VOLI TIE 56.
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DOUGLAS.
Men may rail about their Lincoln ;
Of their Hamhn they may tell;
Of their Everett may bluster,
While they brag about their Bell;
But the Democrats have Douglas,
Who is aimed with Truth and Right,
And hi* soldiers are the voters,
in their majesty and might.
On the records of our country
There is not a blighter name
Than the honored name of Douglas,
Who shall ever live in fame.
He will stand a loval statesman.
Famed for wisdom and for wit ;
Far above the man who's honored
For a p.ic of rails he split. ,
With the stars and stripes above us,
Floating o'er the brave and free,
We will vote tor Stephen Douglas,
Who our Commodore shall be ;
And our "Ship of State," in safety,
O'er the stormy sea he'll sail,
While, behind the mast, Abe Lincoln
Will be looking o'er the rait.
NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM.
The following is the Platlorm of the Nation
al Democratic Party, on which STEPHEN A.
DOUGLAS and HERSCHEL V. JOHNSON
have been placed as candidates for President
and Vice President of this Union. Because of
the adoption of this platform, the fire-eaters
and disunionists bolted from the Convention
and set up their irregular candidates. We call
upon every Democrat iuto whose hands this
paper may fall, to read this Platform carefully
oiut t/ioiougnty, and having done so, to make
up his mind conscientiously and without pre
judice, as to whether it does not set forth the
true Democratic doctrine. One thing cannot i
be denied ; viz : it is the Cincinnati Plat
form, oi. which James Buchanan was elected ; j
it is the Platform demanded by Yancey and
his confederates in 1856, under the samp
threats made by them and carried out at Charles
ton and Baltimore : it is the Platform on which
Pierce was elected, on which Cass \va3 placed
as a candidate, and on which Polk was carried
into the Presidential chair. Are Democrats
now prepared to violate and desert it l Honor,
honesty, consistency forbids !
The Platform and Resolutious adopted by
the Democratic National Convention at
Cincinnati, Charleston and Baltimore.
The Platform adopted by the Convention at
Charleston was as follows :
Resolved , That we, the Democracy of the
Union, in Convention assembled, do hereby de
clare our affirmation of the resolutions unani
mously adopted and declared as a platform of
principles by the Democratic Convention at
Cincinnati, in the year 1856, believing that
Democratic principles are unchangeable in
their nature when applied to the same subject
matters.
[Tbe portion of the Cincinnati platform rela
ting to the slavery question is the following :]
Resolved, That we reiterate, with renewed
energy ot purpose, the well-consideted declara
tion of former Conventions upon the sectional
issue of domestic slavery, an>j concerning the
reserved rights of the States :
1 That Congress has no power, under the
Constitution, to interfere with or control the
domestic institutions of the several States, and
that such States are the sole and proper judges
of everything appertaining to their own affairs
not prohibited by the Constitution : that all ef
forts ot the Abolitionists or others, made to
interfere with the question of slavery, or to
take incipient steps in ralation thereto, are
calculated to lead to the most alarming and
dangerous consequences . and that all such ef
fort* have an inevitable tendency to dimirtish
the happiness of the people, and endanger the
stability and permanency of the Union, and
ought not to be countenanced by any friend of
our political institutions.
1 That the foregoing proposition covers and
was intended to embrace the whole subject of
slavery agitation in Congress ; and, therefore,
the Democratic party of the Union, standing on
this national platform, will abide by and ad
here to a laitbful execution of the acts known
as the Compiomise Measures, settled by the
Congress of 1850, "the act for reclaiming fugi
tives from service or labor," included ; whicn
act being designed to carry out an express pro
vision of the Constitution, cannot with fidelity
thereto be repealed, or so changed as to destroy
or impair its efficiency.
3 That the Democratic party will resist'all
attempts at renewing, in Congress or out of it,
the agitation of the slavery question, under
whatever shape or color the attempt may be
made.
5 That the Democratic party will faithfully
abide by and uphold the principles laid down in
the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 1798,
and on the report of Mr. Madison to the Vir
girna resolutions in 1799, that it adopts those
principles as constituting one ot the main
foundations of its political creed, and is resolv
ed to carry them out in their obvious meaning
and import.
