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REFERENCES.
HON. JOR MANN, Bedford, Pa.
44 JOHN CESSNA, 41
JOHN MOWER, 41 44
R. FORWARD, Somerset, •'
RUNN, RAIGCEL & Co., Phil * 4 |
J. WATT & Co., Pittsbur - 4
J. \V. COR LEV , ST Co.. 4 -
tfumißomvcaltl) Snjiuamc vilompann.
RN ION BUILDINGS, THIRD STREET, #
HARRISBURG, PA.
CHARTERED CAPITAL, $300,000.
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JAMES FOX, GEO. RERGNKR, REM. P.RKE, !
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KM SUPER.
OFFICERS :
SIMON CAMERON, Presid-*n.
BENJAMIN PARKE, Vice-President.
S. s. CARRIER, Sec-'tarv.
J. w. LINGF.XFF.LTF.R, A;nt.
Bedford, Pa. Office on Juliana Street.
Oct. 21*, 15.J9.-ly.
Pclinsiilfcama Jusurawe (fompann
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OFFICE, NO 63 FOURTH STREET.
Capital And Surplus over $150,000.00.
DIRECTORS,
lacob Painter, C. A. Colton, \. V oeght'v,
Rudy Patterson, A. A. Carrier, I. (i. Siirnni,
Henry Sprout, A. J. J >ne, G. W. Smith
W. Hampton, R >h't Patrick. J. H.-Hopkins.
This Compaay hr.s paid losses from tb date ol
its incorporation in 1854, up to May, 1859, to a
mc.nrit of $302,*.!5, 07, in addition to rpunl ir semi- j
annual Dividends of from sto 15 per rent affording
evidence of its stability and usefulness.
LOSSES LIBERALLY ADJUSTED, AND
PROMPTLY PAID.
A. A. Carrier. Pirs't. R. O. ML., (
J. J. Lingenlelter, Agent. Office at Bedford Pa. ,
Sejitember 2, 1859.-lyr.
a IKSSNA & SH.WXOIY
HAVE formed a;
Partnership in the Practice of the Law. Oilice j
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BORN P. REED
99 ATTORNEY AT I. AW. BEDFORD, p.t.
Respectjully tenders his sendees to the Public
lLp*Oliice second door North of the Men r ■ j
House.
Bedford, Aug. I. 1859.
OH tUITHER—
n ATTORNEY AT LAW, BET FOP. D, PA , i
VV" JLL promptly attend to all businesa en- |
trusted to his care. Office on Put street, two;
doors east of the Gazette office. He will also i
attend to any surveying business that may be :
entrusted to him. | Nov. +, '59.1
T t BICKER—
D Attorney at Lavz, Pittsburg, Pa |
WILL attend promptly to all busimss en
trusted to his care.
July 1, 1859.-1 v.
TOUR LOUDER —
GUNSMITH, REOFORP, PA.
Miop at the east end of the town, one door west j
of the residence of Major VVashabaugh.
All guns of my own manufacture warranted. !
May 21,'58.
OMIFEL KETTERMAN-
Cj COUNTY SCRVF.YOR.
WOULD hereby notifiy the citizens ol Bed- |
lord county, that he has mover) to the Borough j
of Bedford, where he may at all times be J
found by persons wishing to see him, unless j
absent upon business pertaining to his office, j
April 16, 1858.-tf.
MAW & spang—
ATTORNEYS AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA. J
1 i'e undersigned have associated themselves in j
the Practice of the Law, and will attend promptly 1
to aii business entrusted to their care in Bedford
and adjoining counties.
KF" Office on Juliarina Street, three doors south j
of the "Mengel House," opposite the residence o j
Maj. Tate. JOB MAN.V
Aug. 1, 1859. (i. H. SPANG. j
T H LLNLEMELTER
♦ I • ATTORNEY AT LAW, AND LAND SURVEYOR.
B >ll attend with promptness to all bust nets
entrusted to his cire.
Win. PRACTICE IN Bsoroan ANU Fiu/roc COUNTIES.
three doors .Norlti of the "Inquirer"
Office.
