VOLUME 57.
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"""' SHBe EXILJ: OF ERIN.
There came to the b each a poor Exile of F.rin,
l"be dew on his tb.in robe- was heavy and chill :
For bis country ne sigh'd when at twilight repair
ing
To wander alone Tiy the win ! beaten hill,
But the day-staT attracted his eye's sad devotion.
Foe it rose over b is own nattve isle of the ocean,
Where once in the fire of his youthful emotion,
He sang the bold anthem of Erin go bragh.
7id is my fate ! said the heart-broken stranger ;
The wild deer and vvoll to a covert can (lee,
But 1 have no refuge from famine and danger,
' A borne ana a country remain not to me.
Never again, in the green sunny bowers,
Where my forefathers lived, shall 1 spend the
sweet hours,
Or cover my heart with the wild woven flowers,
And strike to the numb :rs of Erin go bragh !
Erin my country, though sad and forsaken,
In dreams I jevisit thy sea beaten shore ,
But alas, in a far foreign land I awaken,
And sigh tor the lnends who can meet me no more
Oh cruel fate, wilt thou n ever replace me
In a mansion of peace- -where no perils can chase
Die 7
Never again shall my bro4hers embrace me 7
Tory died to defend m t or lived to deplore 1
Where is my cabin ~oor, fast by the wild wood 7
Sisters and sire, did yo r weep for its fall ?
Where is the mother that, look'd on my childhood 7
And where is the bosc m friend dearer than ail 7
Oh my sad heart, lorg al jandoned by pleasure,
Why did it dote on a l est fading treasure 7
Tears like rein drop, ma y (all without measure,
But rapture and beauty they cannot recall.
let all its sad recollectio is suppressing,
One dying wish my lor te bosom ran draw.
Erin, an exile bequeaths thee h blessing.
Land of my forefathers ! Erin g; rr >gh !
Eiried and cold, when no.' heart stills her motion,
\Grn he thy fields—*', veefest isle of tb" ore in !
And thy h irp striking b&.- il3 sing aloud with devo
tion—
Erin mavournin—E.:n go bragh !
—Campbell.
INAUGURAL ADDRISS
01 '
HON. AEHAH AM LINCOLN.
FELLOW-CITIZENS OF TUE UNITED STATES:
In compliance with a ci istom as old as the Gov
ernment itself, I appear before you to address
you briefly, and take in your presence ihe oath
prescribed by the Coosti tution ol the United
States to be taken by th e President before he
voters on the execution of his otfice. ino not
consider it necessary at j resent lor me to dis
cuss those mailers ot adir. uiistration about which
there is no special auxiv-.y or excitement.
Apprehension seems l- i exist among the peo
ple ot the Southern Slate that by the accession
of a Republican administration, theii ptopersy ,
and their peace and personal security are to be '
endangered. There has never been any rea
sonable cause for such apprehension, hide, d,
the roost ample evidence to the contrary hat
all the While existed, and has been open to their :
inspection.
It is found in nearly a! 1 the public speeches j
ot him who now addiesse s you. Ido but quote ,
from one of those speech, s when 1 declare that
I bave no purpos**, diiect iy or indirectly to m- j
terfere with the inMiiuti' >n of Slavery in the'
bta'.er where it exists. 1 believe I have no
right to Jo so. Th se who nominated and e
lected me did so wtth th-; lull knowledge that j
I had made this and man y similar declaiations,
and had never recanted t tiem, and more than
this, they placed in ttie jdatlbiin tor my accen- j
tance, as a law to themselves and to me, the i
clear and emphatic resolution which* I now
rea 1 :
"RESCLVED, That the maintenance inviolate
of the lights of the Stat-s, and especially the
right of each State to order and control itsown
domestic institutions according to its own judg
ment exclusively, is essential to that balance ol
power on which th>' perfection and endurance
ol our political fabnc depenus and we denounce
the lawless invasion, by an armed force, ol liie
soil ol any State or Territory, no matter under
what pretext, as among the gravest ot crimes."
I now reiterate these sentiments, and IU do
ing so I only press upon the public attention
the most conclusive evidence ol which the case
is susceptible that the property, peace and se
curity of no section ar to be in anywise en
dangered by the now incoming Administration,
ladd, (00, that all the protection which consis
tently wuh the Constitution and the laws can
be given, will be cheerlully given to all the
States, when lawfully demanded, lor whatever
cause, as cheerfully to one section as to ano
ther.
