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A I> miESS
OF
HON. JOIIX C. BUECKIXRHKiE,
HIE PRESIDENT OF THE I.MTKR
STATES,
PRECEDING THE REMOVAL OF THF. SEX
ATE FROM THE OLD TO I HE NEW
CHAMBER;
DELIVERED IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES,
January the 4///, 1559.
The report of the special committee appointed to
make arrangements for the removal ot the Senate
from the old to the new Chamber having been read
ami adopted
The VICE PRESIDENT said :
SENATORS : I have been charged hv the com- ,
miitee Li whom you confided the ai langements
. I litis mv. with the duty of expressing some of
the reflections that natuiaily occur in taking fi
nal leave of a Chamber which lias so long been
occupied bv the Senate. In the progress of our
countrv and the growth ol the representation,
this room has become too contracted lor tber p
tcsentativi s of the Slates now > M.-ting and soon
to exist . and accordingly you are about to ex
rhanee it for a 11 a!I alfrrding accommodations
adequate to the present and th- future. The
ntcatton suggests mtnv interesting reminiscen
ces ■ and mav itbe agreeable, in the fust place,
to occupy a few minutes with a short account
of tlie various places at which Congress has as
sembled, of the druggies which preceded the
permanent location of the seat of Government,
and the circumstances under which it was final
ly established on the banks ol the Potomac.
The Congress of the Revolution was some
times a fugitive, holding its sessions, as the chan
ces of war required, at Philadelphia, Baltimore
Lancaster, Annapolis, and V wk'uwn. Doting
the p-rr d bvnVc.V fTie of peace and
the commencement of the present Covetnment
it met a! Princeton, Annapolis, Trenton, and
New York.
Alter the idea of a permanent*! mion had been
executed in part by the adoption of the articles
of Confederation, the question presented itself of
living a seat of Government, and this imme
diately called forth intense interest and rival
ry.
That the place should be central, having re
gard to the population and territory ol the 1 on
federacy, was the only point common to the
contending parlies. Propositions of all kinds
were offered, debated, and rejected, sometimes
with intemperate warmth. At length, on the
7th, of October, 1783, the Congress being at
Princeton, whither they had been driven from
Philadelphia, bv the insults of a body of armed
men, it was resolved that a building for the use
of Congress he erected near the falls ol the Dei
aware. This was soon after modified by re
quiring suitable buildings to be also erected near
the falls of the Potomac, that the residence of
Congress might alternate between those places.
Put lite question v. as not allowed to rest, and at
length, after frequent and warm debates, it was
resolved that the residence of Congress should
conlinue at one place; and commLsioners were
appointed with t ill power to lav out a district
for a Federal town near the falls of the Dele
ware : and in the mean time Congress assem
■ led alternately at Trenton and Annapolis : h'tl
the representatives of other states were un
remitting in exertions for their nspective local-'
ities.
On (he 23d of December. 1734. it was resol
ved to remove to (he cilv of New \ ork, and to
•emain there until the building on the Delaware
should be completed ; and accordingly, en the
11 th of January, 178b, the Congress met at
New Yotk, where they continued to hold their
sessions until the Confederation gave place to
the Constitution.
The Commissioners to lay out a town on the
Delaware reported their proceedings to Con
gress : hut no further steps were taken to carry
the resolution into effect.
When the bonds of union were drawn closer
by the organization of the new Government
under tlie Constitution, on the 3d of March, 17-
S9, the subject was revived and discussed with
greater wa-mth than before. It was conceded
on all sides that the residence of Congress
should continue at one place, and the prospect of
stability in the Government invested the ques
tion with a deeper interest. Some members
proposed New Yotk, as being "superior to any
place they knew for the orderly and decent be
havior of its inhabitants." To Ibis it was an
swerer! that it was not desirable that the politi
cal capital should be a commercial metropolis.
Others tidictiled the idea of building palaces in
the woods. Mr. Gerry, of Massachusetts,
thought it highly unreasonable to fix the seat of
Government in such a position as to have nine
states of the thirteen to the northward of the
place ; while 'he South Carolinians objected to
Philadelphia on account of the number of Qua
kers, who, they said, continually annoyed
the south'. rn members with schemes ol emanci
pation.
In the midst of these disputes the House of
Representatives resolved, "that the permanent
"■at of Government ought to be at some conve
nient place on the hanks of the Tosquehanna.