OR. D, F. HARRY
RESPECTFULLY tenders
his professional services to the citizens ot Bed
ford and vicinity.
Office and residence on Pitt Street, in the
building formerly occupied by Dr. John Hofius.
Aug. 1, 1M59.
r PO BUILDERS.—
JL The subscriber is fuUy
preprred to furnish any -quantity or quality
of Building Lumber and Plastering Laths.—
Orders directed to St. Clairsville, Bedfod
f ounty, will be promptly attended to, by
giving a reasonable notice." F. ,D. BEEOLE.
THE GEEAT ISSUE
TO BE DECIDED l\ NOVEMBER NEXT.
SHALL THE
COiXSTITIiTIOX IND THE UNION
STAND GR FALL ?
SHALL SECTIONALISM TRIUMPH.
THE CONSTITUTION BE PERVERTED'
AND
THE UNION DESTROYED!
OR SHALL WE CONTINUE TO HAVE j
One Country ' One Union' One Constitution'
ONE GLGRIGU3 DESTINY *
LINCOLN ANI) HIS SUPPORTERS
BEHOLD THE RECORD.
i An awful responsibility rests upon the voters
!of this country ! A great, a teaiful, a vital
j issue is to be decided by tiiem on the 6lh dav
!ol November next ! Through the ballot-box,
1 before tbe Supreme Ruler ot the. Universe, (we
' speak most reverently,) aud tn the eyes o| the
I civilized woi Id, ttie citizens of tlu3 great coun
try will be called upon to decide whether the
Constitution and the Union our fathers made
i shall stand or fall—whether this great Govern
ment, ltie freest and the best the sun of Heaven
ever shone upon —shail goon in its high career
ol prosperity an J renown, or be torn asunder
by ctvti war! Disguise it as you may, union
or disunion is the question to be decided in
November. No man with a thiinblefull of
braios in his head can fail to see that the
' triumph ot a sectional party, whose avowed ob
j-ct is to war upon the institutions of the other
nail ol the Confederacy, leads inevitably to a
dissilution ol the Union. Hence it was that
the Fatiier of Ins Country warned os to be
ware ol sectional parties, and to indignantly
lrown upon the first attempt to alienate one
section of the Union from the other. 4 'A
house divided against itself cannot stand/ 1 holds
true in the political as well as the ieliions
world. This war ot one section upon the
other section can/iave but one end—tie disrup
tion ot the Confederacy, if continued, it must
lead to estrangement, then hatred, then open
and violent altercation-, and the dis-olulion of
the bonds that bind us together as one people.
Haw happily and how truly did the creat
j statesman ot Kentucky, Henry Clay, express
! this idea in asp ech in the Senate, on the 7 ol
1 February, 18 i 9 :
' :IRR (T VN IN T FIR TJUUII UI IIPFJKILIV
lightly ol the possibility otdissolv ; ng this hap
!py Uniin. The Senate know thitfl have de
precated allusions, on ordinary occasions, to
lhat direful event. The country w ill tes'ify
that, il there be anything in the history of my
public career worthy of recollection, it is the
truth ami sincerity of my ardent devotion to its '
lastiug preservation. But we should be Irlse
in our allegiance if we did not discriminate '
between the imaginary and real dangers by '
winch it may be as-ailed Abolitionism should 1
no longer be regarded as an imaginary danger.
The abolitionists, let ire suppose, succeed in
their present aim ot uniting the inhabitants ot '
the tree States, as one man, against 'lie inhabit
ants of the slave States. Union on one side '
will beget Union on the other, and this process
of reciprocal consolidation wiii be attended
with all the violent prejudice, embittered pass
ions, and implacable animosities which ever de
, graded or deformed human nature. * * *
! One section will stand in menacing and hostile
: array against the other. The collision of opin-j 1
ion will be quickly followed by the clash of
j arms, i wi:l not attempt to describe scene®
; which now happily iie concealed from our '
vi. w. Abolitionists themselves would shrink '
back in dismay and horror at the contempla- '
•ion of desolated fields, conflagrated cities, '
murdered inhabitants, andjtlie overthrow ol the '
(aires! fabric of human government that ever '
rose to animate the hopes of civiiizrd man." '
How sadly true, nay, how prophetic, also, 1
j are these words of Mr. Clay. The triumph ol '
sectionalism is the downfall of the Republic.— 1
To preserve the Union we must keep the bond '
our fathers made, and crush out and extermi- 1
nate this hydra-headed monster of abolitionism. '
The man who casts his vote for Lincoln, in
that act, deliberately, solemnly, aud knowingly,
votes for a dissolution ol the American Union !