' And that we may more distinctly meet the
issue on which a sectional party, subsisting
exclusively on slavery agitation, now relies
to test the fidelity of the people, North and
South, to the Constitution and the Union.
Resolved, That, claiming fellowship with
and desiring the co-operation of all who regard
the preservation of the Union under the Con
stitution as a paramount issue, and repudiating
all sectional parties and platforms, concerning
domestic slavery, which seek to embroil the
States, and to incite to treason and armed re
sistance to law in the Territories ; and whose
avowed purpose, it consummated, must nd in
civil war and disunion—the American Democ
racy recognize and adopt the principles con
tained in the organic laws, establishing the Ter
ritories of Kansas and Nebraska, as embodying
the only sound and safe solution of the "slavey
question" upon which the great national ideaol
the people of this whole country can repose in
Its determined conservation of the Union-Wo/i
--inlerfetence by Congress with Slavery in State
and Territory, or in the District of Columbia.
2 That this was the basis of the compromi
ses of 1850, confirmed both by the Democratic
and whig parties, in National Convention
ratified by the people in the election of 1552,
and rightly applied to the organization of Ter
ritories in 1554.
3 That by the uniform application of the
Demociatic principle to the organization of
Territories, and to the admission of new States,
with or without domestic slavery, as they may
electi the equal rights of all the States will be
preserved intact—the original compacts of the
Constitution maintained inviolate—and the
perpetuity and expansion ot this Union insured
to its utmost capacity of embracing, in peace
and harmony, every future American State that
may be constituted or annexed, with a republi
can form of government.
Resolved, That we recognize the right of the ,
people of all the Territories, including Kansas |
and Nebraska, acting through the legally and (
fairly expressed will of a majority of actual
residents and whenever the number of their in- |
habitants justifies it, to form a Constitution, ,
with or without domestic slavery, and be admit- ,
ted into the Union upon terms of perfect equal- |
itv with the other States.
[And the Charleston Convention passed the
following additional Resolutions :]
Resolved, That it is the duty ot the United
States afford ample and complete protection
to all its citizens, whether at home or abroad,
and whether native ui w.ign born.
Resolved, That one of the necessities of the
age, in a military, commercial and postal point
of view, is speedy communication between the
Atlantic and Pacific States, and the Democratic
party pledge such constitutional power of the
government as will insure the construction of
a railroad to the Pacific coast at the earliest
practicable period.
Resolved, That the Democratic party are in
favor ol the acquisition of Cuba on such terms
as shall be honorable to ourselves and jus' to
Spain.
Resolved, That the enactments of State Leg
islatures to defeat the faithful execution of the
I fugitive slave law are hostile in character and
subversive to the Constitution, and revolutiona
ry in their effects.
To the foregoing the Baltimore Convention
added the following resolution :
Resolved , That it is in accordance with the
Cincinnati Platform that during the existence
of Territorial governments the measure of re
striction, whatever it may be, imposed by tba
federal constitution on the power of the
Territorial Legislature over the subject of the
domestic relations, as the same has been or
shall hereafter be finally determined by the
Supreme Court of the United States, should be
respected ov all good citizens, and enforced
with promptness and fidelity by every branch
of the general government.
{IJ-F. W. Hughes, Esq., anti-Douglas dele
gate to the National Convention from Schuyl
kill county, publishes a card in his county pa
per, from which we take the following para
graphs :
"At Baltimore 1 voted for the minority report
upon the contested seats, for reasonsjthat were
conclusive to my own mind, but which it could
serve no good purposp now to discuss. Whetn
er the action of the Convention was right or
wrong on this subject, still a decided majority
of the original convention remained unaffected
either by the new delegates admitted or by the
withdrawal of others on account of such ad
mission. The Convention then remained as the
onlv true National Democratic Convention. I
therefore felt it my duty to continue to act with
it. Accordingly I participated in the two bal
lots for the Presidential candidate, and voted
both times for James Guthrie. I also assented
to the resolution declaring the nomination of
Stephen A. Douglas to be unanimous.
In view, therefore, of the facts that Stephen
A. Douglas stands upon the platform of prin
ciples which I supported at Charleston, and that
he is beyond all successful ground of question,
the nominee of the only National Democratic
Convention, I have not hesitated as to my du
ty to give that nomination a cordial sup
port.
