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jj o 1 11 g.
"THE BATTLE 0? BLENHEIM."
In all probability a sanguinary conflict is now
raiing in Southern Europe. The fair valleys
of Italy will be devastated bv fire and sword ;
and the iron hand of war will /all heavy upon
the peaceful and helpless. It seems to us that
SOCTHEY'S /.> nous lyric, "the Battle of Blen
heim,"' ill be good reading this morning ; and
we therefore print it :
It was on a surnrn-r evening ;
Old Rasper's work was done,
And he before his cottage door
Was sitting in the sun ;
And by him sported on the green
His fittle grandchild Whilhelmine.
she saw I er brother Peterkin
Roll something large and round,
Which he beside the rivulet
In playing there, had found
tie came to ask what he had found,
That was so largp, and smooth, and round.
Old Kaper took it from the boy
Who stood expectant by ;
And then the old man shook bis head,
And with a natural sigh, •
"Tis some poor fellow's skull," said he,
' Who fell in the great victory.
"1 find theari : n the garden,
For there's many here about t
Aril often when I go to plough,
'1 he ploughshare turns them out ;
for many thousand men," said he
'•Were slain in that great Victory. 1 '
"Now tei! tis what 'twas aff about,"'
Young Peterkin, he cries ;
And little Whilhelmine looks up
With wond.T wafting eyes i
- v ilWi' 1 " ••'arJ 2 h f. war,
And what tWey fought ea-fch Wr. "v
*• "it v?s the English,"Kaper cried,
"Who put the T ranch to route j
Tut what th-v fought each other for,
1 could net well tnake out ;
Put every body said," quoth he.
" J bat 'twas a famous victory."
"My father lived at Blenheim then,
Yon little stream hard by :
They burnt bis dwelling to the ground,
And he was forced to fly ;
Vo with as wife and ch;!J he fled
Nor had he where to rest his bead.
"With fire and sword the country round
Was wasted far and wide
And many a ciiitding mother there,
And new bom baby died;
But things like that, you know, must be
At every famous victory.
"They say it was a shocking sight,
After the field was won :
For many thousand bodies here
Lay rotting in the sun ;
Put things like that, you know, mut be
Altera famous victory.
"Great praise the Duke of Marlhro' won,
And our good prince Eugene."
"Why. twasa very wicked thing !"
Said little Whilhelmine.
"Jsav—nay—my little girl," quoth he.
"It was a famous victory.
"And every body praised the Duke
Who this groat fight did win."
* Cut what good came of it at last T
Quoth little Peterkin.
"Why fun? I cannot tell," said he,
"But 'twas a famous victory."
T.'-.NADO. A special dispatch to the St.
Louis Republican, M=v 27th, from Jackson
ville Morgan county, Illinois, states that
yesterday*, a most violent and destructive tor
nado swept over the country, about halt a mile
>outh ol the city, desolating everything that
Hv in its path.
Sixteen persons were killed, while a large
number were severely wounded, a portion of
whom cannot recover.
Many houses and other buildings were torn
into atoms by the furv of the whirl wind, others
were overturned, and still more unroofed, and
otherwise shattered by the blast.
The cattle in the field were killed in £ rL ' at
numbers, and crops destroyed. Ihe damage
to property o! all kinds can hardly be estima
te*!.
AUSTRIA CONFISCATING THE CHURCII PROP
ERTY. —Austria has commenced playing the
same game that is now being pursued in Mex
ico, and was also pursued by I ranee during
the Revolution, and by England at the time o!
the Reformation. The Emperor, it is said, has
commenced a confiscation of Church property
for war purposes. The wealth of the monas
teries in .Austria is said be immense, and as
every other means of revenue ha? been ex
hausted, this is the onlv resource left to carry
cn the war. It is stated that representations
had been made in Rome which will preyent
such a proceeding being denounced in that
quarter.
MM CONDEMNED OCT OE
HIS OWN MOCTII.
O
The charge mad? by Forney & Co. agains'
Mr. Buchanan i.<, that he has been false [to
the Cincinnati platform and his own pledges on
the subject of slavery in the territories. ° The
position of Mr. Buchanan upon which this
charge is based may be stated} in a few words.