On 'he introduction of a bill tc gi*e effect to
this resolution, much feeiing was exhibited, es
pecially by the southern members. Mr. Mad
ison thought if the proceeding ol that dav had
been foreseen by Virginia, that Slate might not
have become a party to the Constitution. The
question was allowed by every member to be
a matter of great importance. Mr. Scott said
the future tranquility £and well being of the
1 nited Slates depended as much on this as any
question that ever had, or could, come before
Congress : and Mr. Fisher Ames remarked that
every ptincip!" of pride and honor and even of
patriotism were engaged. For a time, any a
greement apoeared to he impossible; but the
good genius of our system finally prevailed, and
.on tl\e 28th of June, 1790, an act was passed
containing the following clau3t :
"That a district of territory on the river Po
tomac, at some place between the mouths of the
eastern branch and the Connococh eague, be, and
the same is hereby accepted, for the permanent
seat of the Government of the United States."
The same act provided that Congress should
hold its sessions at Philadelphia until the first
Monday in November, 1800, when the Gov
ernment should remove to the district selected
on the Potomac. Thus was settled a question ;
which had produced much sectional feeling be- J
tvveen the States. But all difficulties were not
yet surmounted ; for Congress, either from in- j
difference or the want of money, failed to make '
adequate appropriations for the erection of pub- i
lie buildings, and the commissioners were of- j
ten reduced to great straits to maintain the
progress of the work. Finding it impossible to
' borrow money in Europe, or to obtain it from '
Congress. Washington, in December, 179(i,
made a personal appeal to the Legislature of
Maryland, which was responded to by an ad
vance of SIOO,OOO : but in so deplorable a con
dition was the credit of the Federal Govern
ment that the State required as a guarantee of
payment, the pledge ol the private credit of tiie
commissioners.
From the beginning Washington had advo
cated the present seat of Government. Its es
tablishment here was due, in a large measure,
to his influence ; it was his wisdom and pru
dence that computed disputes and settled con- ;
dieting titles: and it was chiefly through his
oersonal influence that the funds were provi- ;
ded Lwprepare the buildings for the reception !
of the President and Congress.
The wings of the Capitol having been suffi- j
ciently prepared, the Government removed to !
this District on the 17;h of Nov. mber, ISO!) •
or as Mr. WolcoH expressed it, left the com- .
forts of Philadelphia "logo to (be pfave )
u tth (he long-nan.F, ii the'woods oil the Poto-A|
mac." [ will not pause to describe the appear- ■
ance, at that dav, of the place where the city j
was to he. Contemporary accounts represent j
it as desolate in the extreme, with its long, un- j
opened avenu-'s ami streets, its deep morasses, i
and its vast area covered with trees instead ol
houses, ft is enough to say that Washington
projected the whole plan upon a scale of cen- j
tunes, and that time enough remains to fill the |
measure ot his great conception.
The Senate continued to occupy the north ]
wing, and the House of Representatives the ;
south wing ol the Capitol, until the 24th ol
August, ISI k, when the British army entered j
the citv and burned the public buildings. This j
occui p. (1 duiing the reces=, and the President j
immediately convened the Congress. Both j
Houses met in a brick building known as Brid
get's Hotel, which occupied a part of the square j
now covered by the General Post Olfice. But !
the accommodations in that house being quite
insufficient, a number of public-spirited citizens j
erected a more commodious building, on Capi- i
to! Hill, and tendered it to Congress ; the offer
was accepted, and both Houses continued to oc- ;
copy it until the wings of the new Capitol j
were completed. This building yet stands on |
the street opposite to the northeastern corner of !
the Capitol Square, and has since been occa- ■
sionaliy occupied by persons employed in diffei- j
ent branches of the public service.
On the 9th of December, 1819, the Senate j
assembled lor the first time in this Chamber, j
which has been the (heater of their deliberation i
for more than thirty-nine years.
And now the strife and uncertainties of the
past are finished. We see around us on ever y
side the proofs of stability and improvement. This j
Capitol is worthy of the Republic. Noble
public buildings meet the view on every hand, j
Treasures of science and the arts begin to 1
flourish. As this flourishing city enlarges,
it testifies lo the wisdom and forecast that
dictated the plan of it. Fulnre generations
will not be disturbed with questions concerning
the center of population, or territory, since the '
steamboat, the railroad, and the telegraph have,
i made communication almost instantaneous— J
The spot is sacred bv a thousand memories,
which are so many pledges tiiat the city of
Washington, founded by him and bearing his
| revered name, with its beautiful site, bounded
bv picturesque eminences, and the broad Poto
mac, and lying within view ot his home and
his tomb, shall remain forever the political
capital of the United States.