Besides, too, in' Judge Douglas, the Democrat
ic party of the nation will have a standard bear
er and champion of the principles incorporated
in the platform of the Convention, for whicn he
has heretofore contended with almost superhu
man power, and which affords for him the guar
antee that in case of his election to the Presi
dency, those principles will be faithfully en
forced."
EXTRAORDINARY elopement.—Mr. Jones'
" dog eloped with Mr. Brown's dinner.
BEDFORD, PA., FRIIAY MORNING, JULY 13, 1860.
? THE PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST
SPEECHES OTTIIE CANDIDATES.
On Saturday night, near mid-night. June 3,
Judge DOUGLAS-was serenaded at his residece
in VVasliington. After two hands had playd
several airs, loud calls were made for Air. Dc-
CLAS, and when be presented himself on tie
steps of his residence, another immense shut
went up. When the enthusiasm had somewfit
subsided, he said :
FELLOW-CITIZENS :—I thank you for tlis
manifestation of your kindness and your enthui
asm. The circumstances under which this vtst
crowd have assembled spontaneously, and with
out previous notice, demonstrate an earnet
ness of feeling which fills my heart with grati
tude. To be the chosen standard-hearer of he
only political organization which is conserva
tive and powerful enough to save the counry
from Abolitionism and Disunion, is indeed, an
honor of which any citizen may well he protd.
I am fully impressed with the responsibilities!
the position, and trust that Divine Providecce
will impart to me the strength and the wisdom
to comply with all of its requirements. [Ap
plause.] Our beloved country is threatened
with a fearful sectional antagonism which pla
ces the Union itself in imminent peiil. This
antagonism is produced by the effort in one sec
tion of the Union to use the Federal Govern
ment for the put pose of restricting and abolish
ing slavery, and a corresponding effort in the
other for the purpose of extending slavery into
those regions where the people do not want it.
[Cries of "That's true."] The ultra men in both
sections demand Congressional intervention up
on the subject of slavery in the Territories.—
They agree in respect to the power and the dutv
of the Federal Government to control theques
i tion,and differ only as to the mode of exerci
-1 sing the power. The one demands the inter
vention of the Federal Government for slavery
and the other against it. Each appeals to the 1
passions and prejudices of his own section a- i
gainst the peace and harmony of the whole
country. [Cries of "That's so," and applause.]
On the other hand, the position of all conserva
tive and Union-loving men is, or at least ought
to be, that of non-intervention by Congress with
slavery in the Territories. ["That is the true
doctrine," and immense applause.] This was
the position of the Democratic party in the Pres
idential contest of 1848, 1852, and 1856. This
was the position upon which Clay, and Web
ster, and and the f- ; -~ -*• r <
all political attinities at that day established the
Compromise measures ot 1850. Upon this
mmmon eround of non-intervention they routed
and put to flight the Abolitionists of the North,
and the Secessionists of the South, in that mem
orable contest. [Cries of "We will do it again,"
and three cheers.] It was on this common
ground of non-intervention that Whigs and
Democrats agreed to stand in their respective
party platforms ol 1852. The Whig party ad
hered faithfully to this principle so long as its
organization was maintained, and the Democrat
ic party still retains it as the Keystone ol the
political arch which binds the Federal Union
together. [Tremendous applause.] To this
cardinal principle of non-intervention has the
Democratic party renewed the pledge of its faith
at Charleston and at Baltimore. [Cheers and
cries ol "We will keep the faith."] As the
chosen representative of that great party, it is
my fixed purpose to keep the faith and redeem
that pledge at all hazards and under all circum
stances. [Three cheers for Douglas.] The
safety of the Union depends upon a strict adhe
rence to the doctrine of non-intervention. In
tervention means disunion. Intervention,
whether by the North or by the South, wheth
er for or against slavery, tends directly to dis
union. Upon thisMdentical question an attempt
is now being made to divide and destroy the
Democratic party. Because the minority of
interventionists could not intimidate the major
ity into an abandonment of the doctrine of non
intervention, they have seceded from the organ
ization of the Democratic party, and arejendea
voring to form a new parly in hostilitj to it.—
[Cries ot "let them go," "we can whip the dis
unionisls North and South," etc.]
Secession is disunion. Secession from the
Democratic party means secession from the
Federal Union. ["That's so," and applause.]