He holds that slavery exists in the territories
under the Constitution [of the United States,
and that the peejJe of the territories must de
cide for themselves whether or not thev will
have slavery t chen they come to form a Stale
constitution, preparatory to admission into the
Union. We have italicized the words which
containhhe issue between the President and
l.is revilers. It is because Mr. Buchanan de
nies to the territorial legislature the power to
abolish slavery, and pledges himselt to sustain
the decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred
Scott cae, that he is now charged by Colonel
Forney and his associates with being false tu
the doctrines of popular sovereignty, and, there
fore, unworthy of the confidence of the Demo
cratic part}'. We state the case plainly and
distinctly, that we may do no injustice to any
one in the proof and comments we are about
to submit to our readers.
On the 15th of August, 1857, Mr. Buchan
an addressed to Prof. Silliman and his clerical
associates his celebrated letter on the Kansas
question. In that letter it became necessary
to discuss the very question which forms the
basis of the present issue; and it is.presented in
the following clear and unequivocal lan
guage :
"Slavery existed at that period, and still ex
ists in Kansas, under the Constitution of the
United States. This point has at last been fi
nally decided by the highest tribunal known to
our laws. How it could ever have been seri
ously doubted is a mystery. If a confedera
tion of sovereign States acquire a new territo
ry at the expense of their common blood and
tiensure, sun ly one set of the partners can
have no right to exclude the oilier from its en
joyment by prohibiting them from taking into
it whatsoever is recognised to be proneitv by
the common constitution. But when the peo
ple—the bona file residents ol such territory—
proceed to frame a State constitution, then.it is
their right to decide the important question for
themselves, whether they will continue, modi
fy, or abolish slavery. To them, and to them
ilone, does this question belong, tree from all
r or°ign interference."
Every r- > tidy,? ader will admit that this ex
.in'ct f' 4k;
eriitories under tne Constitution ot the I nited
states. 2. That the power to abolish it by the
people of the territories could only be exercised
when they come to form a State constitution.
3. That the decision of the Supreme Court in
the Dred Scott case had aflii med these doctrines,
and that such decision was in strict conformity
to the individual opinions of Mr. Buchanan on
the subject. It is not prptended that the Presi
dent has, since the writing of that letter, an
nounced a single principle which is not fully
set forth in the extract which we have quoted.
In fact, it was but the repetition of principles
which tie had very clearly foreshadowed in
his Inaugural Address. In a few days after the
appearance of the letter, from which the fore
going extract is taken, it made its appearance
in the columns of Col. Forney's Philadelphia
Press, accompanied by an editorial, from which
we take the following paragraph :
"A public man who is fortunate in his friends
is an object of envy to his opponents. But Mr.
Buchanan is fortunate in his enemies—emi
nently fortunate, in that they have furnished
him an opportunity of appealing against an in
sane sectionalism, at a critical period like the
present, to the whole country. The Executive
is compelled, both by custom and by courtesy,
to he silent in the midst of calumny. He must
standby and see his motives impugned and his
sincerity suspected, and refrain from the utter
ance of that word which, spoken from him,
would blow his assailants into the air. But
there are proper exceptions to every general
rule, and in this case the exception enables a
good man to rebuke, in the language of the
simple tiuth, a most unwarrantable and gratui
tous indignity to himself and a gross libel upon
history. We do not think that the annals of
controversy can furnish a more complete reply
to a dogmatic assumption of superior patriotism
and pietv than that contained in Mr. Buchan
an's response to these Connecticut meddler-,
The country owes them thanks, for the first
time in many years—thanks for exposing their
vain and vapid sophistry to the irresistible ar
tillery of the President's old-fashioned Pennsyl
vania logic and common sense."
We appeal to the honest and intelligent peo
ple of Pennsylvania, and the whole country, to
say if there could have been written a more
full, complete, and unequivocal endorsement of
the doctrines and principles for which Mr. Bu
chanan is now so bitterly assailed, than is con
tained in the language used by Col. Forney on
that occasion ? At that time Col. Forney wrote
in the spirit of friendship, and he spoke the
words of truth. It was an honest, perhaps
impulsive, homage to the patriot and statesman
whom he had not then learned to hate and
abuse. What has Mr. Buchanan done or said
since that time to justify the change which has
come over the feelings and opinions of Ids for
mer eulogist? We defy the most searching
caviller to produce a single principle or doc
trine announced by him on this vexed subject
which is not contained either in his Inaugural
or the Silliman letter.
