BY IfIYEKfS X HIMOIUt.
WHOLE M 27.37. VOL 53.
Address
Ofilie Democratic Stale Central Committee.
To THE CITIZENS OF PENNSYLVANIA:—It has
been usual for the State Committee represent
ing the Democratic party of Pennsylvania, to
address the people of the State pending impor
tant elections. In conformity with this usage, i
which may be regarded as settled and salutary, j
we submit the following address:
The Democratic State Convention, upon the j
second day of March last, and at its reassem- ;
biing in June, made nominations tor the offices
of Governor, Canal Commissioner and Judges;
ofthe Supreme Court.
For Governor, Gen. Packer, of Lycoming,
was named, after a spirited contest, and his .
nomination was then unanimously and right- j
jullv confirmed. He has been well known
throughout the State ; has filled a number of re- j
sponsible and important positions in the State j
government, and has established a ptiblic char- J
ailer which recommends hirn to the popular j
confidence. We conceive it to be a material
qualification for this high office, that the incutn- ;
bent shall be acquainted with the practical wor
kings of the government with the course and
character of legislation—the details of business'
in the several executive departments—and with
the public men of the Commonwealth, who '
have filled, or may fill the various positions ere- !
ated by the Constitution and laws. The con- '
has!, in this respect, between our candidate and
the candidates of the opposition, is too strongly !
matked to escape genera! notice, and it is but
necessary to allude to it to show the vantage 1
ground held by our party in the present canvass. !
It may beasserted that the Convention have na
med "the right man for the right place," and
that their nomination deserves popular endorse- j
ment if regard is had to qualification and expe- '
rience.
It is agreeable to arid, that otir candidate has a
solid and reputable character in private life, and j
that Itis estimable qualities have endeared him !
to a large circle of friends who can entyr upon \
his support with feelings of enthusiasm as well
as with convictions of duty. We do not do
sire to draw strongly the contrast which it is
possible to draw, between our candidate and his i
leading opponent. Judge Wilmot has had a
career as a public man which has given him no- !
tvfofv without inspiring confidence. Tmjjvr
fectiy acquainted with the practical action of j
State government; without experience either in i
the legislative or executive departments ; with
but a limited knowledge of public men and
State affairs beyond his immediate locality,-
he is presented on a comparatively remote na
tional issue, and as the candidate of a bitter sec
tional party which received a merited defeat at
the recent Presidential election. It is not be
lievpd that his career in Congress exhibited any
high capacity to promote the interests of the j
people of Pennsylvania, and it is certain that
the recent course irt the office fie now holds, has
been calculated In lower the judicial character
by connecting it with extreme and violent parti_
zan dispute.
Nimrod Strickland, of Chester county, was
named by the Convention for Canal Commission
er. He needs no recommendation at our hands, ;
Lr his integrity, firmness and capacity are not:
disputed and are widely recognized. It will be
a pleasure for those who belong to our party, j
and tor all who desire to consult fitness and mer
it in bestowing their suffrages to give him their
cordial support.
By reason ofthe declination, by Chief Jus
tice Lewis, of there-nomination tendered him
i v the Convention, and the calling of Judge j
i lack to the post of Attorney General in the j
national Administration, the Convention, upon i
its reassembling in June, found the duty devol
ved upon it of naming two candidates for the
Supreme Bench. William Strong, of Berks
county, a distinguished member of the Bar, and ;
formerly a member of Congress, and James !
1 hompson, of Erie, also a former member of!