Those who enlist under the secession banner
now, will be expected on the 4th of March next
to take up arms against the"> o.iftituted authori
ties in certain contingencies. VVejhave been
told that in a certain evpnt the South must for
cibly resi>t the inauguration of the President e
lect, while we find those who arp loudest in their
threats of such resistance engaged in the scheme
to divide and destroy the Democratic, party, and
thereby secure the election [of the Republican
candidate. Does not this line of policy look to
disunion ? [Cries of "Yes "It cannot be ef
fected," &.C.]
Intelligent men must be presumed to under
stand the tendency and consequences of their
own action. Can the seceders fail to perceive
that their efforts to divide and defeat the Demo
cratic party, if successful, must lead directly to
the secession of the Southern States? I trust
that they will see what must be the result of
such a policy, and return to the organization
and platform ot the party before it is too late to
save the country. [Applause.]
The Union must be preserved. [Cheers.]
The constitution must be maintained inviolate,
[renewed cheering,] and it is our mission under
Divine Providence, as I believe, to save the
Constitution and the Union from the assaults of
Northern Abolitionists and Southern Disunion
ists. [Tremendous applause, and three cheers
for Douglas.]
My friends, I have detained you too long, and
will close by renewing the expression of my
sincere thanks.
| Many voices—Goon, go on.
Mr. Douglas. No, it is nearly Sabbath morn
ing. [A voice, We will listen to you for a year
Freedom f Thought and Opinion.
Judge]—and I merely made my appearance to
acknowledge the compliment you have paid me
by so large a meeting at this late hour of the
night. I recognize among you the (aces of ma
ny ol my old friends, and a large number of m v
immediate neighbors from Illinois, as well as
others from almost every State of the Union.—
I only regret that my bouse is not large enough
to enable me to invite you in and take you indi
vidually by the hand. [A voice, Your heart is
big enough." Tremendous enthusiasm and
three times three che?rs for Stephen A. Douglas,
the next President of the United States.]
SPEECH OF HON. HERSCHEL V
JOHNSON.
DEMOCRATIC NOMINEE FOR VICE PRESIDENT.
WASHINGTON, June 26.—The following is
the speech of the Hon. Herschel V. Johnson, of
Georgia, last night, at the National Hotel, 011
accepting the nomination for the Vice Presi
dency on the ticket with the Hon. Stephen A.
Douglas :
. Mr. Chairman, Gentlemen of the National
Democratic Party, and fellow-citizens : I was
taken by surprise when 1 received a telegraph- 1
ir. message in Baltimore, at three o'clock this
day, that the Hon. Benjamin Fitzpatrick had
declined the nomination tendered him by the
Democratic Convention, and that it was de
manded ot me to accept it. It is known to ma- !
ny of you that my name was freely mentioned
in Bait imore in connection pith this nomina- j
tion, and that I persistently refused to counte- !
nance it, but invariably argued that it Georgia
were to be thus honored, it was due to another
of her sons, most distinguished for his talents
and great public services.
This was my earnest desire, and the desire of
the delegation ol which I was a member. But
the Convention in its wisdom deemed it best to
nominate a statesman of Alabama. It was en
tirely satisfactory. Alabama is the child of
Georgia, and the mother cordially responds to
any compliment bestowed uoon her daughter.
These are the circumstances under which I
have been assigned this distinguished position,
and which demand that discrimination should
yield to the voice of duty.
The National Democratic party is in a pe
culiar condition. It is assailed in the house of
its professed friends, and threatened with over
throw. The country is in a peculiar condition.
It is on the eve of a sectional conflict, which
all political parties and ter
a UIOWWV..I f TTnirtn ' *
duty 01 patriots and statesmen to unite in aver
ting these threatened calamities.
It may not be inappropriate to refer to the
circumstances which imperil the National De
mocracy. The Alabama delegation went to the
Convention at Charleston instructed to demand
the incorporation into the platform of the par
ty the proposition that Congress should inter
vene for the protection of slavery in the Ter
ritories, and to withdraw if the demand should
be refused. It was refused, and I think proper
ly refused. That delegation did retire, and
with them a large portion of the delegations
from the cotton States. Why should they have
retired ? The record shows that if they had
remained at their post, they had the power to
prevent the nomi nation of any candidate who
might be obnoxious to the South.