That our readers may have the whole ques
tion before them, as it was before Col. Forney
when he penned the article from which s\e
quote, we incorporate the following paragraph
from the President's Inaugural, which, it must
be borne in mind, had previously been aunoun
BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY MORNING, JUNE 10, 1859.
red to the country at the very moment of his
entering upon the dutiesofhis olfice :
"What a happy conception, then, was it
for Congress, to apply this simple rule—that the
will of the majority shall govern—to the set
tlement of the question of domestic slavery in
! the territories! Congress is neither 'to legis
late slavery into any Territory or State, nor to
exclude it therefrom,' &.O. As a natural con
sequence, Congress has also prescribed that
when the Teriitory of Kansas shall be admit
ted as a State, it 'shall be received into the
Union with or without slavery, as their con
stitution may prescribe at the lime of their ad
mission.'
"A difference of opinion has arisen as to the
point of time when the people of a territory
shall decide this question tor themselves.
"This i*-, happily, a matter of but little prac
tical importance. Besides, it is a judicial ques
tion which legitimately belongs to the Su
preme Court of the United States, before whom
it is now pending, and will, it is understood,
be speedily and finally settled. To their de
cision, in common with all good citizens, I shall
cheerfully submit, whatever this mav be,
though it has ever been my individual opinion
that, under the Neb raska Kansas act, the appro
priate period will be when the number of ac
tual residents in the territory shall justify the
formation of a constitution with a view to its
admission as a State into the Union."
Take these doctrines, thus approved and de
fended by Col. Forney in language of unboun
ded and enthusiastic eulogy, and compare them
with the principles which he and his associates
lately proclaimed atHarirsburg, and then say
who has stood firm and true. For the purpose
of making the comparison, we leproduce one
of the resolutions of that body. It is as fol
lows :
Resolved, In the language "of Stephen A.
Douglas, "i7 matters not what ten/ the Supreme
Court hereof ter decide as to the abstract question
whether slavery may or mat/ not go into a Ter
ritory under the constitution; the people have
'he lawful means to introduce it or exclude it,
is they please, for the reason that slavery can
not ezist a day or an hour anywhere unless it
is supported by local police refutations. Those
police regulations can only be established bv
local legislation; and if the people are oppo
sed to slavery, they will elect representatives
lo that body who will, by unfriendly legisla
tion, effectually prevent the introduction of ii
into their midst. If, on the contrary, they are
for it, their legislation will favor its extension.
Hence, no matter what the decision of the Su
preme Court may be on the abstract question,
still the right of the people to make a slav-
free Tern'ory is nerfget an-'
Will Col. Forney attempt to reconcile the
doctrines of the Silliman letter and his own
editorial with the principles ol the toregoing
resolutions? Mr. Buchanan and his friends
stand now where they stood then. Col. For
ney, at that time, said they were right, and,
with the pride of a true Pennsylvania Demo
crat, he called upon the National Democracy
everywhere to rally to lite support ot "//ic
President's old fashioned Pennsylvania logic
and common sense." But the scene has chan
ged. The language of praise and adulation has
given way to abuse, vituperation, and calumny.
One thing is certain, there has been no change
on the part of Mr. Buchanan. The record
which we this day place before our readers is
conclusive upon that point. Those who may
be curious to know the causes which have
wrought this wonderful metamorphosis may pur
sue the inquiry. For ourselves, we are con
tent to place the (acts before the country, and
wait the judgment which honest and candid
men shall pronounce upon them.