There is no dodging this position. What are
| the principles of that sectional party, and what
| the utterance ot the men who formed, lead, :
j and control it I Behold the record !
Before proceeding to the record, however,
| let us see bow, in the speech from which we
[ have already quoted, Mr. Clay sums up the • 1
designs of the abolitionists :
'-'And the third class are tfie real ultra ab
olitionists, who are resolved to persevere in the
pursuit of their object at all hazards. With
this class the immediate abolition of slavery in '
the District ol Columbia, the prohibition ol the
removal of slaves from State to Stale, and the
refusal to admit any new State comprising
within its limits the institution ot domestic
slavery, are but so many means conducing to
the accomplishment of the ultimate but peri
lous end at which they avowedly and boldly
aim, are but so many short stages in the long j
and bloody road to the distant goal at which
I they would finally arrive. Their purpose is
abolition —universal abolition; peaceably if
: they can, forcibly it they must."
How graphically descriptive jf the black
republican party of the present day ! The pic
; ture is true to life.
LINCOLN AND HIS SUPPORTERS IN FAVOR OF THE
HIDEOUS DOCTRINE OF NEGRO EQUALITY !
On the 16th of October, 1854, Abraham
j Lincoln delivered a speech at Peoria, Illinois,
j in which he used the following language :
44 What I do say is, that no man is good
enough to govern another man without the
other's consent. J say this is the Dading
principle, the SHEET ANCHOR of American
BEDFORD, PA. FRIDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 12,lxtili.
{ republicanism. Our Declaration of Indepen
dence says :
"We Hold these truths to be self evident—
that all men are created equal that they are
! endowed by their Creator with certain inalien
able rights , that amongthese are life, LIB ER
:I V, and toe pursuit ot happiness. That to
j secure these rights, governments are instituted
among men, deriving their just powers frow the
consent of the governed.'
"I have quoted so much at tins tim nvrelv
to show that according to our aucint faith, the
. powers ot Government are derived horn the
■ consent of the governed. Now, the relation
of master and slave is pro t into a total viola
tion ot this principle. The master not only
; governs the slave without his consent, but lie
governs him'by a set of rules altogether differ
ent from those which he prescribes for himself.
Allow ALL the governed an EQUAL VOICE
IN IHE GOV EUNMEN f : and that, and that
only, is sell-goveininent."—Howell's Life of" j
Lincoln, page 276.
Again, in a speech delivered in Chicago, j
during tiie last presidential election, which we
find publisned in the Illinois Slate Journal, the J
State organ ol the black-republican paity of:
Illinois, on lhe 16th ol September, 185G, Mr.
Lincoln said :
" That central idea, in onr political opinion,
at the beginning was, and until leceotly con- •
tinued to be, the equality ot inen. And, al
though it was always submitted patiently to
whatever inequality there seemed to be as a
matter ol actual necessity, its constant wot king
has been a steady progress toward the PRACTI
CAL equality of all men.
"L"t past differences as nothing be j and
with steady eye on the real issue, let us re-in- |
augurate the good old central ideas nt the Re- ;
public. We can do it. The human hea-t is '
with us: Go lis with us. We shall again he (
able not to declare that all the States, as States, j
are equal, nor yet that all citizens, a citizens, j
are equal, but renew the broader, better;
ifeclaraiioii, including bith these and much j
more, that all inen ate created equal."