It would be interesting to note the gradual
changes which have occurred in the practical
working of the Government, since th" adoption
of the Constitution ; and i'. may be appropriate
to this occasion to remark one of the most
striking of them.
At the origin of the Government, the Senate
seemed to be regarded chiefly as an executive
council. The President often visited the
Chamber and conferred personally with this
body ; most of its business was transacted with
closed doors, and it took comparatively little
part in the legislative debates. The rising and
vigorous intellects of the country sought the
arena of (he House of Representatives as the
appropiiate theater for the display of their
powers. Mr. Madison observed, on some
occasion, that being a young man, and desiring
to increase his reputation, he could not afford
to enter the Senate ; and it will be remembered,
th3t, so late as 1812, the great debates which
BEDFORD, PA. FRIDAY MORNING, JULY 1 1859.
I preceded the war and aroused the country to
the assertion of its rights, took place in the
other branch of Congress. To such an extent
was the idea of seclusion carried, that, when
this Chamber was completed, no seats were
prepared for the accommodation of the public :
and it was not until many years afterwards
| that the semi-circular gallery was erected
| which admits the people to be witnesses of
i your proceedings. But now, the Senate,
j besides its peculiar lelatior.s to tiie executive
j department of the Government, assumes its fuii
i share of duty as a coequal branch of the Legisla*
1 Lire : indeed, from the limited number of 7is
; members, and for other obvious reasons, the
most important questions, especially of foreign
; policy, are apt to pass first under discussion in
i this body, and to be a member of it is justly re
] garded as one of the highest honors which can
I be conferred on an American statesman.
It is scarcely necessary to point out the
i causes of this change, or to say that it is a
! concession both to the importance and the
I individuality of the States, and to the free and
op<m character of the Government.
In Connection with this easy but thorough
transition, it is worthy of remark that it has
been effected without a charge from any quartet,
that the Senate has transcended its constitution
al sphere—a tribute at once to the moderation j
of the Senate, and another proof to thoughtful j
men of the comprehensive wisdom with which i
the framers of the Constitution secured essentia! )
principles without inconveniently embarrassing,
the action of the Government.
The progress of this popular movement, in
one aspect of it, has been steady and marked.-
At the origin of tiie Government no ariarige
ments in the Senate were made for spectators; ;
in this Chamber ah nit one third of the space S
is allotted to the public ; and in the new,:
apartment the galleries cover two thirds of its j
area. In all free countries the admission of ;
the people to witness legislative proceedings is*■
an essentiil element of public confidence and j
it is no: lo be anticipated that this wholesome j
principle will ever he abused by the substitu- j
tion of partial and interested demonstrations for j
the expression oi a matured and enlightened i
public opinion. Yet it should never be forgot- j
ten that not France, but the turbulent speclators j
within the Hall, awed and controlled tin j
French Assembly. With this lesson and its j
consequence betore us, the time will never I
come when the deliberations ol the Senate shalU
be swayed by the blandishments or the'lhunders
of the galleries. '• A
It is impossible (o di.-ymnec' 'Rom an
like A.:, a -Lt'.w J of r. ftettior.3 on c*ir i,
history, and of speculations on the future.—N
file most meager account of the Senate involvei
a summary of tiie progress of our country.—< j
From year to year you have seen your re-j
presentation enlarge ; lime and again vou have i
proudly welcomed anew sister into tlie Con- j
federacy : and the occurrences of this day are a !
material and impressive proof of the growth
and prospenty of the United Sia'ps. Three j
periods in the history of the Senate rr.atk, in
striking contrast, three epochs in the history ofj
the Union.
On the 3d of March, 1789, when the
Government was organized under the Constitu
tion, the Senate was composed of the representa
tives of eleven States, containing three mill-I
ions of people.
On the (>th of December, 1819, when the
S-nafe met for the first time in this room, it
was composed of t he representatives of twenty- j
one States containing nine millions of people, j
To-day it is composed of the representatives j
of thirty-two States, containing more than j
twenty-eight millions of people, prosperous, j
happy, and still devoted lo constitutional liberty. 1
Let these great facts speak for themselves to j
all the world.