A single word more—applicable not only to
Col. Forney, but to many others who now as
sail the President for his doctrines and princi
ples on the question of popular sovereignty :
Why is it ttiat these men never uttered a word
of complaint, or interposed a word of dissent,
at the time there announcements were first
made by the President ? Then it was all
right. Then the President was a patriot and
a statesman. No words of praise were foo
strong and no adulation 100 fulsome for them to
indulge in. The files of the different depart
ments groan under the accumulated weight of
their urgent appeals for oihee and patronage
for themselves and friends. Now, if these prin
ciples—which we nave shown were as distinct
ly avowed at that time as they ever have been
since—are so monstrous and so false to the
doctrines of the Democratic party and the for
mer pledges of the President, we call upon
those men to answer to their own consciences
and to the country, how it was that they were
not only willing, but anxious, to receive oflice,
patronage, and lavor from a man who had thus
proven so false and treacherous? We leave
them to answer the question, and the country
to passjudgment upon their answer.—Constitu
tion.
Forney and Hie Silliman Letter.
When we published our article of the 21th
inst., we had only an extract from the editori
al of Colonel Forney, in which he endorsed
the President's Silliman letter. Since then we
have have procured the entire article, and
desire further light on the subject. Let it be
borne in mind that Mr. Buchanan, in his letter
to Professor Silliman and his associates,
announced the following doctrines : 1
Slavery exists in the territories under the
Constitution of the United Slates. 2. The
territorial legislature cannot abolish it, as that
power can only be exercised by the people of
the territories when they come to form a State
constitution. 3. These principles, having
been finally decided by the Supreme Court in
; the Drtd Scott case, should be maintained in
j good faith by all law-abiding citizens. Such
| were the doctrines of the Silliman letter ; and
I in publishing that letter in his paper, Forney
Freedom of Thought and Opinion.
makes the following editorial comments :
"At midnight of yesterday evening, just a:
we were preparing logo to press, the telegrapl
brought us the following correspondence be
tween President Buchanan and forty threi
citizensot Connecticut,( most of them, we be
lieve, clergymen,) headed by the somewha
famous Professor B. Silliman, of Yale College
New Haven. We cannot allow these remarka
ble papers to go before our readers without ex
pressing our own sentiments upon one or tw<
of the points presented.
"A public man who is fortunate in hi
friends is an object of envy to his opponents.—
; But Sir. Buchanan is fortunate in Iris enemies
■ eminently fortunate, in that they have turnishei
j him an opportunity of appealing against an insani
| sectionalism, at a critical period like the present
to the whole country. The exeuutive is com
pelled, botii bv custom and by courtesy, to b<
silent in the midst of calumny. He must stani
by and see his motives impugned and his sin
cerity suspected, and retrain from tlx
utterance of that word which, spoken fron
him, would blow his assailants into the air.—
But there are proper exceptions to the genea
' rule, and, in this case, the exception enable/
a good man to rebuke, in the language of the
simple truth, a most unwarantable and gratuilou.
indignity to himself, and a gross libel upor
history. We do not think that the annals o
: controversy can furnish a more complete repU
to a dogmatic assumption of superior patriotism
and piety than that contained in Mr. Buchan
an's lesponseto these Connecticut meddlers.—
The country owes them thanks for the first time
in many years—thanks for exposing their vain
and vapid sophistry to the irresistible artillery
t the President's old fashioned Pennsylvania
logic and common sense.
"There is that in the President's letter
which appeals to higher emotions than party
; feelings. When he wrote his great Oregon
lettter, now ten years ago, he struck a chord
in every patriotic heart, and was answered by
an outburst of unusual enthusiasm and praise.
And so it will be now. lie sheds aiong the
dark pathway that has led into our Kansas
troubles a flood of light. He dissipates a
thousand falsehoods in an instant. He fortifies
his own portion. He invigorates the friends
of the Constitution. He deprives sectionalism
ot the only weapons left in its armorv ol
expedients. He puts the stamp of authoritative
denial upon its statements ; and says tc
its misrepresentations, 'Thus far shall thou go
and no farther.' To the thousands of hones!
men, ot every party, who want peace and ar
end to agitation, such a voice from the Execu
tive will be welcomed with gratitude.