Congress, once a President Judge of the Com
mon Pleas, an ex-member of the Legislature,
arid a profound and successful lawyer, were se_
■ ected by the Convention. Their locations are j
suitable, giving both to the East and West a
representation upon the ticket, and their learn- ;
and integrity well qualify them to dis- |
charge the arduous and responsible duties of j
th- highest judicial position under our Constitu
tion.
bitch is tl)p ticket formed bv the delegates 1
representing th" Democretic party, and support
of it is confidently asked in view of the charac- '
for of the nominations. But confidence and i
support is also invited upon the general grounds
°f policy and principles upon which our party j
stands. Ours is no new, untried, vindictive,
actional, or suspicious organization. It has
been tried: it is bold and open in conduct : it is
magnanimous, patriotic and National. Found
ed more than half a century ago by the author
o! the Declaration of Independence, it has had
a distinguished history, has ordinarily given di
rection to the administration of public affairs,
and planting itself earlv, and throughout its
whole career, upon a strict construction of the \
Constitution, and a sparing use ofthe power of
Government, has preserved our American sys
tem from degeneracy and failure.
rhe usefulness of organized parties is some,
times denied and ofipner doubted. But in view
°f historical facts it cannot well be questioned
that they are incident to free governments, and
arise of necessity under their operation. An
inquiry, however, into the nature of political
parties and causes which produce them, can
scarcely be expected to constitute the subject of
a fugitive address. It will be sufficient for the
present put poses to assert the necessity of our
party to check the evil and dangerous irifluen
cet to which our political system is liable, and
d ?ainst which it is impossible that written con
•"htutions can sufficiently guard. Doubtless our
constitutions exhibit the wisdom ofthose who
warned them, and the ameadments to which
| they have been subjected have rendered them
more complete and perfect than thev were a!
first. But a constitution can only he an outline
for the action of government, (beside providing
for its establishment,) and by cons/ruction it
may be made to mean almost anything the po
: litica! authorities for the-time being may choose.
It is a chart given to direct the vessel of State,
| which can have little effect upon the voyage
unless those in command choose to'faithfully in
j terpret and observe its counsel. A party or
ganization, therefore, founded upon right prin
j ciples of constitutional construction and power
: fully and constantly inthtencing official action,
may be regarded as nesessarv. It is, iri short,
i absolutely required to give a just and consistent
I direction to government, both in cases depend
ent upon construction and in cases where the
j Constitution is silent. Besides, the instability of
political action in republics is a reproach to
j which they have been often subjected, and is
: he objection to them which has had greatest
weight with profound and independent think-
I e;s in the old world and the new. But this in
i stability, which arises principally from individ
ual ambition, the selfishness of classes, and the
; fluctuation of opinion is, to a great extent,
checked and prevented by the predominance of
a party founded upon clear and sound principles
of public policy, and acting constantly with ref
erence to them.
Now the Democratic party is simply the rep
j resentative of a school of opinion, and its creed
' is given it by those who founded and have sub
sequently supported it. The great men who
have spoken and acted for it, and whose names
will remain stamped prominently upon the his
tory of the country, have been men of strong.
! c! ear and sound views of our system of ,govern
ment, and ofthe rules upon which its adininis
: tration should proceed. Our party is the prod
: uct of their efforts ; the instrument for accorn
| plishing the ends they proposed, and it remains
| i monument of their sagacity, foresight and pat
i riot ism.
They held that over-action in government
: was a great evil—the most difficult to he guard
i ed against, and. therefore, the most dangerous
: —and that both within and without the Con
stitution powerful guards against it were requi
i red. Proverbial language conveys the idea in
j declaring that "the world is governed too much"
i and that "that government is best which gov
i erns least and philosophical reasoning attains
the re* tli.-'t gUWF?r.f|l*nt ?
; being the creature of necessity, is limited by the
j necessities which create it, and is not to be ex
i tended beyond them. The Democratic party
has therefore held, and holds that Constitutions
shall receive a strict construction: that govern
ment .shall exercise no powers not delegated to
j it, and that in cases of doubt as to the policy
!of a particular measure, the conclusion shall
be against it. In short, that public power shall
not be exerted except where a clear war
rant and manifest utility authorize and justify
: it.
The powerful (and we think salutary) opera
tion of this doctrine appears throughout the his
tory of the National and State governments,
i and the occasional departures from its stand as
j beacons to warn, and not as examples to fol
; low.
To illustrate our remarks, we will refer brief
:lv to a number of measures of public policy
heretofore proposed to the general or State gov
ernment, and upon which division of opinion
i have existed among public men and partfos.—
! Thev will afford data for judging the value of
! tfie Democratic doctrine on the subject of Gov
: erniTwnt powers and policy on whjch we have
spoken.