Thus reduced by the secessions, the Conven
tion adjourned to Baltimore, and requested the
States to fill the vacancies in their lespective
delegations. The Convention re-assembled on
the JBth. The seceding delegations were re
turned—some accredited to Richmond, and o
thers to Baltimore, by the way of Richmond—
instructed to make the same demand, and to
withdraw if it be refused. Delegates were ap
pointed in Louisiana, Alabama, and Ceorgia by
the National Democrats of those States, to fill
the vacant seats of the secedets. Those of Al
abama and Louisiana were admitted, and the
seceding delegates rejected, and the seceding
delegates from Georgia were admitted to seats,
and they all took umbrage at the decisions of
the Convention touching the various contests tor
seats. They retired, organized, and nominated
candidates lor the Presidency and Vice Presi
dency.—And they claim to be the National De
moctacy of the United States!
Now, if they were actuated by principle ; if
it was f heir purpose, in good faith, to obtain the
recognition of the principle of Congressional
protection for slavery in the Territories, why
not wait until a proper time to bring that sub
ject before the Convention, and then, accor
ding to their instructions, withdraw from the
bodj- ? The reason is'palpable : they were wa
ging war against a distinguished man, not for
the maintenance of principle. They were wil
ling to jeopardize the integrity of the Demo
cratic part}-, and the triumphs of its cherished
principles, rather than see its will proclaimed
in the nomination of its favorite.—Admitting,
for the sake of argument, Mr. Douglas to be as
obnoxious as they allege he is, yet there never
was a time when the South, united, could not
have defeated his nomination. Why, then,
should they have seceded ? Why not remain
at their post ? Why seek to dismember ana
destroy the party ?
I question not the patriotism of any, but the
people will hold them responsible sooner or la
ter for all the ills that may flow from their er
rors. I said the demand for Congressional in
tervention was properly rejected at Charleston.
And why do I say so? Because it was the a
greement between the North and the South that
the slaveiy agitation should be removed from
the halls ot Congress, and the people of the
Territories be left perfectly free to regulate
their domestic institutions in their own way,
subject to the Constitution of the United States.
This was the principle of the Compromise Mea
sures of 1850, and practically applied to the
Nebraska-Kansas act in 1854. It was adopted
by the great political parlies of the United
| Slates in 1852. It triumphed in the election ot
Franklin Pierce in that year, and of James
! Buchanan in 185 G. It is perhaps the best
ground of'cornpromise between the North and
South which human ingenuity can devise.
It is understood by the people o f all sections,
' and by it the Democratic party, at least, ol all
! sections should be willing to abide. Tt gives
advantage to neither section over the other, be
cause it refers ail questions of dispute between
them as to Congressional or Territorial power
over the subject of slavery to the final arbitra
ment of the Supreme Court of the United States.
It is therefore safe for the North, and safe for
the South. Its practical working rs not with
out satisfactory results. Where the peopleol a
Territory desire slave labor, and the soil and
j climate are suited to it, slavery will go , wheie
these conditions do not exist, it will not °-o.
That finds an illustration in New Mexico, where
slavery is established, and this in those Terri
tories where it is excluded. Only a few days
ago, propositions to repeal the slavery laws of
I New Mexico, on the one hand, and "the anti
slavery laws of Kansas on the other, were made
and rejected in the Senate ot the United States.
Suppose these propositions, or either of them,
had prevailed, is it not certain that the coun
try would have been thrown into the highest
excitement ? But by their rejection, non-in
tervention was practically adhered to, and the
public mind is satisfied ana quiet.—Let us main
tain it firmly and faithfully. We are bound to
to it by ever)' consideration of interest, and ob
ligation of compact. Its abandonment will
prove fatal to the National Democratic party,
and ultimately to tne Union itself. It will
drive the South into intense sectionalism and
the North into the ranks of Black Republican
ism.
I do not say every man of (he North, for I
know that the great body of the Northern De
mocracy will remain true to the Constitution,
despite the overwhelming flood of its relentless
cohorts. But I mean that the free-labor States
would be controlled by Bhck Republicanism,
and would not be able to return a single mem
ber to either house of Congress friendly to the
constitutional rights of the South.