There is much controversy about the delive
ingof fugitives from service or laoor. The
clause I now read is as plainly written in the
Constitution as any other of its provisions:
"No persou held to service or labor in one
State under the laws thereof escaping into an
other, shall, in consequence of any law or reg
ulation therein, be discharged from such ser
vice or labor, but shall be d-livered up on claim
i of the party to whom such service or labor may
be due." It is scarcely a question that this
provision was intended by those who made it
lor the reclaiming of wnat we call lugitivr
slaves, and the intention ol the law giver is the
law.
All members of Congress swear their support
to the whole Constitution—to this provision a<
much as any other. To the proposition then
that slaves whose cases come witnin the terms
of this clause and shall be delivered up, then
oaths are unanimous. Now, if they wou ti
make the effort in good temper, could they not
with nearly equal unanimi y traine and pass a
law hy means ol which to keep good that u
nanimou oal.i. There is some Jdlerence ol o
piiilou whether this clause should be enforced
by National or State authority, but surely that
difference is not a very material one. Tf the
slave is not to be surrendered it can be of but
little consequence to linn or to others by which
authority it is done, anil should any one in any
case be content that bis oath shall be unkeot or
a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how
it shall oe kept.
Again in any law upon this subject ought not
all tue safeguards ol iioerty known in civilized
and humane jurisprudence to be introduced so
that a freeman may not oe in any case surren
deree as a slave 1 And might it not be well at
i the same tune, to provide by "law lor the en
forcement of that clause in tlie Constitution,
which guarantees that the citizens of each Slate
shall be entitled to all the provisions and im
munities of citizens ol the several States? 1
take the oliicial oath to-day, with no mental
reservations and with no purpose to construe
the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical
rules, and while I do not choose now to speci
fy particular acts of Congress as proper to be en
forced, I do suggest that it will be much safer
for ail, both in otficiai and private stations, to
conform to and abide by all th -.se acts which
stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them
trusting to find impunity in bavins them held
to be unconstitutional.
It is seventy-two years since the first Inau
guration of a President under our National
Constitution ; during that period fifteen differ
ent and grea'ly distinguished citizens have, in
succession administered the executive branch ot
the government. They have conducted it
through many peri's and generally with great
success, yet with all this scope for precedent 1
now enter upon the same task tor brief
Constitutional term ot lour years under gieat
and peculiar difficulty. A disruption ot the
Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now
formidably attempted.
I hold ttiat in contemplation of universa
law and ol the Constitution the Union of the
States is perpetual perpetuity is implied if not
expressed in the loud anient at law ol all national
governments.
It is safe to assert that no Government pror r
ever had a provision in its organic law foi its
own termination. Continue to execute all the
express provisions of our national Constitution
and the Union will endure forever, it being
impossible to destiny it except by some action
not provided for in the instiument itself A
gain,.;f the United S'ates be not a government
proper, but an association of Mates in the na
ture of a contract merely, can it, as contract he
peaceably unmade by less than all the parties
who made it ? One paity to a contract may
violate it, break it, so to speak, but dues it not
require all to lawfully rescind it ? Descen
ding from these general principles we find the
proposition that in legal contemplation the U
nior. p-rpetual,and confirmed by the H story
of the Union itself; the Union is much older
than the Constitution.
It was formed in fact by the articles of asso
ciation in J77+. It was matured and contin
ued by the Declaration ot Independence in 17-
i 76. It was (wither matured and the faith of
all the thirteen States expressly plighted and
engaged, that it should be p;petual by the ar
ticles ot Confederation in 1775, and finally, in
1789. One of the declared objects for ordain
ing and establishing the constitution was to form
a more perfect union ; but if the destruction ot
the Union by one or by a part only of the
States tie lawfully possible, the Union is less
than before the Constitution, having lost the vi
tal element of perpetuity.
It follows from these views, that no State up
on its own mere motion, can lawfully get out
*< the Union , that resolves and ordinances to
that etiVct are I gaily void ; and that acts ot
violence wi bin aiv State or States against the
authority of the United Scales, are insurrection
ary or revolutionary according to circumstances.