"But we have no time lor further comment
.Mills* vviuie nit i i
President, under the inspiration which his
patriotic letter had produced. Days and week:
passed over his head, and no change wa:
wrought in the opinions so honestly entertainer
and franklv spoken. There was to Mr. For
ney's mind, at that time, no violation o
popular sovereignty, no betrayal oftheCincinna
ti platform—no want of fidelity to Democratic
principles— in holding the doctrine that
slavery existed in the territories under the
Constitution of the United States : and that the
time tor the people to decide whether or not
they would have slavery was when they
formed their State constitution ; and that the
decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred
; Scott case should be respected, and in good
faith carried out. He then saw and felt that
I Mr. Buchanan had "shed along the dark
i pathway that has ted into our Kansas troubles
a. tiood of light" He then read, in till!
masterly letter of the President, the evidence
ot patriotism, ability, and statesmanship, 'v3
thousand falsehoods " had been dissipated, in
an instant, "bv the old Pennsylvania
logic and common sense of the President."—
The positions of Mr. Buchanan on this distrac
ting question had been "firtified, 1 the friends
of the constitution "invigorated," and "sec
tionalism deprived of the only weapons left in
its armorv of expedients." \veil and truly
did he declare, in tiiis outburst of honest and
enthusiastic endorsement, that "to the thousand
of honest men, of every party, who want
: peace and an end to agitation, such a voice
from the. Executive will be welcomed with
a raid a tie." This was the language of truthful
prophecy. That voice and those principles
have spoken peace and quiet to a distracted
country, and put an end to a useless and
wicked agitation, and the patriotic people ot
all parties and all sections do welcome these
results with grateful heaits.
But Mr. Forney does not join in this generous
1 and universal feeling with the democracy.—
! The friend has become the rcviler. Disappointed,
' chagrined, and mortified, he turns his back not
j onlv upon former friends, but upon iiis own
solemn declartions and would dig up trom
the grave the foul imputations of "these Con
j necticut meddlers," and seek to sanctify with
i his embittered resentments that which his own
i ppn has pronounced false, arrogant, and
' calumnious. It would seem that forney has
studied, to some puipose, the idea that the
President "must stand by and see his motives
impugnpd and his sincerity suspected, and
refrain from the utterance of that word which,
spoken from him, would blow his assailants
into air." In this case there is no necessity for
the speaking of that magic word ; and we leave
the victim to that bitter remorse and. humiliation
which he has wantonly brought upon himself.
—Constitution.
!EF~"What a fine gentleman !" exclaimed a
young lady, when walking out with her beau,
as a slim six-footer passed by. "Yes," re
torted the beau, who was rather corpulent, "If
he W'as much 'finer' we would not be able to
see him."
Fashionable intelligence—Long dresses
make clean crossings.
THE EVILS OF SCIENCE.
Science has wrought out immense advantages
for mankind, and we are therefore a[>t to re
gard the "triumphs of science, - ' as we term
them, as yielding only benefits. But, like the
tree of "the knowledge of good and evil," sci
ence yields a two-fold crop; and, although the
good predominates, the evil is so extensive as
to do much harm. We may see the evidence
of this every day. The art of photography
gladdens millions of hearts by faithful pictures
of loved ones, while it ministers to that appre
ciation of the beautiful which is found in every
breast by its marvellous delineations ol other
natural objects. Yet this exquisite art Enables
the counterfeiter to imitate with exact faithful
ness the bills of any bank he may select; thus
putting it in his power to rob the community
of thousands of dollars, and making hirn more
to be dreaded than an anny of highwaymen,
since he operates in secret and his mischief is
wide-spread. A knowledge of chprnistrv has
become indispensable for the comfort of civiii
7.pd communities; but by it the very food and
drink we consume are in many instances con
verted into slow poisons in order to enrich un
scrupulous men. Pure wines are almost an
anomaly. Large manufactories are. established
to make a spurious article, and from whiskey,
cider, low-cost wine, or some other cheap ma
terial, are produced, by means of drugs and
dye-woods, all the varieties of wine 3 from Jo
hannisberg to Port. To speak of the "spark
ling wine" is almost a figure of speech, while
to say "generous wine" would be quite ridicu
lous, since anything "simonpure" is rarelv to
bp found outside o( the wine-grower's private
cellar.