Ist—A hnr.k created hv the genera! Govern
mertt, owned, in part hv it, and intended for the
i regulation of the currency, and to afford facili
ties to commerce and business. This measure
was resisted, and all recent attempts to re-es
tablish such an institution have been put down,
upon the very grounds above stated.
2d lnfernal improvements to be constructed
' at the charge of the Nah >na! treasury, to facili.
j tate internal t r ade, and assist in developing the
1 material resorces of particular seetinns. No
clear authority for outlays of this description
; appearing, and the manifest dangers to which
they lead being apparent, the action of onr Fed
| era! government on this subject has been right.
1 fully and wisely arrested.
3d—Excessive duties upon imports, to the
1 extent of prohibition upon their importation, or
I to the production of revenue beyond the legiti
mate wants of government. The federal power
of imposing duties being for the express object
! of Government support and the liquidation of
i public indebtedness ils exercise for an entirely
| different object would seem unwarranted, and
j would he unjust to interests or individuals a
■ gainst whom a discrimination is thus produced.
! Therefore it i, that against much misconception,
: and the opposition of powerful interests, the
doctrinp of limited and reasonable duties has
been sternly, and, upon the whole, successfully
upheld.
4 th—the distribution of moneys from (lie Na
tional treasury among the Statps, believed to be
• equally unwarranted with the preceding meas
ures, and inevitably tending to the production of
speculation and exttavagance in the States, has
also been resisted, and except upon a single oc
j casion prevented.
f)fh—A bankrupt act, dissolving the relations
of debtor and creditor in a manner and to an
extent unauthorised by the Constitution, dis
astrous to private rights, injurious to morals,
and to the encouragement, mainly, of one of
tlie least meritorious classes of society—the spec
ulator and spendthrift. With hot haste 3nd un
der the lash of public opinion, the very authors
of such an act in IS4-2 were coerced into its re
peal.
6th— Appropriations of public moneys or
lands, to objects of doubtful constitutionality or
utility connected with which, may be mention
ed the allowance of claims, insufficiently estab
lished or unjust. The Democratic principles
strike as decisively at all projects for assailing
FRIDAY MORNING, BEDFORD, PA. AUGUST 14,1857.
the treasury, for an individual, a class or a sec
tion, in the absence of clear right to justify the
demand, as it does at other unwarranted or doubt
ful measures.
7th—The exercise of jurisdiction by the gen- '
eral Government overslaveiy in Territories, to
the exclusion of local decision thereon. Legis
lation by Congress upon slavery beyond the ex- '
press requirement as to return of fugities, is to
be doubted, and if regard is had to high judi
cial decision, expressly denied, us a ialiii ex
ercise of power. And its inexpediency is yet
more plainly manifest, in view ofthe dan
gerous disputes which such action inevitably
produces. Must clearly, therefore, is it to be i
deprecated and opposed, upon the general doc
trine of non-action by government in doubtful '
7 cases.
Bth—The establishment of corporations, r-i- f
ther excessive as to number or vested with or
dinate powers or priveleges: and especially for'
pursuits or business within the reach of individ- |
ual means and skill. Under which head is to
he particularly noted, the chart-ring of hanks j
beyond the business wants of the community,'
locating them at points without adequate com
merce or exchanges to affoid legitimate occupa-;
tion, and failing to impose upon them such
guards against abuse and fraud as are demanded
by experience, i'he recent resolution on this
subject by our State Convention, hut indicates'
the well-considered position of our paitv and ils
policy for the future.
9th—File authorizing of municipal subscrip-'
lions to railroads and other corporate bodies to
the encouragement of speculation, corruption
and the accumulation of public debts. The
proposition now before the people for the amend
ment ofthe Constitution to prevent this in fu
ture, is but in affirmance of the principles we
have been considering; for tfie decision of a di
vided Court in favor of legislative power to au
thorize such subscriptions has not removed all
doubts, and has left the powerful objections to
the system, upon grounds of expediency, un
touched and irresistable.