I therefore consider that in view ot the Consti
tution and laws, tire Union is unbroken, and to
the best of my ability I shall take care as the
Constitution itself expressly enjoins on me, that
the laws nf the I" ion be faithfu ly executed in
a'i the Slates. Dung this f deem to be only a
simple duty on my part, and I shall perform it
so far as practicable unless my rightful masters,
the American people, shall withold ttie lequi*
site means, or, in some authoritative manner,
direct the contiary.
I trust ths will not be regarded as a menace,
but only as a declared purpose that, as to the
Union, i will constitutionally defend, and
maintain it. In doing this there ned be no
bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none,
unless it be forced upon the .National authori
ties. The power confided to me will be used
to hold, occupy, and possess the property and
places belonging to the Gov-rnment, and to col
lect duties and imposts, but beyond what may
be necessary for these objects there will be no
invasion, no using of force against or among
people anywhere.
Where hostility to the United States in any
inteiior localities shall be so great and so uni
versal as to prevent competent resident citizens
from holding Federal offices, there will be no
attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the
people for tiiM object. While the strict legal
right may exut in the Government to enforce
the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do
BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY MORNING, MARCH 15,1861.
!so would be so irritating, and so nearly imprac
ticable with all, that I deem it better to torero
for the tune the uses ol such offices. The mails,
j unless repelled, trill continue to te furnished in
all parts of the Union, so tar as possible. The
) people everywhere shall have that sense ol per
! feet security which is most favorable to cairn
| thoughts and reflections. The coarse here in-;
i dicated will be followed unless current events!
and experience shall show a modification or I
change to be proper,-and in every case and ex-,
ijjency my best discretion will be exercised ac- ,
cording to circumstances actually existing, and |
with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution I
of the national troubles, and the restoration of;
fraternal sympathies and affections.
That there are persons in one section oi a
nother who seek to destroy the Union at all e
vents, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I
will neither affirm or deny ; but i( there be such
here, I nt- d address no word to them. T
those, how ver, who really love the Uni .
may I not speak ? Before entering upon S f >
grave a matter, as the destruction of our Na
tional fabric with ail its benefits, its memorin
an J hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain
precisely what we do ? Will you hazard so
d-snerate a step while there is anv possibility
that any portion of the ills you fly fiorn haA
no real existence ; will you, while the certain j
ills you ll v to are greater than all the real oner,,
you fly from ; will you risk the commission tuJ
so ft arful a mistake ? All profess to be content*
in the Union if all constitutional rights can be i
; maintained. Is it true, then, any right plainly
written in the Constitution has been denied ?
I think not. Happily the human inind i<"*o
constituted that no party can reach to the au
dacity of doing this. Think it you car. Ola sin
gle instance in which a plainly written provis
ion of the Constitution has ever been denied.
If by the mere force of number-a majority
should deprivea minority of anv clearly writ
ten Constitutional rigat it might, m a mora!
point of view, justify a revolution, ft certain
ly wool 1 if such a right were a vital one.—
But such is notour case. Ail the vital rights
of minorities and of individuals are so plainly
assured to them, by affirmations and negates,
guarantees and prohibitions in the Constitution,
t hat controversies never arise concerning them.
But no organic law can be framed with a pro- j
visiin specifically applicable to every question
which may occui in practical Administration.
No foresight can anticipate, nor any docu
ment of reasonable length, contain express pro
visions for all possible questions. Shall fugi
tives from labor be surrendered by National or
State authority? The Constitution does not
expressly say. May Congress prohibit Slavery
in the Territories ? The Constitution doesi#,,
expressly say. Must Congress protect S!
in the Territoiies ? The Cm.: notion d m
expressly say. Fam qneste>vagj Wd Lbtj ■ uj&iir
spring all of our Cons'it utional controversies,
and we divide up .n them int> inaj rit.-*s and
minorities. If the minority will not ac juiesce, •
the majority mi>t, or the government will j
cease. There is no otner alternative fur con- 1
tinning the G >vernment but acquiescence on |
theo le side or the other. If a minority 111 sucn j
case wii! secede rather than acquiesce, they i
make a precedent which in turn w.ll divide and
ruin them • I n a minority of ih< ir own will se
cede from them whenever a ma) >, .ty refuses to
be controlled by such a minority.
For instance, why may not any portion of
a new Confederacy, a year or two hence, arbi
trarily secede again, precisely as portions of the
present Union now claim to secede from it ?