It requires some confidence to sit down fo
the most tempting dinner, since a late writer in
lire Knickerbocker declares that our flour con
tains alum, bone-dust, powder flints, and plaster
of Paris; our bread, in addition, chalk, pipe
clay, carbon, ammonia, sulphate of copper, and
sulphate of zinc; our sugar, among other 'light'
ingredients, lead, iron, sand; our cocoa and
chocolate, Venitian red, red ochre, lard, (allow:
our tea, besides half a hundred kinds of leaves,
chrome yellow, soapstone, Prussian blue, a.-se
nite of copper, potash, and similar "wholesome"
substances; our pickles , even, salts of copper;
our honey, pipe-clay; and our vinegar, sul
phuric acid ! In vain would "good digestion
wait on appetite" alter a meal in which such
delicacies formed part of the feast.
In sulphuric ether science gave to suffering
humanity a balm of sovereign power. It robs
wounds of their pain, prolongs life, and trans
forms the knife of the surgeon from an instru
ment of torment into a harmless tool. But in
comn^ ! l-iunOi h .f..-'?' ous depraved this bene
lates time and space, and human life, too, as
we learn, at a fearful cost every year. The
sewing machine lightens the burdpns of many
housewives and cheapens clothing for the mil
lions: but hundreds of women in our shoe-man
ufacturing towns have been deprived by it of a
light and profitable source of employment,
while their poor sisters in the cities, who
"stitch,stitch, stitch," till body and mind are
weary and faint, are driven to a still fiercer
struggle for bread, and perchance to a life of
crime and misery. Science can save life; it is
employed to destroy it. Happiness is promo
ted by it, and misery caused by it, but only be
cause man is unscrupulous and abuses it. The
good ol science overpoweringly predominates,
but it is well sometimes to look at the obverse
side.
EDITORIAL SCRIMMAGE. — The Black Republi
cans ol Quincy, Illinois, lately engaged a six
feet fellow to assail Mr. Brooks, editor of the
Herald , published there. The following is
Mr. Brooks's account of the fracas, the correct
ness of which is verified by other statements :
"About five o'clock in the afternoon, as we
were passing the Whia office, this dirty scoun
drel Sheremberg, who had been harbored there
all day, ran out and struck us with a stick.—
VVe turned upon the cowardly dog and chased
him more than a half a block, down Hampshire
street. The dirtv whelp outran us. He
went in the direction of Pike's Peak. Up to the
hour that our paper went to press—ten o'clock,
last night, we were unable to hear otf him.—
Our opinion is that he had better continue to
run— better not stop—it will certainly be
belter for his health ! He left his hat behind,
which his filends can have by calling at our
office. And this is the fellow—this cowardly,
skulking, running dog, that the Black Republi
cans of "this city put up to fight their battles
for them ! We feel 100 good humored to abuse
the poor devil this morning. His cowardly
assault, and his still more cowardly flight are
the butt of ridicule and contempt ol his own
persona! and political friends. In order that
our readers abroad may understand and appreci
ate the cowardly scoundrel as he deserves, we
will state in conclusion, that he is a man over
six feet in height—but just as cowardly as he
j 3 high— this long-legged puppy, after
thus assaulting us, in a most sneaking and
cowardly manner, absolutely, in the presence
of a hundred persons, took to his heels and ran !
Go it ! Scheremberg ! Brooks is alter you !
—and he'll catch you, too, notwithstanding
the length of your legs."
Scheremberg's fleetness was accelerated by
the erroneous impression that Brooks was after
him with a knife ol disagreeable length.
KF"One pretty Sabbath morning, recently,
while Henry Ward Beecher was on his way
to church, he lound the sidewalk occupied by
a number of boys playing marbles, upon which
he exclaimed: "What, boys, playing mar
bles on the Sabbath day 1 Why, you Lighten
me!" Upon which a hardened little sinner
looked up and answered: "Frightened, ha!
why don't you run, then *"
WHOLE XI HUE It 83.
THE TIME TO CUT WHE.IT.
This has been made a matter of careful ex
periment in England, and much more depends
upon ii than is .generally supposed.
From a very careful series of experiments
made in England, in 1810-41, by Mr. John
Hanman, ol \orkshire, with a view of deter
mining the proper period of reaping wheat, it
was decided that the best time for performing
the operation is, when it is in a "raw" slate,
or when the straw, as seen from a distance,
appears green, but, closely examined, is found
to be approximating to yellow, and the grain
itself, being separated from the chaff is pulpy
and solt, but not in the milky stage. This gen
tleman has shown that, at least six dollars°per
acre is lost by allowing the wheat to become
ripe before it is cut, and, at the same time, its
quality is not so good.