I Oth—The sale or surrender bv Government, ■
in whole or in parts, of any of its constitutional
powers confided to it by the people. The at
tempt to do this in the late act for the sale of
the Main Line of Public Works: an attempt j
which was denounced by the State Convention,
and has since been pronounced unconstitutional
by the Supreme Court, may be cited under this
fwad. anii ti i hat rwwtiuaion wtlict- ..}■'
has generally received.
1 lth—Sumptuary laws, by which dress, food,
drink, equipage, or other like concern of use,!
habit or fashion, is coerced. The interference
of law in such cases would seem to be ur; useful, !
and is of doubtful authority.
12th—Finally, measures directed against a
class or sect, and intended to degrade them or
limit their civil privileges. It is affirmed that
neither religious belief nor birth place will fur
ni-h grounds for ostracism or a denial of com
mon right.
Such are some of the leading measures upon
which political divisions have taken [ lace, and
on their careful examination it w ill lie seen that
thev can all be resolved into the genera! ques
tion whether the powers and action of govern- ,
ment shall be extensive or lia.ited. And if we
should pursue the subject further, this view of j
the fundamental ground of difference between-;
public men and parties would be but confirmed
and strengthened
We are b ft then to choose sides in the strug-.
' gle between power and liberty—between a gov- ;
ernnu-nt that meddles and one that abstains—be. i
tween political New Engiandism and the V ir
ginia doctrines of 1798. Neutrality is not pos
sible, for almost eveiv public question that an.;
ses compels us to a choice between contending
parties, and the schools of cj inion which they
respectively represent.
It has been fashionable f rnpnsta'es from our
partv to claim 11 at they retained their principles
unchanged, and even opposing parties occasion
ally advance pretensions to tlie faith and doc
trines of Jefferson. How unfounded such pre
tensions are, whether advanced by an apostate j
or party will appear from considering the meas- i
tires of public policy they propose and support.
If we find them favoring new projects of doubt
ful right or expediency, contending for exten
sive jurisdiction fir government, and scoffing at j
constitutional scruples as "abstractions,' we
mav be sure they are no discipiesof the philauth- i
ropist, philosopher and statesman who founded
our party, who wrote to E Iward Livingston as j
late as 1821, to endorse the sentiment, that "if we
have a doubt relative to any power, we ought
not to exercise it. ' Much more may we deny
their discipleship, if we find their measures con
nected with intolerance in religion, proscription
. of adopted citizens, or aggressions upon tentori
al or State rights, which is manilestl\ a iruerh
, script ion, at this moment, of the parties opposed
to us.
The (so-called) Republican paity makes high
pretensions and challenges their examination'
hut there can be no liltfo difficulty in determin
ing their character and value, and assigning
■ the party which holds them its true positron te
■ fore the" public. Especially will it be a work
!' of ease, to explode its pretensions to soun . o
; pinions as held bv former Republican Presi
■ dents, and to bring it within the condemna
tion which they directed against the hereti
cal movements of the times in which they fiv-
The resistance made about 1820, to tne ad
. mission of Missouri into the Union, was similar
r to the recent conduct of those who rn.sdescr.be ;
• themselves as Republicans. In both ca>. st e
. proposition was, that Congress should prohibit
• slavery in territories (or cause it to be prohib
■ ited) "prior to their admission as States. Ihe
argumen.' against this was stated by Mr. Madi
• sou in the Walsh letters, under all the high
• sanctions which his abilities and Ins position as
. the Lading author of the Constitution could
. con fir upon it. And it is as well established
: as any political fact can be, that Mr. Jefferson j
; was opposed la the Missouri agitation throughout
Freedom of fhcnght and Opinion.
and to prohibit! ns of slavery by Congressional
coercion as then proposed. His celebrated let
ter to John Holmes, date;! April 22d, 1820,
furnishes conclusive proof of this and confirma
tion of th" tact will be found in other parts of
his published correspondence. In his letter to
John Adams of December 10, 1819, he says,!
that "from the battle of Bunker Hill to thetrea- •
l\ "f Paris, we never had so on,inous a question,
i! even damps the joy with which 1 hear of your
in: h health and welcomes to me the want of it.