Ail who cherish disunion sentiments are "now
being educated to the exact temper of doing
this. Is there such perfect identity of interests
among the States to compose a new Uni >n as
to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed
secession ? Plainly, the central idea of secess
ion is the essence of anarchy. A majority held
in restraint by Constitutional checks an ! limi
tations, and always changing easily with the
deliberate changes of popular opinions ar.d sen
timents is theonlv true sovereign of i free pro
pie. Wtio ever rejects it, does of necessity (ly
to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is im
possible. The rule of a minority as a perma- j
oent arrangem-nt is wholly inadmissable; >o
that rejecting the majority principle, anarchy
and despotism in some form, is ail that is leit.
I do not forget the position assumed by some
that constitutional questions are lobe decided by
(lie Supreme Court, nor do I deny that such de
cisions must be b;n img in any case upon the
parties to a -uit, as to the obj-cl of that suit:
while they are also entitled to very high re
spect and consideration in parallel cases by all
otherdepaitn ts of the Government, and wtiile
it is obviously possible that such decision may
be erroner, . in any given ca3e, still, me evil
effect following it, being limited to that partic
ular case wi'ii 'he chance that it may be over
ruled and never become a precedent for other
cases, can better be borne than could the evils
of a different practice. At the same time the
candid citiz-n must confess that if the polity of
the Government upon vital questions, affecting
the whole people, is to be irr -vocably fixed bv
the decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant
they are made in ordinary litigation between
parties in personal actions, the people will have
cased to be their own rulers, having to that
extent practically resigned their government
into the hands of that eminent tribunal ; nor is
there in this view any assault upon the Court
or the judges.
Jt is a duty from which they may not shrink
to decide cases properly brought belore them,
and it is no fan it of theirs if others seek to turn
their decisions to political purposes.
One section of our couniry believes slavery
is right and ought to be extended ; while the
other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be
extended. This is the or.Jy substantial di.-putu.
The fugitive slave clause of the Constituion and
the laws for the suppression of the foreign slave
j trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as
! any law can ever be in a community where the
Freedom of Thought and Opinion.
moial sense of the people imperfectly supports
th<* law itself. The great body of the people
abide by the dry legal obligations in both ra
ses and a few break over in each. This, I now !
think, cannot be perfectly cured, and it would
be worse in both cases after the separation of
the syctibjis than before.
The foreign Slave trade, now imperfectly
suppressed, would be uliimately revived with
out restriction in our section, whiie fugitive
slaves now only parially surrendered, would
i not be surrendered at all by the other.
Physically speaking, we cannot separate •
J we cannot remove sections from
i each other, nor build an impassable wall be
tween them. A husband and wife mav he
j divorced and go out of the presence and beyond
the reach other, but the different parts of the
country caiujptdo this ; they cannot but re
main face %!(■, and an intercourse e ; ther
amicable or must continue between
them. Is it possible, then, to make that inter
com se more advantageous or more satisfactory
alter separating than before ? Can aliens make
treaties easier than friends can make laws ?
Can treaties be more faithfully enforced be
tween aliens than laws among friends f Sup
pose yo go to war ; you cannot fight always,
and when , alter much loss on both sides, and
no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identi
yal questions as to terms of intercourse will be
again upon you.
! ins country, with its institutions, belongs
to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they
shall grow weary ol the existing government
they can exercise their constitutional right ufj
amending it or their revolutionary right to:
dismember or overthrow it. I cannot be igno- !
rant of the fact that many worthy and patriot
ic citizens are desirous of bavin? the National j
Constitution amended. While I make no re- j
commendations of amendments, 1 fully recog
nize the rightful authority of the people over
the whole subject, to he exercised in either of
the modei* persenbed in the instrument itself,
acd I should, under existing circumstances,!
favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity
being afforded the people to act upon it. I
will venture to add that, to me, the Conven
tion m ode seems preferable, inasmuch as it al
lows the amendment to originate with he peo
ple themselves, instead of permitting them to
takeor r-j'*ct a proposition orignated by others
not especially ch ..eti for the purpose, and
which mignt not h- precisely such as thev
would wish to either accept or refuse.
I understand a proposed amendment to the
Constitution, vyliich amendment, however, i
hav * not <een, has passed Congress to the effect
that the Federal Government shall never in
tatfere with tlie domest'c institutions of the
4b U- > including that of persons held to ser.;ce.