Yet, again, in his speech at Chicago on the
10th of July, 1858. Mr. Lincoln said :
"I should like to know if, taking the old
Declaration ot Independence, which declares j
that all men are equal upon principle, and ma- i
king exceptions to it, wlieie will it stop? II
oie man says it does not mean a negro, why j
not another say not mean some other
man ? If that declaration ts net the truth, let
us get the statute book in which we find it
and tear it out. Who is so bold as 'o do it ?
J/; ••**. TIURJ ITRI US IRDI N UUV C R
"No, no !"] Let us stick to it, then, let us j
stand firmly by it then. * * m * * * j
Let us discard all this quibbling about this man ,
and the other man—this race and that race and j
the other tace being interior, and then-lore j
they must be placed in an inferior position— :
discarding the standard that we have left us.— j
Let us discard all these tilings, and unite as i
one people throughout this land until we shall '
once more stand up declaring that all men are |
created equal. * * * *1 leave you, bo- i
ping that the lamp of liberty will burn in your
bosoms until there shall no longer be a doubt
ttiat ALL MEN aiecieated free and equal." !
See the volume of the debates between Lin
coln and Douglas, which have been re\is-d i>y '
Mr. Lincoln since his nomination lor the
presidency, pages 23,24. Salmon P. Chase,
twice elected governor ot Ohio, and elected last 1
winter United Stales senator from that State, ;
by the black republican party, Mas presented i
with a silver pitcher bv the negroes ol ■'
Cincinnati on the 6th <>t May, 1845. In;
response to the ; r- sentation, he said :
"In what I have done I cannot claim to have j
acted from any peculiar consideration of the !
colore! people as a separate an.! dir-lmct class in :
the community, but from the simple conviction
that ali the individuals of that class are members '
of the community, and, in virtue of their man
hood, entitled lo every original right enjoyed j
by any other member. We feel, therefore, j
that all legal distinction between individuals ol J
the same community, founded in any such i
circumstanc- as color, origin, and tbe like, are j
hostile to ttie genius ot our institution, and
incompatible with the true theory ot American
liberty. Slavety and Oppression must cease or
American liberty must perish.
"In Massachusetts, and in most, if not all, the
New England States, the colored man and the j
white are absolutely equal before the law.
"In New York the colored man is restricted i
as to the right ot suffrage by a property i
qualification. In other lespects the same equal- j
ity prevails.
"I embrace with pleasure this opportunity!
of declaring my disapprobation ol that clause!
of the constitution which denies to a portion of!
the colored people ths right ol suffrage.
"True democracy makes no inqniiv about j
the color ol the skin or place of nativity, or any j
ofner similar circumstances of condition. J !
regard therefore the exclusion of the colored
people as a body Irom the elective franchise as
incompatible with true democratic principles."
"By the laws of Maine, and under the con
stitution of the State of Maine, fiee negroes are
citizens—just as much citizens >n the S'ate of
Maine as white men. It has been so solemnly
decided by the highest tribunal ol our State
since the decision of the Dred Scott case. The
supreme court ol Maine has decided that they
are entitled to all the privileges—that th< y
stand upon a perfect equality with the white
men—under the constitution and the laws ol i
that State. They are voters, anil recognised as j
citizens under the terms of the constitution, j
which allows any,citizen to vote."
Here we have the black-republican supreme
court of Maine actually nullifying the decision
of the Supreme Court of the United States : so
intense is their love for the negro! Is this not
enough to startle and alarm every lover ol his
country ?
Now listen to Cassius M. Clay, who was the
chief competitor against Hamlin fir thp nomi- (
nation for the vice-presidency in the Chicago
Freedom of Thought and Opinion.
| convention :
"Our legislatures, State and Federal, should
j raise the platform upon which our tree colored
| people otarid ; they should give to them full po
; iitical rights to hold office, to vote, to tit on ju
ries, to give their testimony. and to make no dis
tinction betneen them and ourselves. The in
strument called the Constitution, after pronoun
! etna; all men equal, and having equal rights,
j sufiVrs slavery to exist, a free colored person to
be denied all political rights, and after decla
iiog that all persons shall enjoy a free inter
course with the Stales, suffers the Iree negro to
be driven out of all, and excluded Irom such
rights. Deliver me from such an instrument
' thus partial, thus unjust ; that Cc.n be thus per
verted, and made to sanction prejudices and par
ty feelings, and note the accidental distinction
of color."
