to him. Paddy
stepped forward with 'present arms.'
'1 low old are you ?' said the king.
'Three weeks,' said the Irishman.
'I low long have you been in the service V
asked his Majesty.
'Twenty-seven years.'
i 'Am lor you a fool ?' roared the king.
'Both,' replied Patrick, who was instantly
taken to the gunrd room, but pardoned by tha
king after he understood the facts of the case.
A distinguished divine, on a certain occasion,
while preaching with his usual eloquence and
power, said—-"Brethren, I sometime? illustrate
liny subject in this manner;" and putting his
handkerchief to his nose, blew a blast loud e
liough to wake the seven sleepers. That wa3
not the intended illustration, but some ot las
hearers thought it was.
Wendell Phillips says that he thanks God
for having created Gen. Beauregard- > "tvo'
no doubt that Beauregard thanks God tor bal
ing -created Wendell Phillips.