< mi -'instruction of what I have said,
I lepart Vr >m rtfjr purpose not to rp-afc of par
ticular amndmeiiti, so fer as to say that hol
di ig such a pi >visi m to be now implied as
Constitutional !iw, [ have no objections to its
being made express and irrevocable. The
Chief .Magistrate derives all his au'hority from
tli j people, ami they have conferred none up
on him to fix terms for the separation of the
States. The people themselves can dofhi.. also
il they choose but the Executive, as such, has
nothing to do with it; his duty is to a f nmister
the ores nt Government as it came to his hands,
and to transmit it unimpaired by him to his
successor. Why sh6uld there not be a patient
confi lence in the ultimate ju.-.t;ce of the people f
is there any better or equal hope in the world ?
In our present differences is either party with
out faith of being in the rig.ht ? If the Al
mighty ruler of nations with his eternal tiuth
and justice be on your side of the X >rtb, or on
yours of the South, tiut truth ani that 'justice
will surely prevail bv the judgment of his
Great Tribunal.
The American people were the framers of
the government under which we live ; this
same people have wisely given their public
servants but little power for mischief, and
have with equal wisdom provided for the return
of that little to their own hands at vety short
itervals.
While the people retain their virtue and
vigilance no Adinin istratioo, by any extreme
of wickedness of lolly, can very seriously in
jure the government in the short space or four
years. Mv countrymen, one and all, think
camly and well upon this whole subject.—
Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time.
It there be an object to liurry any of you in
hot haste to a step which you would never
take deliberately, 'hit object will be frusliated
by taking time, but n > good object will be
frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dis
sa!irfied, still have the old Constitution un
impaired, and, on the sensitive point, the law
ol your own framing under it ; while the new
administration will have no immediate power,
il it would, to change either. I* it were ad
mitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the
right side in the dispute ; there is still no single j
good reason for precipitate action. Intelli
gence, pa'riotism, Christianity, ami a [firm reli
ance on Him, who has never yet forsaken this
favored land, are still competent to adjust, in
the best way, all our present ddliculties.
In your hands my dissatisfied coun'rymen,
and not in mine, is the momentous issue of
civil war ; the Government will not assail you
—you can have no conflict without being
yourselves tfo aggressors. You have 110 oath
registered in Heaven to destroy the govern
ment, while I shall have the most solemn Jone
o preserve, protect and defend it. lam loth
to ciose. We are not enemies, hut friends.—
We must not be enimes.. Though passion mav
have strained il must not break our bonds of
affection.
The mystic chords of memory, stretching
from every battle field and patriots grave, to
every loving h-art and hearthstone all over
this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of
the TJmon when again touched, as surely they
will be, by the better angels of our nature.
"JONES AND SEREFEENER."
We hev sad it was uight. And ona lor all
wpsay agio :
It was night.
, O
In the fore room of widder Tattle's house sat
widder Tuttle's only darter—Serefeener. To
To say that Serefeener Tuttle—such was ber
name likewise her nature—was a lovely gal,
would be several rows of apple trees away
from her case. Her raven tresses were redder
than her nose, expressible eyes, teeth—grinders,
tothers bt ing out probably ivory. Add to
these the form of a pyrup, and you hev one of
them gals kalkerlated to make a man strike his
father and kick his grandmother, break,the ten 1
commandments, and pretty much everything
else.
L-astwise, so thought Jemes Perkins, as he i
knelt at h"r fee• that odd, cold, night.
"Fairest ot the fair sects," implored the
3'unth, "heer me swart"
She said she would.
A nd he sword.
"May I be whittled inter kindling wood,"
swore Jemes, "may I use stuffing sarsiges if I
ever—"
Here the strain caused by kneeling was too
much for Jeme' unmentionables. Thar war a
rip, then a tear, and Jemes werfiumexed.
A deadly pallorsurlustd the classic counte
nance of the lovely Serefeener.
"Oh, grashus !" she cried, then swooned.
An then Jemes he swooned too.
f hen— as it this had been the signal—thun
der bellered, lightning flashed, and the wind
roared in the chimbly.
"Jemes Jemes," at length called Serefee
ner, in Hie gossamer tone olan expirin' treetcde,
'•this are the Iv in' gale."