; T thank God, I shall not live to witness its is
sue." In a letter to the same, April 22, 1821, !
j he savs—"what does the Holy Alliance in and j
i out of Congress intend to do with us on the !
Missouri question? And this, by the way, is
•it the name of the case: It isonly the John
Doe or Richard Roe ofthe ejectment,
j The real question, as seen in the States af
;:i, ted with this unfortunate population, is "are i
oitr slaves to he presented with freedom and a:
dagger." He says to Mr. Monroe, March 3, j
1820—"the Missouri question is the most por- j
j tentious one that ever -vet threatened our U- j
nion. In the gloomiest moment of the Revoiu- j
tiooary war, I never had any apprehension e- ;
qual to that which I felt from this source."— j
To Mr. Short, April 13, 1820—he writes—
"Although I had laid down as law to myself;
neiep to write; talk,or even think of politics; !
to know nothing of public affairs: and had j
ifieref ue ceased to read newspapers: yet the'
."•!.• souri question aroused and filled me with a- j
larrn. i'he old schism of Federal and Republi
can threatened nothing because it existed in ev- ;
ery State, and united them together hv the fra
ternism of party. But the coincidence of a
matked principle, moral and political, with a!
geographical line, once conceived 1 fearpd [
would no more be obliterated from the mind :
that it would lie occurring on every occasion, '
and receiving irritations, until it would kindle :
■ if mutual and mortal hatred as to render sep- j
ii alion preferable to eternal discord." He says ]
in seph C. Cabell, January 31, 1821—"How I
many of our youths, she (Harvard College) now '
•.as / amine the hssnna of .Inti .Missouri-ism, j
1 k uv not : but a gentleman lately from Piinc- <
ton told me he saw a list of students in that j
plac . and that more than half were Virginians. :
, Thrs- wil? return home <heply impressed with
:!e sacred principles of the /My JllHance of
li(strictionisfs And to Gen. Breckenridge ;
tie write:. February 11, lSbl. "The line of
~J * •- 1— —l~~-4 —... k.,1 iu— ,UO->i>.-n4 ■
, portions of our confederacy, is such as will not
soon, 1 fear, be obliterated, and we are now
trusting to those, who are aeninsi us in position '[
and principle, to fashion to their own form the
minds and affections of our youth. If, as has
been estimated, we send three thousand dollars :
a year to the northern seminaries for the in- 1
■druction of our own sons: then we must have
five hundred of onr sons irnbihing opinions and
principle in discord with those of their own
country. This canker is eating on the vitals of
onr existence, and, if not arrested at once, will
be beyond remedy." In a letter to Mr. Madi
s n, in reference to the Missouri question, he
declared that Rufus King (a distinguished Fed
eralist) ready to risk the Union for any
chance of restorine his party to power, and j
uv/gg/ in e himself to the head of it." On a
nother occasion, he declared the question to be
i a mere party trick, "that the leaders of Feder
alism defeated in tlmir schemes of obtaining
; power * have changed their tact and |
. thrown out another barrel to the whale. They
are'taking advantage of the virtuous feeling of
the peopfo to effect a division of parties by a
eeoernphicn! fine, expecting that this will in
sure them upon local principles the majority
they could never old tin on principles of Feder
alism." And finally, his letter to Gen. La Fay
ette dated November 3, 1523 contains his judg
j ment of the whole movement, expressed with i
liis usual directness and vigor. He savs ; "The
Hartford Convention, the victory of Orleans.,
and !he peace of Ghent, prostrated the name of
I federalism Its votaries abandoned it through
shame and mortification, AND NOW CALL THEM-
J SELVES REPUBLICANS. But the name alone is
changed the principles are the same" * * *
"On the eclipse of Federalism, with us; though
not its extinction, its lenders got up the .Missou
ri question under the false front of lessening
j the measure of slavery , BFT WITH THE
REAL VIEW OF PRODUCING A GEO
GRAPHICAL DIVISION OF PARTIES.