The chief advantages derived from this me
thod, are stated to be greater weight of grain
to a given space of ground, which produces
more flour, of a superior quality; the straw con
tains more nutritive matter, and is better rel
ished by animals; and there is a better oppor
tunity of securing the crop, and a saving in so
doing, as there is less waste in mowing or reap
ing the wheat by the dropping out of the
seed.
| It will be seen in this matter, how much a
farmer's success depends upon an accurate
knowledge of his business. Even in so small
an item as the cutting of grain, the owner of fif
ty acres would lose three hundred dollars, bv
harvesting a few days too late. There are ma
ny other farm operations in which accurate
knowledge is quite as important. Is it any
wonder so many ol our farmers do not make
money when there are a hundred holes in their
pockets through which the money is dripping
out in dollars, dimes, and cents. The whole
year is a scene of prodigal waste, for want of a
It'.tie knowledge. Wood is wasted for a good
stove, or a tight house. Ashes is wasted for a
want ola dry place to put them. Fodder is
wastrd for want of a tight barn to shelter cat
tle in the winter nights. Manures are wasted
for want of a barn cellar, and sheds and absor
bents. Labor'is wasir i for want of manure to
produce maximum crops. Is it strange with all
these leaks, that (he farmer's till does not fill up
Erpeumenls „
twenty years ago —I think it was in the fall of
IS3S—we had a piece of land containing about
' three-fourths of an acre. It had been mowed
a long time, and needed plowing. We began to
plow it in the fall, late in November. We used
one pair of oxen and two horses, and plowed it
deep. We plowed around the whole piece,
and when it was about half done, there came a
; snow storm and the remainder was left until
j spring. We then finished plowing it with one
1 pair of horses, and of course it was plowed a
bout hall as deep as that done in the tail. We
harrowed it. manured all alike and planted it
with corn. The crop was good,but we could
not see anv difference between the deep fall
plowing and the shallow spring plowing.
A lew years afterwards— l thing it was in
1845 —we had a piece of land an acre or more
which had been mowed several years, and the
grass was run out. It needed plowing, and as
we had seen deep plowing highly recommen
ded, we concluded to try it. We had a great
plougti and plenty ot team. We hitched on
two or three yoke of oxen and two horses, and
turned it over deeper than 1 ever plowed any
land before or sine. It was probably plowed
from ten to sixteen inches deep. We harrow
pd, manured and planted as usual with corn.
The hoeing was very easy. The sod was tur
ned unifer so rlpep, that no one would mistrust
that it was sod land. The crop was good.—
We did not perceive that it was either better
or worse than we have raised on the same land
with the same quantity of manure, before and
also since that timp, when we have plowed it
from four to six inches deep.— Country Gent.
EFFECTS OF THE GRASSHOPPERS*
It will be remembered that the grasshoppers
destroped nearly everything green, in portions
of our State, last year. In Chester county, ex
cept in limited portions they were not so bacf.
In many places in Bucks county, as we learn
front the Intelligencer, where the grasshoppers
were so destructive last summer and autumn,
the farmers have been obliged to plough up
their wheat stubble, as the young clover and
timothy had been entirely destroyed by the ra
venous pests. In most cases the fields have been
plowed with the intention of planting them with
corn, which seems to be the best use that can
be made out of the ground. A few have sown
them with oats and grass seed. Where the
grasshoppers prevailed last summer, the crop of
grass this season will generally be lighl, as they
seem to have done a permanent injury to the
grass. In the tisualty productive agricultural
district known as "Holland, ' in Northampton
township, nearly every farmer has broken up
his wheat stubble for corn, the grass having
been entirely killed by the grasshoppers.
CABBAGES.
To secure true solid heads on those stocks that
manifest a dispsition to grow to what are
known as "long shanks," take a penknife and
and stab it through the stock about the middle
insert a small piece of wood to keep the incision
t open, which will check the growth.
VOL. 2, NO. 45.