I hen life once more returned to the dyin'
youth. For a single moment he sat on the
hairth ; gracefully as a Roman seniter a foldm
his toggy did gather his cote tails round his
tored trowsis—sorrowfully did he gaze upon
the face ot tiis beloved—and solemnly he re-,
plied :
"ft kaint be so—it's too airly !"
Hardly hail he seesed speakin'—or more
properly speakin, skasely had he dried up
when the door opened, and ' 1 '***♦*
IF- ! ! !
CA.MP MEETING INCIDENT.
Our readers tnay remember the story of the
soaping of the signal horn. The storv runs,
that when a certain revivalist of celebrity took
up the horn to summon the worshippers to ser
vices, after dinner, one day, he blew a strong
blast of soft-soap all over the astonished breth
ren. It also said by the chronicler of this
"item," thai the brother was so wroth at this
juke that he cried out loud, I have
passed through many trials and tribulations, but
noftimg tike tfio. [ ha*e screed Ihe n'.inutry
tor thirty yea- <, acd in that time have never
uttered a profane word, but I'll be cussed if
I can't whip the mau that soaped that there
horn."
Well, this is a strong story ; but we have,
from a reliable authority, something a little
stronger iu the sequel to the same incident.—
This is given to us follows :
S une two days after the horn-soaping, a tall, i
swarthy, villainous-looking desperado strolled
on the grounds and leaned against a tree, listen- i
iug to the eloquent exhortation to repent which I
was being made by their preacher. After a j
wlul- became interested, finally affected, and
then tak ; n a position on the anxious seat, com- j
menced groaning in ihe bitterness of hi s sorrow.
The clergyman walked down and endeavored
to console him. No consolation—he was too
great a sinner, he said# Oh no—there was
pardon for the vilest. No, he was too wicked,
there w as no mercy for him.
"V\liy, what crime have you committed 1" j
said the preacher. "Have you stolen ?"
"Oh, worse than that !"
"What, have you by violence robbed It male
innocence of its virtue ?"
"Worse than that."
"Alurder, is it ?■' gasped the boirified preach
er.
"Worse than that I" groaned the smitten
sinner.
Ihe excited preacher commented "peeling
off" his "dry goods."
"Here, brother Cole !" shouted he, "hold my
coat—l've found life fellow that soaped that
horn !"
THE CROWD OF HUNGRY OFFICE SEEKERS.—
Every avenue to Mr. Lincoln and even to his
supposed future advisers, is liierally choked up 1
by greedy, craving demagogues, who have no
thought excepting to get some greater or smal
ler morsei of the sp* ils that are about to be ;
distributed. The dirty crowd that lias poured
iu from tho West and Northwest, reminds one i
of the locusts of Egypt. They fill the hotels
and the avenues ; clock up the passages of the j
Capitol ; deluge with tobacco juice,
and are a most intolerable nuisance to the re-1
gular inhabitants ot the capitol. I heir princi
ples depend upon Hie Slate of the Cabinet mar
ket. Now that Mr. Seward's authority is con- !
firmed, they curse Greeley, Fessenden &, Co.,
and denounce "ultraists" as traitors. A few
days ago, when it appeared probable that co
ercionists would get the upperhaud, they were !
ready to hang the future Premier on the nearest
lamp post. Ihe welfare of the country is their
last consideration. The North and South miv
cut each oil er's throats, and the whole nation
go to destruction, for all they would do to pre- '
vent it. Tne little mess of pottage they have
come to Washington fur, and without which
many of them will go away without paying,
their bills, is of more importance to them than i
the salvation of the republic, and they think it |
must be equally so to every one ele.
AVIIOLi; \IIIREK 294 f.
John Alcohol, my Joe John,
When first we were acquaint,
I had money in my pocket, John,
But now you know, I hain't !
I've spent it all in treating you,
Because I loved you so,
But mark how you have treated me,
John Alcoho', my JO !
John Alcohol , my Jo, John,
We've b eeri 100 long together,
Ycu must now take one road. John,
And I will take another,
For we must tumble down, John,
}f hand in hand we go,
And I will have to foot your bills,
John Alcohol, my Jo
TOE PRINTER'S DOLLAR. —The PI inter's Dol
lars VVheie are they ? VVe will suupose ooe
ot them is in somebody's pocket in Alabama ;
another in Mississippi, and a third in G j orgia,
while others are resting serenelv in Missouri.