The career of the United Stales cannot be
measured by that of any ether people ol whom
history gives account : and the mind is almost
appalled at the contemplation of the prodigious 'j
force which has marked their progress. Sixty- j
nine years ago, thiiteen States containing three j
millions of inhabitants, burdened with debt, 1
and exhausted by the long war of indepen
dence, established for I heir common good a free I
Constitution, on principles new to mankind, j
and began th ir experiment,:* ith the good wishes j
ola few doubting friends and the derision ol j
the world. Look at the result to-day ; twenty- j
eight millions of people, in everyway happier i
than an equal number in any other part of the
globe! the center of population and political;
power descending the western slopes of
Alleghany mountains, and the original thirteen
States farming but the eastern margin on the ■
map of our vast possessions. See besides, |
| Christianity, civilization, and the arts given j
to a continent : the despised colonies grown 1
into a Power of the first class, representing and j
protecting ideas that involve the progress of
the human race ; a commerce greater than that j
of any other nation ; free interchange between j
the States ; every variety of climate, soil, and j
production to make a people powerful and 1
j happy—in a word, behold Present greatness, :
i and, in the future, an empire to which the j
j ancient mist ress of the world in the height of
; her glorycould not be compared. Such is our
country ; ay, and more—far more than my
j mind could conceive or my tongue could utter.
|ls there an American who regrets the past?
Is there one who will deride his country's laws,
t pervert the Constitution, or alineate her people ?
If there be such a man, let his memory descend
to posterity laden with the pxecrations of all
mankind.
So happy is the political and social condition
of the United States, and so accustomed are we
to the secuie enjoyment ola freedom elsewhere
unknown, that we are to undervalue the treas
, tires we possess, and to lose, in some degree the
sense of obligation to our forefathers. But
when the strifes of faction shake the Govern
ment, and even threaten it, we may pause with
advantage long enough to remember that we
1 are reaping the reward of other men's labors.
Freedom of Thought and Opinion.
; This liberty we inherit : this admirable Con
| stitution, which has survived peace and war,
prosperity and adversity : this double scheme
of Government, State and Federal, so peculiar
and so little understood by other Powers, vet
which protects the earnings of industry, and
: makes the largest personal freedom compatible
with public order ; these great results were not
acquired without wisdom and toil and blood
the touching and heroic record is before the
world. But to all this we were born, and, lik°
iilt'J rs upon whom has been cast a great inherit
ance, have only Wie highjduty to preserve, to
extend, and to adorn it. The grand productions
|of the era in which the foundations of this
Go vernment were laid, reveal the deep sense
its founders had of their obligations to fhe
I whole family of man. Let us never forget that
j the responsibilities imposed on this generation
;are by so much the greater than those which
! rested on our revolutionary ancestors, as the
population, extent, and power of our country
the dawning promise of its origin.
It would be a pleasing task to pursue many
trains of thought, not wholly foreign to lliis
occasion, but the temptation to enter the wide
field must be l igorously curbed ; vet I may be
■ j pardoned, perhaps, for one or two additional
reflections.
The Senate is assembled for the last time in
this Chamber. Henceforth it will be convert
!ed to other uses; yet it must remain forever
connected with great events, and sacred to the
memories of the departed orators and statesmen
who here engaged in high debates, and shaped
the policy of their country. Hereafter the
American and -he stranger, as they wander
through the Capitol, will turn with instinctive
reverence to view the spot on which so many
j and great materials have accumulated for histo
; ry. They will recall the images of the great
! and good, whose renown is the common prop
i erty of the Union; and chiefly, peihaps, they >
j will linger around the seats once occupied by
' the mighty three, whose names and fame, as
| sociated in life, death has not been able to
j sever: illustrious men, who in their generation
i sometimes divided, sometimes led, and somp
i times resisted public opinion—for they were of
! that higher class of statesmen who seek the
j right and follow their convictions.