This black-republican maniac raves at the
Constitution because it does not guaranty the
equality ol the negro with the white man !
Now, let us hear from Horace Greely, "the
! chief cook and bottle-washer" in the Chicago
; convention, whose efforts there brought about
I. the nomination of Lincoln. As tar back as the
i7th of Janauary, 1851,Greely jthus spoke in
| (lis Tribune :
"We loathe and detest ail laws which give
or withhold political rights on account of color, i
"A man's a man for a'that,'and ought to.
have the lull rights of manhood, whether his an
cestors were Celts, Goths, or Hottentots, wheth
er Ins complexion be ebony or ivorv. * * * *
All constitutional exclusions of any class from
the {tolls, the jury box, Sec., because ot color,
are aristocratic, unjust, and infamous."
Again, in 1855, we see him proposing and
| the nomination for Congress of that no
; torious negro, Fred. Douglass. Just listen to
him :
"Among the candidates put up bv the con-,
veniion of the liberty party at Uiica, on Wed- i
nesday, is .Mr. Frederick Douglass, of Monroe !
county, who is nominated for the office of secre- j
tary of State. With respect to ability, a better
nomination could hardly be desired ; but we I
confess that we should regret to see Mr. Doug- j
lass elected. His proper place is not a member 1
ol the State administration at Albany, but as a j
member of Congress at Washington. For fhe J
former olhce he possesses no qualifications that
might not be found in other gentleman, while
for the duties ot a iepres°ntaiive at Washing
ton lie is particularly gifted. As an orator and '
debater he possesses both the force and the grace
of a \ irginia gentleman ot- the old school and !
on • of the first families, to which a great depth
best days of the Republic ad'il a peisuasive and
magnetic cbatm not often felt in the Federal'
Capitol. We trust, then, that thefriendsof Mr. t
Douglass will not persist in urging his election 1
to tlie otlice tor which he is nominated, but will ;
make eveiy preparation to return him to Con
gress on the very first vacancy in the Monroe
district."
Now, hear the old apostle of black-republ't- j
catnsin, Joshua K. Giddings. In his speech rn
the House, December IS, 1555, Mr. Giddings.
said .
"i'lns Government was founded for the pur
po o, design, and end of "securing all men un
der its jurisdiction in the enjoymont of life, lib
el ty, and happiness." It is now placed in cur
hands. On this rock the republican church
was founded, and I speak reverently when 1
say "Ihe gates ol hell stia'l not prevail against
"■ * " * " ' When we say "all men 1
are thus endowed," we mean what we say.
We do not refer particularly to the high or the
low, the rich or the poor, the negro, the mulatto,
or i tie white, but all men who bear the image
of God and are endowed with certain inaliena- '
ble rights ; that among these are life, liberty,
and the pursuit of happiness." " ! i
When questioned in the House of Represen
tatives, the Hon. N. f". Banks, afterwards elec
ted Speaker of the House, and governor of Mas- 1 :
lachusetts, by the black-republicans, declared :
his inability to decide whether the white or the :
black was the superior race, but leaves the ques- i
t'on to be decided by absorption or aoiakama
tion ! 11 ** said :
"So far as he had studied the subject of races,
he had adopted the idea that when there is a
weaker race in existence, it will succumb to,
nd be absorbed, in, the stronger race. This was :
llie universal law as regairied the races of men j
in the world. In regard to the question, wheth- ' 1
r the whi'e or the black race was superior, he 1
proposed to wait until lime should develop i 1
whether the white race should absorb the black I
0- the black absorb the white."
LINCOLN AND HIS SUPPORTERS IN FAVOR OF TIIE
"IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT !"