WHICH MIGHT ENSURE TO THEM THE
j NEXT PRESIDENT. The people ofthe;
north went blipdfoMed into the snare, followed
their leaders for a while with a zeal trnlv mor
al and laudable, unfit they became 'sensible that
they were injuring instead of aiding the real
interests of the slaves , THAT THF.V HAD BEEN j
! rsr.n AS TOOLS FOR ELECTIONEERING PROPOSES, :
AND THATTRICK OF HYPOCRISY then
fill as quickly as it had been gotten up.
This is an admirable description of the Re
publican pnrtv ofthe present day—of the causes
j which led to it, and the object of its founders.— •
j The picture is drawn by the hand of a master, j
and represents the feature ofthe subject with j
fidelity and exactness. Republicanism, being j
but a reproduction of Missouri agitation bears j
precisely the same description, and is obnoxious i
to precisely the same censure. And it is to be
remarked, that like its predecessor—it invokes
tie legislation of Congress in a case of rank in
| expediency and doubtful power, and hence falls ;
within the condemnation of the general princi
ples as to limited action bv Government, which
his been atopic of this address.
But a view of the Modern Republicanism
wmld be incomplete with some particular no
fiie of the features of its career. Without tra
cing its earlv movements in the organization of
Abolition societies, the circulation of incendia
ry matter through the mails, agitation by peti
ti'.ns to Congress, clamerous opposition to the
annexation of Texas, and to the persecution of
the Mexican war, and the acquisition of territo
ry to which it led ; It will he sufficient to no
tice somewhat the Wilmot Proviso which pre-.
I oefod, and the Kansas dispute which accompa- !
nied,the organization of the Republican party
in its present form.
The Wilmot proviso was offered in Congress
in 1546, as an amendment to a war bill, and
; was (briefly described) a proposition to prohibit
slavery in Mexican territory to tie acquired.—
:lt created contention some
four years. The national marnfony was di&
turbed and the public business impeded bv ill
to unite their utmost efforts to restore peace and
secure such legislation as was absolutely neces
sary for the territory in question. Tiie Com
' promise measures were therefore passed in
18:>0, and eventually received the general ap
proval of the people. In fact, in 18r>2, both
the great parties of the country endorsed them
in their platforms, and their wisdom and pro
priety are now a subject of general dispute.
The Territory we acquired from Mexico by
t the treaty of peace—the treaty of Gaudalupe
: Hidalgo—was comprised of nearly the whole
j now included in the State of California and
the Territories of Utah and New Mexico
| and the Proviso, if it had been adopted, would ,
| therefore have had application solely to them.
But the Proviso was never adopted or applied
;by Congress to either. California was admitted
j into the Union as a State with the Constitution
she formed for herself without anv decision bv
Congress on the subject of slavery within her
| limits. That was adjusted by herself in her
constitution, and by her own act therefore she
; entered the Union as a free State, In the acts
for the organization of Utah arid New Mexico
as territories, there were no provisions prohibit
ing or authorizing slavery, but it was expressiv
provided that they should eventually come into
; the Union wither without slavery, as the peo
ple of each should decide, in firming Constitu
tions preparatory to admission. Seven years
have elapsed since these teriitorial acts were
| passed, and no complaint is heard against them,
j nor has slavery been established in either Ter
: ritorv. It is, therefore, proved that the Wil
i mot Proviso was wholly unnecessary to the
j exclusion of slaverv, and that the agitation
; from 1846 to 1850 to secure its enactment
j was a thing of arrant folly as well as of real evil!
There stand the facts! no longer to be per
: verted or denied, and they exhibit the Proviso
agitation in its true character. Not adopted, it
;is seen to have been unnecessary. Productive
of great mischief to the country in the conten
tion and alienation it caused, it was a mere ab
*• radian, a thing neither practical nor useful.