I trust that this condition of things may nev
er exist: but if it should, I know of no way by
which the Union can be saved. Hence the
doctrine of Congressional intervention, as ad
vocated by the new-bora sectional party, is
fraught with peril to the country.
The question is now distinctly presented to
the people, whether they will adhere to the
doctrine of non-intervention, or whether they
will abandon it ; whether they will reopen the
slavery agitafi"" Ur requiring Congress to
iac jurisdiction over it, or whether they will
give repose to the public mi„H an H
the Union, by leaving it where the Compromise
leaves it, to the fret action of the people of the
Territories, under the Constitution ot the Uni
ted States. The issue is fairly made up. It is
intervention or non-intervention.—lts decis
ion involves the destiniesof this great Republic,
and the highest interests of the civilized world.
Compared wiih it, the aspirations of m<*n and
the late of political parties sink into utter insig
nificance. Where shall we look for deliver
ance from these threatened evils ?
It has been the mission of the Democratic
party of the Union, in a thousand perils, to res
cue our country from impending calamities.
Its past career abounds with heroic passages,
and is illustrated with the ffiO'sfglorious achieve
ments in the cause of constitutional liberty. It
is the party of Jefferson, and Madison, and
Jackson, and Polk, whose Administrations con
stitute grand epochs in our national history. It
is the party of the Constitution. I look to it
with confidence,— Where else shall the patriot
look in these times of political defection and
sectional agitation ? Let its integrity be per
manently destroyed, and the doctrine of non
intervention overthrown, and then the best
hopes of the statesman may well be clouded
with gloom and darkness.
It is to maintain these that I consent to take
the position now assigned me and welcome the
consequences of personal good or personal ill
which that position may bring.—Nothing else
could induce ir.e to brave the detraction which
it invites and incur the heavy responsibility
which it imposes. 1 have nothing to add but
the expression ot my profound thanks for the
honor so unexpectedly conferred upon me, and
my cordial acknowledgment lor the flattering
terms in which I have been notified of my nom
ination. Whatever may be honorably done,
I shall cheerfully do to maintain the integrity
ot the party and the triumph of its principles.
"WHICH COP?"
We once heard of a sign painted on stripes
so that it read,seen on one side, "FOREIGN," on
one side, "DOMESTIC," and full in the front,
"LIQUORS." A sign on this plan would suit
the People's Party admirably well. For in
stance :
"FOREIGNERS" "NATIVES,"
SOLD HERE.
Under such a sign Col. Curtin could election
ioneer to immense advantage. In the hand
nearest the East he might hold the Resolutions
which he is pledged to elevate at any cost —a-
mong them this :
Resolved, That the influx upon us of for
eign ciiminals is an evil of seiious magnitude,
winch demands the interposition ola proper
and efficient legislative remedy.— Harrisburg,
Feb. 22 d, 1860.
In the other hand should be nervously grasped
this :
Fourteenth, That the Republican party is op
posed to any change in our naturalization laws,
or any State legislation by which the rights of
citizenship hitherto accorded to immigrants
from foreigndands shall be abridged or impaired.
—Chicago , May 22 d, 1860.
With a little preparatory training on the top
of a barn, he might Decome so perfect that those
inside of the People's wigwam could look at
him, and know exactly how the wind might be
and serve the customer accordingly.
—Johnstown Echo.
wbsom; \nt ni x 2910.
VOL. 3. NO. 50.
| WHAT THE DEMOCRATIC PRESS SAY.
[f rom the Holiidavsburg Democratic Standard, a
strong Administration paper.]
THE BATTIMOHE NOMINATIONS.—We to-d&y
place at our mast head the name of Stephen A
Douglas, ot Illinois, for President, and that of
Benjamin Fitzpatrick, of Alabama, for Vice
1 tesident, they being the regular nominees of
the Baltimore Convention. The Convention
ended as we feared it would do. There was a
secession of some of the Southern delegates.
They came there with but one idea—that of
protection of 3lavery in the territories. To this
they determined to adhere, and lor this sacrifice
everything. They were willing to abide by
J the will of the majority, providing that will
did not conflict with their own wishes. They
would have abided by any decision of the Con
vention, provided there was nothing in it to
conflict with their slave code. In his whim
they were not sustained, and the result was that
they seceded and organized a Convention of
their own. The remaining delegates then pro
ceeded to nominate candidates for President and
\ ice-President, and on the third ballot nomina
ted Mr. Douglas for President, and on the first
ballot Air. Fitzpatrick for Vice President.