U e believe Mr. Lincoln claims to be the au- i
tfor ot the "irrepressible conllict" idea. At i
lest, we find him giving it utterance in his ;
sjeech at Springfield, Illinois, on the 17ih ol •
Jine, 1S:)S. Me quote from the volume of!
debates between Lincoln and Douglas, page 1. <
llr. Lincoln said : n ; j
"We are now far Into the fifth year since a
policy was initiated with the avowed object an-1
•onfident promise of putting an end to slavery I
igilation. Undej the operation of that policy, 1 '
fiat agitation has not only not ceased, but has ! i
•onstantly augmented. In my opinion, it will i
sot cease until a crisis shall have been reached > \
md passed. "A house divided against itself <
•annot stand. 1 believe thrs Government can- i
|ot endure permanently half slave and half fr-e. ;
do not expect the Union to be dissolved ; 1 i
to not expect the house to fall - but I do expect I
will cease to he divided, ft will become all 1
>ne thing or all the other. Either the oppo- I
ents of slavery will arrest the further spread ol I
. and place it where the public inind shall ;
- est in the belief that it i. in the course of ulti- :
late extinction, or its advocates will push it for- i
i -'aid till it shall become alike lawful in all the
1-tales, old as well as new, North as well as i
iouth."
How little this man understands the (rue ;
heory ol our Government— the theory that es-
| taolished State governments to make laws io
meet the exigencies, condition, climate, soil,
Sic., of each State, and to regulate their own
affairs <n theii own way. There is no division
ol the house against itself in 'he Gonstitution :
it exists only in the efforts of such fanatics as
j Abraham Lincoln to create strife, stir up dis
cords, set brother against brother, and fattier a
gainst son, in our great and happy household of
confederated States.
Four month* after Air. Lincoln's speech we
find the Hon. Wm. H. Seward, the great Ladei
of the black-republicsn party, expressing the
same nlea in his speech at Rochester, N. Y.
"Thus, these antagonistic systems are contin
ually coming into closer contact, and collision
lesulls. Shall 1 tell 3'ou what this collision
means 1 They who think it i- accidental, un
necessary, the work ol interested fanatical agi
tators, and therefore ephemeral, mistake the
case altogether. It is an irrepressible conflict
betweeen opposing and enduring forces, and it
means that the United States must and will soon
er or later become entirely a slavebolding na
tion or entirely a free-labor nation. Either the
cotton and rice fields of South Carolina, and the
sugar plantations ot Louisiana, will ultimately
be tilled by free labor, and Charleston and New
Orleans become marts for legitimate merchan
dise alone, or else the rye fields and wheat fields
of Massachusetts and New York must again be
surrendered by their farmers to slave culture
auc to the production ot slaves, and Boston and
New Vork become once more a market for trade
in the bodies and souls of men. It is the fail
ure to apprehend this great truth that induces
so many unsuccessful attempts at final compro
mise between the slave and free Slates, and it is
fhe existence of this great fact that renders all
such pretended compromise, when made, vain
and ephemeral."
Governor Chase, of Ohio, is another advocate
of the ''irrepressible conflict." A few da)-s
ago, at Pontiac, Michigan, lie thus stated tbe
I issue, or rather his conception ol the issue be
tween the parties :
"I ask yuu to take sides and decide whpre
I you will be. "If the Lord be God then serve
| him ; but if Baal, then serve him." It slavery
! 's right; if capital ought to own labor, then go
tor lhe doctrine openly. If you believe that
freedom is lhe right of man, men join the par
ty which has inscribed on the folds of its ban
ner, "FREEDOM THROUGHOUT THE COUNTRY'S
wine DOMAIN."
It may be well to add 'hat we know of no
party, save the black-republttans, that contends
tor this issue. '1 he democratic party is fighting
Vh ---v'-'innai ri'iiuuraii spinous—mr
the Constitution as li is, and for the Union as it
is. They have nothing to do with slavery or
anti-slavery. They do not proclaim "Slavery
throughout the country's wide domain," oar do
they proclaim "Freedom throughout the coun
try s wide domain," for the simple reasoo that
the Constitution leaves ttiat question to be set
tled and decided by the people ot each State,
and each Territory when they come to form a j
State constitution preparatory to the : r admission '
into the L nion, for themselves. Governor
Chase would break down and trample under
loot this solemn and salutary obligation of the
Constitution, for in no other wav could his par
ty unfurl the banner ot '-Freedom throughout
the country's wide domain."