A desperate attempt was made last year to
carry the Presidential election upon a Kansas
agitation, in which the same class of actors ap
peared that did in the Missouri agitation of
1820—men "ready to risk the Union for any
chance" of establishing their party, "and wrig
; gling themselves to the head of it." But a just
judgment was pronounced upon these people
and their project; in the election of Mr. Buchan
an, and they will soon be obliged to select some
other topic upon which to disturb the public
tranquility, and struggle for (lie attainment of
power. Their spasmodic attempts to keep up
excitement without any practical or useful ob
ject in view, but simply that they mav thrive
upon discord and passion, are even now receiv
ed by the public with a feeling bordering very
near upon contempt.
The American people are practical and sa
gacious—They will require some practical cood
to appear in any movement to which thev are
invited ; and w hen due time has elapsed for re
flection, they v ill trv parties and party measures
by the standard of principles, and not of profes
sions. The Wilmot Proviso was utterly extin
guished by Webster on the 7th of March, 1850,
in the demonstration of its inutility, and was
thenceforth delivered over as an imposture ; and
approval ofthe Kansas Nebraska act of 1854-, has
been growing more and more general as its con
formity to sound principles has been examined
and established. That unnecessary things shall
not !>e done, and that the citizensofeach political
division ofthe country shall determine their lo
cal institutions, are, in fact, propositions so rea
sonable and just that it is so surprising thev
should ever have been questioned.
Three years ago, the Democratic party of this
State choose defeat before dishonor. It stood up
for toleration and equal rights against the pas
sions and prejudices of the time, because consti
tutional and just principles demanded it. And
now, with a new antagonist—the Republican
party—still stands in the path of duty, with its
past course vindicated, and with the highest
j claims to public confidence and favor. While
it is not insensible to ideas of progress and im
provement, and will seek to apply those that
aie practicable and just, its duty as a great Con
ser\ativeorganization to preserve the principles
of the government and the institutions of the
country from degeneracy, will not be neglected.
In brief, if trusted it will be true, and from its
administration of public affairs, the people will
receive, as heretofore, the "peaceable fruits" of
government and honest rule.
C. R. BUCKALEW, Chairman.
JNO. N. HUTCHINSON, )
R. J. HALDEMAX. j Secretaiies.
THE WILL AND THE WAY.—I learned gram
mar when I was a private soldier, on the pay
of six pence a day. 'J he edge of my berth, or
that of my guard bed, was my seat to study in:
my knapsack was my book case, and a bit of
board !\ing on my lap was my writing fable.
J had no money to purchase a candle or oil; in
winter, it was rarely that I could get any light
but flu' fire, and only my turn even of that.
I o buy a pen or piece of paper, I w as compelled
to forego some portion of my food, though in a
state of halt starvation: I had not a moment to
call my own; and I had to read and write amid
the talking, laughing, singing, whistling and
bawling of at least half a score of the most reck
less men—and that too in their hours of freedom
from all control. And I say if I, under these
circumstances' could encounter and overcome
the task—is there, can there be, in the whole
j world, a youth who can find an excuse for the
' non-performance?— Cobbcft.
TERMS, $3 PER YEAR.
NEW SERIES VOL I, NO. 2.
AN ACOLITONIST QUIZZED. —Under this cap
tion, a Holly Springs, MiSs., correspondent of
the Memphis Eagle and Inquirer relates the sub
joined anecdote:
The following amusing scenp actually occur
red last summer between a citizen o< our town
and a yankee on board one of the Northern
steamboats, perhaps upon the Hudson.
Our Southern friend discovered a disposition
in a very genteel-looking man on board the
boat to open a chat with him, &. nothing loth to
hear what his friend had to say, he indicated by
his manner that he was approachable whereupon
the following dialogue ensued:
Yankee—Well, sir, I wish to ask you one
question: I hope it will be no offence.
Southerner—Certainly not, I will hear you
with pleasure.
Yankee—Well, sir, is it true that they work
negroes in the plow at the South?
Southerner—l will answer vou in the favorite
method ol your own countrymen, by asking vou
a question or two.
Yankee—l admit the right, sir.