We have no hesitation in lully indorsing
these nominations. They were made by the
regular convention, by a vote ol two-thirds of
the delegates present, and alterwards were made
unanimous—they theiefore received more than
two-thirds of the whole number of delegates,
and that was all that was required had ali" the
members ol the Con vention been present. We
therefore regard Air. Dougias as the regularly
nominated candidate of the party, and as such
we shall yield hirn a hearty support.
[From the Charobersburg Valley Spirit, opposed to
Douglas up to the day of hfs nomination-]
THE .NOMINATIONS. —The action o! the Con
vention has not disappointed any one. From
the course pursued at Charleston it was evi
dent that the same men would enact the same
scenes over again at Baltimore. A portion
would stick by the Convention till the mo
ment 01 balloting, and then, when they found
their disorganizing efforts too puny to trample
the wishes of the masses ol the partv under feet,
they would withdraw and present a ticket with
a view to stab deeper at the vitals of the party
by an attempt to defeat the regularly nomina
ted candidate of the Convention. This they
have accomplished, but It is all that they will
accomplish. The Democratic party can not—
must not—be divided in this or any other con
test ; and woe to the men who wijl attemot it.
We cannot see the wisdom, or glory
ing a defeat with two candidates in the field,
• . ••• ' veriam. Those who
will lend their support to an irregular nomina
tion at this time can have no other object in
view than the breaking up of the party
altogether. Such a calamity to the whole
nomination can only be averted by extending
a faithful and undivided support to the candi
dates regularly nominated by the Democratic
National Convention. The ticket that we this
day place at the head of our columns received
the support of the representatives of the party
who stuck by our National Con vention—re
mained in at Charleston and held their seats at
Baltimore by an unbroken and uninterrupted
claim. Their decision we are bound to respect
and can know no other. Love of party love
ol country, and fidelity to every recognized
usage of the Democratic organization, sacredly
demands for this nomination our hearty support
We honestly believe that i.i the end all the
jealousies, heartburnings and antagonisms that
now exist will be healed, and that the sober,
good sense of the party will impel every man
in the ranks to unite harmoniously and with en
thusiasm on our ticket and carry it forward to
victory.
We have not the space to say much in re
spect to our candidates n this issue of our pa
per, nor is it required—the name and fame ot
Si EPHEN A. DOl G LAS are household words
over the land.
OLD ABE OX THE BATTLE FIELD
The friends of "Old Abe" are untiring iti
their exertions to make him out a great soldier
as well as a great statesman. The following
account of one of his performances in the
military line deserves a place in his biogra
phy :
At the time of the Black Hawk war, "Abe"
enlisted. The company mustered SO mounted
men. They started off in fine spirits to engage
in the deadly fray. Arriving at a point on the
prairies about 200 miles from the Indian line?,
the party bivouacked for the night, picketed
their horses, and slept on their arms. The
method of picketing their horses was that in
common use—fastening a huge rope some 80
feet in length to a stake firmly planted, and
then using smaller lines ol considerable length,
one end attached to the animal's neck, and the
other to the main rope. During the night the
sentinel imagined he saw the Indians, and im
mediately discharged his old fusee. The camp
was aroused in an instant, and each sprang to
the saddle. "Old Abe" shot out in the dark
ness on his charger like lightning until the
ropes "hove taut," when over he went, horse
and himself, headlong. Thinking himself caught
in an Indian ambush, he gathered up, mounted,
putting spurs to his horse, took the opposite
shute, but soon brought up as before, horse and
rider tumbling headlong. "Old Abe" got up,
thinking he was surrounded, and shouLdout in
elegant German, "GENTLEMEN INDIANS, Ich
gebcn auf und sagen nichts. Ich haben nein
ilegen zu g/tben. lilies ich bitltn is barvther
zigheit.
How THE PRESS RESTONDS.— The Democrat
ic papers ol this State are wheeling into line in
support of regular nominations. So far as re
ceived at this office, twenty-two have raised th •
Douglas flag—three paid pensioners advocat e
the seceder's ticket—and three have ootdeck'.ed
which to support. *