Hon. George W. Julian, once a member of
Congress from Indiana, and at this time the
republican candidate lor Congress in I tie ban
ner black-republican district in that State, at a
Fremont meeting in Greenville, Darke county,
Ohio, on the 10th ol September, 1556, thus de
li vered himself:
"It is no use to deny it any longer. Onr
republican party is a sectional party, because
the South has forced us Into it. The stumpers
ol this old-iine-boise-steiifing democracy, not
having the (ear ot Goii before their eyes, charge
us with being sectional. I tell you we are a
sectional party. It is no* between the North
and the South. It is a tight between freedom )
and slavery—between God aud the devil—be
tween Heaven and heil.
LINCOLN AND Ills SUPrORTKRS IN lAVOR OF THE
ABOLITION OF SLAVERY, AND THE
HIGHER LAW.
In his tenth-01-July speech in Chicago, see
Debates, p 15,) Mr. Lincoln, in reply to some
stictures on his Springfield speech, said
"1 did not even say that 1 desired that si ave
ry should be put in course of ultimate extmc- I
tion. Ido say so now, however ;so there need :
he no longer any difficulty about that. It may ;
be written down in the great speech."
"I have always hated slavery, I think, as ;
much as any aoolitionist—l have been an old j
line whig—l have always hated it ; but I have !
always been quiet about it until this new era ol j
tbe introduction of the Nebraska bill began. 1 j
always believed that everybody was against it, i
and that it was in couise ot ultimate extinc-ji
lion."
Mr. Seward, in nis great speech at Cleveland
Ohio, in the cam ass of 1848, used the follow- j
ing explicit and unmistakable language ;
"Slavery can be limited to its present bounds; I
it can be ameliorated. It cm he, and it must;
be abolished, arid yon and 1 can and must do it. j
The task is as easy l and simple as its consuin- j
mation will be beneficent, and its rewards g!o- ;
rious. It requires only to follow this simple j
rule of action : to do everywhere and on every I
occasion what we can, anil not to neglect or '
refuse to do what we can, at any time, because
at tint precise time, and on tfiat particular <c- j
casion, we cannot do more. Circumstances de- 1
termine possibilities." *******
"Extend a cordial welcom® to tht fugitive who
lays his weary limbs at yoor door, and defend
him as you would your paternal gods "
"Cornet your own error that slavery has j
any constitutional guarantees which may not be j
released, and ought not to be relinquished."— i
* * * * " "You will soon bring the!
parties of the country into an effective aggres
sion upon slavery. '
In his speech in the Senate* March 11, 1850,
Mr. Seward said
\\ &fOZiIO IYIBBjK;
10. VOL 4. NO. ] 1
"There are constitutions and statutes, codes
mercantile and codes civil ; hut when we are
j legislating for States, especially when we ate
founding States, all these Jaws must he-brought
j to the standard of the laws of God, and must he
tiied b} that standard, and must stand or fall
by it. * * * * * *
" Hie Constitution regulates our stewardship ;
the Constitution devotes the domain to the [J
tuon. to justice, to defence, to welfare, and to
liberty. But there is a higher law than the
Constitution, which regulates our authority o
ver the domain, and devotes it to the same no
ble purposes."—A pp. to Cong. Globe, Ist Sess.
31 st Cong, pp 263,265.
Again, in a speech in the Senate, March.
1858, Mr. Seward raid :
" The interests of the white race demand the
ultimate emancipation of all men. Whether
that consummation shall be allowed to take ef
fect, with needful and wise precautions against
sudden change and disaster, or be hurried on bv
violence, is all that remains for you to de
cide."