Southerner—How many negro men do you
suppose it would require to draw a good large
one horst plow?
\ankee—Well, I suppose six or seven—sav
seven.
Southerner—What are they worth per
head?
Yankee—Well, I suppose SBOO.
Southerner—That would be $5,600. —Now
what would one large, strong horse cost?
Yankee—l guess about SIOO.
Upon this the Southerner looked a little qui
zical at this neighbor, who, without waiting to
hear the conclusion, started and stammered—
Well, I—l—/ knew il was a lie'.
A CUSTOM WORTHY OF is a cus
tom among certain tribes in Siberia, that when a
young woman is married, she must prepare the
wedding dinner with her own hands. To this
feast all the relatives, and Iriends, both of her
own family and that of the groom are invited.
It the viands are well cooked, her credit as a
good house-wife is established. But if the dish
es are badly prepared, she is disgraced in that
capacity forever. The result is that a Siberian
is generally a good housekeeper, whatever else
she may be, and thua competent beyond her sex
generally, for the practical duties of life Rus
sian Life.
DasT SWEAR. — Profanity is one of the most
offensive and disgusting habits to which unre
deemed humanity if given. To say nothingofits
sinfulness, (which every one of course under
standing,) profane swearing is a vile, vulgar,
low-bred habit, from the indulgence of which
a proper self respect should restrain a man, even
if he has no regard for the dictates of religion.
It is a habit too, which increases with fearful
rapidity when once given way to; and we have
known instances where men who were once
highly respected, but who unfortunately con
tracted this habit, have sunk so low as to use
profane language in their own families, and
even to swear at their wives and children.
ORIGINAL PRESCRIPTION. —The best remedy
forasiigtit indisposition is abstinence; lor exces
sive heat, a cool shade; for pinching cold, warm
clothes and a comfortable fire; for weariness;
rest; for drowsiness, sleep; for hunger, food: for
thiist, cold water, tor poverty, industry and
economy; lor discontent, hard work; for loneli
ness, marriage; and for a troubled spirit, earnest
prayer. If any one doubt, let him try it.
Theodore Hook, when surprised one evening
in his arm chair, two or three hours after din
ner, is reported to have apologized by saving,
'VY hen one is alone the bottle dose come around
so often. It was Sir Hercules Langrishe, who
being asked on a similar occasion, 'Have
you finished all that port, (three bottles) 'without
assistance?' answered, \'o, not that, I had the
assistance of a bottle of Madeira.'
GREAT GAME OF BILLIARDS.
The Albany (N.Y.) Express states that the
greatest Billiard match ever made in this coun
try, will shortly come off between L. J. Higham,
the great Albany player, Michael Phelan ami
Ralph Benjamin. These three gentlemen are
said to be the greatest billiard players in the
world. The match is to take place either in
New York, Philadelphia or in Baltimore.
We have heard a tall story of an Irish knight,
who was once disputing with a French courtier
as to the age and standing of their families when
the latter, as finished to the argument, said that
his ancestors werein the ark with Noah. 'That
is nothing,' said the Hibernian, 'for at the deluge
my foreiathers were cruising about in a boat of
their own.'
NOT OF THAT FAMILY. —A man whose appear
ance indicated that he was staggering from the
excessive weight of a brick in his hat, being
asked if he was a 'Son of Temperance,' replied,
'Hic-no—no relation—not even an hic-acquain
tance.'
A bevy of little children were telling their
father what they got at school. The eldest
reading, spelling and definitions. 'And what
do you get, my little one?' said the father to a
rosy-cheeked little fellow, who was at that
time slily driving a ten-penny nail into the door
panne!. 'Me! Oh, I gets readin,' spellin,'and
span kin's.'
[llr'A wag says, it is a folly to expect a girl
to love a man whom everybody speaks well of.
Get up a persecution, and her affection will cling
so last that a dozen guardians cannot begin to
remove them.
[LP*A young gentleman having married a
young widow with SIOO,OOO, said it was'nt his
wife's face that attracted him so much as the
figure.
[£r*Why are good husbands like dough ?
Women kmad them.