A dollar here and there; sea-tern! ail ov
the country ; miles upon miles apa r t. H>w
shall they be gafheied together; The tvpe
founder has his hundreds of dollars against the
print' r; ti paper maker ; the building owner;
the journeyman compositor ; the grocer; the
tailor ; and all his assistants in carrying on the
business have their demands ; hardly ever so
small as a single dollar. But the mites from
here and there must be diligently and patiently
hoarded, or the wherewith to discharge tne
large bills will never become bulky. We im
rragine the print r .ill have to get up ao ad*
, dress to widely scattered dollars something like
the following :
"Dollars, halves, quarters, dimes and all
manner ol f actions into which yp are divided
collect yourselves and come home ! You are
wanted ! Combinations of all sorts ot men
that help the printer io become a proprietor,
ga'her in such force and demand with such good
reasons your appearance at his counter, that
nothing short of a sight ot you will appease
them Collec l yourselves, tor valuable as vou
are in the aggregate, single you will never pay
the cost ot gathering ! Come in here in silent
single file, that the printer may form you into
a battalion, and send you lorth again t< battle
tor hiinand vindicate his feeble credit!"
Reader are you sore you havn't a couple ot
tLe printer's dollars sticking about your clothes ?
AN ENGINE OF WAR. —There is now being
exhibited to the citizens of Baltimore a new
gun, or movable fortress, styled by the inven
tor Dickinson's Peace Maker. It is a centrifu
gal gun, throwing from one hundred to five
hundred balls per minute, or from one ounce
to twenty-four pounds. The gun is worked
wholly by steam, .neither powder nor caps
being used, and is certain 'y a very terrible en
gine cf war. It was in operation on Thursday,
for the purpose of exhibiting jus powers to a
number of military officers, ail r \ whom de
clared it a powerful and destructive weapon.
It is movable, can be put in readiness for action
in a few minutes, and easily worked by four
men, who, as well as the machine, are safely
esconced behind an impregnable steel aimor.
it is certainly a great curiosity, and worthy
the attention of those interested in gunnery.—
Patriot iS* Union.
ftP*Mr. James Shirley, of Cove Station, had
bis pocket picked while in Harrisborg, seeing
"Old Abe," on the 22d Feb. We are informed
that the pick-pockets did a good business there
on that day. A preacher while standing on a
corner, was relieved of three hundred dollars
in gold. He must have been a lucky fellow
to have had so much money and all at one time
too, but not very lucky in having it taken from
him. VVe would like to see the man who can
relieve us of that much at one time. In fact,
we don't believe it can be done, as we never
had that much, nor never expect to have, at
one time.— Broad Top Miner.
RESIGNED. — We sye sorry to learn that our
frfend, Mr. William Graham, Foreman of Re
pairs on Shotips's Run Division of the Broad
Tup Railroad, has sent in his resignation,which
is to take effect to-day, or sometime soon. Air.
Graham is a master wo kman, and has proved
himself such, sine- his connection with the B.
T. Go. The company deeply regret his with
drawal. as Well as a host of warm friends, who
are sorry to lose him fromjtheir midst. Wherev
er he mav go, or in whatever he may embark,
the best wishes of his friends go with him for
his future welfare.— Broad Top Miner.
fGP*Mrs. Partington says, that "when she
was a gal she used to go to jiarties, and always
had a beau to ex'ort her home. But now,"
savs she, ' the gab undergo ail sorts ofdeclivi
ties.- the task of extortrng them home revolvs
on their dear selves." The eld lady drew down
her specs, and thanked her stars that she had
lived in other days, when men could depreci
ate the worth of the female sex. "Besides,"
she added, "so many men are murdered every
day, that you gals must make haste and get
husbands as soon as you can, or there won't be
any left." "Why so, aunt ?" "Why, I see
by the paper that we must have got almost thir
ty thousand post offices, and nearly all ot 'em
dispatches a mail every day,"
THE JY. Y. TRIBUNE savs it prefers the pre
servation of the Chicago Platform to "FIFTY
UNIONS." This is the difference between
parties —one willing to surrender all for the U
nion, the other not even a rotten piank in its
platform !
THE California Legislature have passed re
solutions indorsing the Cti'teoden Compromise,
and the views against coercion expressed by
Breckinridge and Douglas. An attempt is
making to reunite the two wings of the Demo
cratic party in that State.
VOL. 4. NO. 31.