Still later, only a few days ago, at Boston, he
boldly proclaimed :
"What a commentary upon the history of
man is the fact that eighteen years after the
death of John Quincy Adams the people have
for their .s'andard-bearer Abraham Lincoln,
confessing uie obligations of the higher law
which the Sage of Quincy proclaimed, and con
tending for weal or woe, for life or death, in the
irrepressible conflict between freedom and sla
very. I desiie only to say that we are in the
last stage of the conflict before the great trium
phal inauguration of this policy into the Gov
ernment ol the United States."
Senator Wilson,of Massachusetts, in his Bos
ton speech in 1855, said :
"Send it abroad on the wings of the wind that
I am committed, fully committed, committed to
the fullest extent, in favor of immediate and
unconditional abolition of slavery, wherever it
exists under the authority ot the Constitution of
the United States."
In a letter written on July 20, 1855, the
same Wilson wrote :
"Let us remember that more than three mil
lions of bondsmen groaning under nameless
woes, demand that we shall reprove each other,
and that we labor for their deliverance, ft
tt + ttt ttisitj
"I tell you here to-night that the agitation of
this question will continue while the foot of a
slave presses the soil of the American Repub
lic-" n ,•
tijc ii u .i. rtusun Buriingame, of Massachu
setts, in his speech in Lancaster, Pennsylvania,
October, 1856, pressed the same idea :
"The republican party does not wish to in
terfere in the internal government or social in
stitutions of the slave States, but mereiv to
place around them a cordon of tree States.
Then ibis horrible system will die ot inanition,
or like the scorpion, seeing no means ot escape,
sting itself to death.
CONCLUSION.
It will be perceived that we have made no
quotations from that still more ultra and extreme
portion ot the Republican party led by Wm.
Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phillips, Abby Foster.
Gerrit Smith, Redpath & Co., who have the
merit ol being more out-spoken, bold, and vio
lent in their assaults upon the Constitution and
the Union ; for the reason that, though voting
with that party, yet some of the Republican
leaders in some of the States, such as Indiana,
Pennsylvania, and New Jersey, where Black
Republicanism is of slow growth, affect to de
ny their authority to speak for the Republican
party. So, in these papers, we have confined
ourselves strictly to quotations from the repre
sentative men—the admitted leaders—the en
dorsed and everywhere acknowledged founders,
creators, and nurses, advocates, and chief sup
porters of the Republican party —the men who
S made this paity, whose talent 3 sustain, whose
counsels direct, whose acts control it. No man
can gainsay their authority to speak for it, for
they themselves constitute the party. We have
made fair and honest quotations from their
speeches and letters. And now look upon the
record. What does it all mean 1 The dissolu
tion of the American Union, the emancipation
of the Southern slaves, aad the reduction of the
Southern States and Southern men into the ab
ject position ol colonies aud vassals. This is the
i "bloody goal" at which Black Republicanism
strives. And what is the lesson tins brutal
programme ought to instil into the hearts of
conservative men of the North ? We unhesi
tatingly answer, Union for the sake of the Un
ion. When bad men combine, good mefv ought
to unite ; and when the bloody banner of fanat
icism is unfurled to the breeze, and when trea
son, grown audacious and defiant, no longer
skulks in secret, but with shameless Iron! pro
claims its principles and objects to the world, it
is high time for the friends of law and order at
the North to rally around the Constitution, and
to raise aloft the flag ol the Union, while vet
we have a Constitution, a Union, and a flag,
and before these Black Republican revolution
ists succeed in inaugurating a reign of terror like
the carnage of St. D >mingo, and before the Re
public ol North America, rent into fragments,
has become a thing of the past, a fact only in
iin the page of history- There is but one political
! organization in this country that has the power
ito resist and rollback (lie waves fanaticism,
i That organization is the National Democratic
j party. Firmly planted in the hearts ot the A
! inerican people, descended from the purer and'
; better days of this Republic, contemporary with
Washington and Jefferson and Jackson, it stands
: forth to-day, as il has ever stood, the champion
lot the Constitution and the Union. It has en
countered <md oveithiawn the Black Republi
j can disunion party upon one battle-field. Let
the conservative men of the country now rally
to its standard, and it will again meet, over
throw. and vanquish this dangerous enemy to
! the Republic, and give peace and Security to the
Union.