There sat Ualhoun, the Senator, inflexible,
laustere oppressed, hut not overwhelmed by
• his deep sense ot the importance of his public
; functions; seeking trie truth, then fearlessly fol
lowing it—a man whose unsparing intellect
•compelled all his emotions to harmonize with i
Jedu< lions of his ngprous logic, and whepe
ooole countenance habitually wore the expres
sion of one engagpd in the performance of high j
j public duties.
| This was Webster's seat. He, too. was
; every inch a Senator. Conscious of his own
vast powers, he reposed with confidence on f
i himself: and scorning the contrivances of small- 1
: er men, he stood among his peers all the greater
lor the simple dignity of his senatorial demean
or. Type of his northern home, he rises be
fore the imagination, in the grand and granite
! outline of his form and intellect, like a great
! New England rock, repelling a New England
wave. As a writer, his productions will be j
cherished by statesmen and scholars while the
English tongue is spoken. As a senatorial ora
| tor, his great efforts are historically associated
with this Chamber, whose very air seems yet
to vibrate beneath the strokes of his deep tones
i and his weighty words.
On the outer circle, sat Henry Clay, with
his impetuous and ardent nature untamed by j
age, and exhibiting in the Senate the same ve
j hement patriotism and passionate eloquence!
i that of vore electrified the House of Represen
tatives and the country. His extraordinary
i personal endowments, his courage, all his noble
qualities, invested him with an individuality
and a charm of character which, in any age,
would have made him a favorite of history.—
He loved his country above all earthlv objects.
H° loved liberty in all countries. Illustrious •
: m an ! —orator, patriot, philanthropist—whose
light, at its meridian, was seen and felt in the
remotest parts of the civilized world; and whose
declining son, as it hastened down the west,
; threw back its level beams, in hues of mellow
j ed splendor, to illuminate and to chperthe land
he loved and served so well.
All the States may point, with gratified pride,
to the services in the Senate of their patriotic
! sons. Crowding the memory, come the names
of Adams, Hayne, Wright. Mason, Otis, Ma
con, Pinckney, and the rest —I cannot number
Afcem— who, in the record of their acts and til
iterances, appeal to their successors to give the
j Union a destiny not unworthy of the past.—
What models were these, to awaken emulation
:or to plunge in despair! Fortunate will be
the American statesmen who, in this age, or
in succeeding times, shall contribute to invest
the new Hall to which we go, with historic
memories like those which cluster here.
And now, Senators, we leave this memorable
j Chamber, bearing with us, unimpaired, the
! Constitution we received from our lorefathers.
Let us cherish it with grateful acknowledg
ments to the Divine Power who controls the
I destinies of empires and whose goodness we
adore. The structures reared by men yield to
the corroding tooth of time. These marble
walls must moulder info ruin; but the principles
of constitutional liberty, guarded by wisdom
and virtue, unlike material elements, do not de
cay. Let us devoutly trust that another Sen
ate, in another age, shall bear to a new and
larger Chamber, this Constitution vigorous and
inviolate, and that the last generation of pos
terity shall witness the deliberations of the
Representatives of American States still uni
ted, prosperous, and free.
(Ur~"Did you know," said a cunning Yan
kee fo a Jew, "that they hang Jews and jack
asses together in Portland 1"
"Indeed ! then it is well that you and I are
. not there," retorted the J*w.
GEJ\ 'E R.J L GJIRI B.J LI) I.
The dashing enterprise of Gen. Garibaldi, so
successfully accomplished by his throwing his
volunteers upon the right of the Austrian army,
lias not onlv given him a footing in Lombardy,
but has probably made him master of G'omo,
. winch commands the Lake. We use the word
probub/y —all that is certainly known is that
Garibaldi has taken Varese, without having ar
tillery. II he maintains himself in his posi
tion for a few days, no doubt hp will be reinfor
ced. His continued occupation of Austro-
Lombardian ground would greatly help the
Allies.
That the game of War is a game of Chess,
upon a large scale, was said by the Great Na
poleon. It is quite true tbrt strategy avails as
much as force, in a campaign. The head to
plan is required as well as the hands to execute.
An English paper says that Sir William Na
pier, the eminent Historian of the Peninsular
War, who is now dangerously ill, and in an
advanced period of life, had predicted, some
time ago, from a consideration of the condi
tion of Italy and the comparative position of
the combatants, that the attack upon the Aus
trian right, by which Garabald i established!
himself in Lombardy, and has cut off" his oppo
nents from using the Splugen Pass, was the
particular move, in the great game of war,
which should be made, exactly at the very
time.
It may bp worth while here to give a brief!
sketch of the antecedents of Joseph Gari- j
bald i.
He was born at Nice, fifty-two years ago, !
and entered the Sardinian navy at an earlv age.
In 1834 he was compelled to fly from Genoa,
because of his complicity in a liberal conspiracy.
After two years' residence in Marseilles, he
wpot fo offer his services to the Bey of Tunis,
but received such insufficient encouragement,
that he soon left Africa and went to South A
merica, where he commanded, for the Repub
lic of Uruguay, th? squadron destined to act a
gainst Buenos Ayres. When the Revolution
of 1848 broke out, Garibaldi, with the remains
of the Italian legion who had fought under him j
in South America, fought on the side ot Ital- j
ian independence. In Piedmont, in the Tyrol,
and in Rome, (which he gallantly defended
against thp French troops,) his valor was dis
tinguished. His, indeed, is
A spirit that can dare
The deadliest form that death can take,
And dare it—for the daring's sake.
After Rome was taken, Garibaldi disbanded
his little company ot adherents and weftt to
New York, where he entered into business.—
Thence he returned to South America, and
commanded the Peruvian navy for some time.
He has lived with his children, in an island
near Sardinia, for the last five years. His;
wife, a woman of undaunted couragp, died by !
fiis side, from an Austrian ball in Italy. At <
the sound of the war trumpet, Garibaldi re
turned to his native land, was recognised and
encouraged, and the volunteers hastened to
enrol themselves under his command. Napo
leon and Victor Emanuel have great reliance
in his ability and bravery, and he seems des
tined to play a leading part in the events ot the
fast-coming time.
Of lofty stature, strong frame, brave heart,
and generous spirit, Garibaldi is said to be the
best guerilla leader now in Europe. The val
ue ot his services and example in Lombardy
and Piedmont, at this crisis, is incalculable.
THOMAS BURJTSIDE—JJIMES PETRI
KE.V—J.IMES T. 11.1 LE.
The elder James Burnside was president in one
ol the Courts of Pennsylvania, when the mem
orable case of Parsons vs. Parsons was on trial.
James Petriken, Esq., was one of the counsel,
assisted by James T. Hale, Esq. Hale was
speaking, and having made a strong point,
which the Court challenged, he said that he
could sustain it by citation of cases from thp
books, but he he had left them at his office
close by.
"Why did you not bring your books here?"
asked the Judge.
"Because I considered the point ?o plain as
not lo need the support of other cases; but I
will step over and get the books."
As Mr. Hale left the room the Judge in a
pet said :
"That man reminds me of a carpenter who
came to work for me, and left all his tools at
home. The Court has forgotten more law than
that young man knows."
"That," said Mr. Petriken, "is just what we
complain of—that your honor has forgotten
too much /"
The case of Parsons vs. Parsons was brought
by one brother against another, for the purpose
of breaking their father's will, which cut off
Abraham, the elder brother without a cent,
giving all the property to Samuel, the younger.
This Samuel was a stout, broad-shouldered
Pennsylvania farmer, well.dressed and portly,
showing himself to be somebody; while Abra
ham was a lank, lean and ill-favored man, with
thin and thread-bare clothes in bad wpather.—
Mr. Petriken, counsel for poor Abraham, asked
a witness "what is the relative wealth of the
two brothers ?"
The opposing lawyer jumped up and ob
jected to the question. "It was of no conse
quence who was richer or who was poorer; it
was a question of law."
Petriken saw that the question would not be
allowed, and called out to his client, said.—
"Abraham, stand by the side of Samuel."
. Abraham planted his thin figure, in shabby
clothes, by the side of the corpulent, well-dres
sed brother, and Petriken cried out to the jury.
"JVow compare the parties." The effect was
instantaneous and complete, and far better for
Abraham than any evidence of witnesses as to
the amount of his property. The jury gave
him a verdict; and, law or no law, he got half
of his father's property.—Warper's Magazine.
WHOM: lit TIRER fSJS.76.
AO ELY S.IID.
In the case of the convicted and sentenced
Oberlin slave rescuers, whom the Abolitionists
hoped to have discharged from imprisonment,
by the Supreme court of Ohio, on habeas cor
pus, Judge Swan thus nobly concludes the
i opinion of the Court:
"As a citizen I would not deliberately vio
i late the constitution or the law by interference
j with fugitives from justice. But if a weary,
j frightened slave would appeal to me to protect
- him from his pursuers, it is possible [ might
| momentarily forget my allegiance to the law
and constitution and give him a covert from
those who were on his track—there are, no
i doubt, many slaveholders who would tjrus fol
low the instinct ot human sympathy And it
, I did it, and was prosecuted, condemned and
imprisoned, and brought by my counsel before
this tribunal on a fuibeas corpus, and was then
: permitted to pronounce judgment in my own
j case, I trust i should have the moral courage
to say before God and my country, as I am now
! compelled to say, under the solemn duties of a
Judge, bound bv my official oath to sustain the
| supremacy of the constitution and the law
j 'The prisoner must be remanded.' "
Judge Swan was elected by the Republican
party, and a tew days after he delivered the
above sentiments hi. party met in State con
vention to nominate a judge of the Supreme
Court, and selected another man to take his
plsce.
B EjJR IT LY JUA'D.
It would be well enough for all our readers
to bear this fact in mind : Those business men
who patronize the printers the most liberally
are proverbial for being the iairest dealers.—
They can afford to be such, because tbpy have
a larger number of customers, and those invaria
bly pay cash for what they buy. He who is
engaged in business, and to miserly to pay the
printer for keeping his name and business be
fore the country, is generally too penurious to
merit patronage from any body, and when
they do get it they are compelled to charge tall
prices to make both ends meet. Look out for
such persons, and give your trade to him who
shows you he has a soul in him by patronizing
the printer liberally.
A GOOD ONE. —We heard a good story, the •
other day of our friend Jacob Stier, of Upper
Mount Bethel, that is worth telling. Jacob is
known to all who are acquainted with him at
all, as one ot the most rampant, thorough-going
Democrats in all this section of country. He
reveres his Democratic principles, next to his
religion, as above all price. In 1856 he super
intended the erection of an immense hickory
pole at Roxburg, which is still standing. Re
cently a factory has been erected at Dill's Ferrv
for the manufacture of axe handles, which are
generally made of seasoned hickory. One ot
the proprietors of this establishment, a Massa
chusetts gentleman, recently passed through
Roxburg, and seeing the hickory, thought it
would be a capital piece of timber to cut up for
axe handles, and with a view to securing it, he
inquired as to who had authority to have it
cut down. He was referred to old Jacob,
whose Democracy is as tough as the old hicko
ry, when the following conversation took
place.
Manufacturer—"Good morning, Mr Stier—l
have called to see what you would charge for
that old hickory pole standing yonder
Stier—"What do you want it for V*
Manufacturer—"l want to cut it into axe
handles."
Stier—"Where are you from sir V'
Manufacturer—"From Massachusetts."
Slier—"Then I tell you, no sir ! no man
from thai o d Abolition State, can ever buy
that pole /"
Yankee sloped.— East on Sentinei.
KF^'Sal\y" said a green youth, in a ven -
erable white hat and gray pants, through which
his legs projected half a loot—"Sally, before
we go into this 'ere museum to see the En
chanted Horse, I want to ask you somethin'."
"Well, Ichabod, what is it?" "Why, you
see this'ere business is gwine to cost a hull
quarter of a dollar apiece, and I can't afford to
spend so much for nothin'. Now ef you'll say
you'll have me, darned ef I don't pay the hull
on't myself—l will !" Sally made a non-com
mittal reply, which Ichabod interpreted to suit
himself, and he strode up two steps at a time,
and paid the whole on't.
[tF"'"My son, haven't 1 told you three times
to go and shut that gate V said a lather to a
four year old.
"Yes, and havn't I told you these three
times that I wouldn't do it. You must be stu
pid."
ITF"Once upon a time, an Irishman and a
negro were fighting, and when grappling with
each others the Irishman exclaimed, "Ye divil
of a black nagur ! cry 'enough' or I'll fight
till I die!" "So'll I, boss!" sung out the
darkey, "I always does."
modest young lady, desiring a leg of
chicken at the table, said she would take "that
part that ought to be dressed in pantalets." A
gentleman opposite immediately called for
"that part which usually wears the bustle."
says a modern philosopher, go
according to their brains. Iftheseliein their
head, they study ; if in their belly, they eat ;
if in their heels, they dance.
[EF~"I have turned many a woman's head,
boasted a young nobleman of France. "Yes,"
replied Talleyrand, "away from you."
03F*rhe day on which idle men woik and
I fools reform, is— to-morrow.
VOL. 2, NO. 48