BY CiEO. W. BOH IIAX.
NEW SERIES.
Select |)oetrn.
From the Sunday Dispatch.
A IHiKUL
IIV WALTER.
I dreampt that I was courting—
Oh, what a merry dream!
1 told her that ! loved her.
Ami -he confessed the same ;
My a"" was wound around her ;
My lip- to hers were pressed ;
And note- ol brightest tissue
Were swelling in my breast.
1 dreanript that 1 was married—
Oh what a happy dream !
My bride was fair and lovely
As sunlights brightest beam ;
Her lips were red as cherries;
Her bosom white as snow;
And as she spoke her rapture
Her voice was soft and low.
1 dreampt I was a father—
Oh, what a funny dream !
My children round me gather,
Their eyes with pleasure gleam ;
Their meiry gleesome prattle
Falls sweetly on my ear:
I love to watch their gambols,
For they are very dear.
Tis past—my vision's ended—
"l'was nothing but a dream ;
These slumbering mid-night fancies,
How life-like do tlipy seem!
The morning -no arising,
They vanish one bv one,
And I awake di-lieaiteued
To find myself alone.
THE BEDFORD eiZETTBT
Bedford, .Inly 37, I s.H.T,
iii:\ki (lavs so\ repuhates the
know Xotilings!
A son of Henry Clay, at present the proprie
tor of the old family mansion, has been taking
the stump against the new "American" orga
nization. I'iie Kentucky Statesman savs that a
great interest was manifested to hear the first
political speech of the son of as renowned an or
ator as Henry Clay, and a verv large concourse
of citizens attended the meeting. The speech is
given as follows:
The next gentleman who took the stand was
.Mr. James 15. Clay, who, as we have already
remarked, is the son of the great statesman, and
has succeeded to the paternal estate of Ashland. '
Mr. Clay said that this was his first effort at !
a public speech, and nothing less than the pro
found interest which fie felt in the great ques
tions at issue, could induce him to appear on 1
this occasion. Never before had such extraor- I
dinarv, such alarming, such novel questions •
been presented for (he political consideration of
the American people. His apprehensions were <
aroused in view of them, and he sometimes 1
trembled for the fate of the country. The idea '
that this government was to he taken into the I
keeping of a secret, political, oath-bound organ- ■
ization, which set up unconstitutional test-oaths, 1
and the members* of which were bound to each '
other by the most terrible obligations, was to (
him most alarming, and should, in his judgment, '
arouse the apprehensions of every patriotic man 1
in the whole country. '
Mr. Clav denied that the platform put forth '
by the late Know Nothing Convention at Phil- •'
adelphia, was the real platform of the party — '
parly did I call them, said he: no, thev are not
a party in any proper acceptation of tin* term. (
I'a.-ties have, heretofore, been open, public and '
above board ; but this is a secret, oath-bound, (
political organization, which is seeking after the 5
political power of the country, by ways and *
in'ans unknown to the law and in palpable '
disregard of the long established usages of the
people and the history of the Government. Jt
flight political power, not by open and fair
means, but by secret plotting?, cabalistic pass
words, by signs ami grips, unknown to the peo
ple at large, and in palpable violation of the
whole spirit and genius of the Government.
No, said he, the true platform of this extraor
oinaiy organization is to be found in llipir oaths
and ritual. There were to be found the things
which they were sworn to do and to carrv out :
and looking into These oaths and the ritual, he
found that their objects were to strike at the
citizens of foreign birth, nt the immigration
from other countries, to disfranchise, degrade
and disgrace them, hy depriving them not only
*' !e f'ght to Americanize themselves, but by
cutting tlierri ofF from the rights of hospitality
and humanity. They also sought to disfran
c use and degrade another class of our citizens,
i'ether native born or foreign, on account of
| 'fir religious opinions, in plain violation of the
onstitution of the country, and regardless of
-■"' plainest dictates of justice and humanity.
-lr. (Jay said that, rather than submit any
a tended remarks of his own on these subjects, |
" had chosen to collate the expressed and an- f
" otic opinions of the old fathers of the repute- t
| C v, 3n " r ** at ® extensively from the writings t
( ashington, of Jefferson, of Madison, of f
ac " son i ol Qnincy and others. s
,i his happy effort by saving 1
a , M.ough the old \\ hig party, with which he a
'at a v\ aye acted, was broken and dispersed,
m appeared there as one of the old rear
e"ar o| tnat once powerful and great partv :
1 "i that capacity he protested against this
i-cret organization, as fraught with danger
" ' K <"funtrv and rte liberties; and he called
I" ,l the old liners of fhe Whig parly fo
J "0 Jinn iu the protect.
From the Presbyterian Critic.
THE UIEIIIIMN PARTY.
There is no demand whatever, for a great na
tional movement against the Catholic church.
The recent excitement in the country has been,
in the main, the result of a corrupt movement
of unprincipled politicians, to excite the Pro
testant feeling, and to ride into power upon the
tide. They have run lon lof the great maxim,
which they* have so conspicuously set forward
among their principles, as if for the purpose of
exposing the profligacy ofthe whole movement,
by violating in practice what they practice in
theory. It is absurd to deny, that making the
mere religious sentiments of a man, the reason
tor refusing to vote for him, is a violation ofthe
great principle of religious liberty. Jt is allow
ing a principle of discriminating the political
aspect of a vote to he sound and just : which
would be wicked and unprincipled, it embodied
in a law-. If our neighbors make their dislike
to our Presbyterian sentiments, the ground of
their refusing to vote for us, it is perfectly use- ;
less to disguise, that we are under political re
sponsibility for religious opinions—that quoad
hoc, we are suffering for them. The objection
able feature in this view ofthe case is, making
religious opinion unattended hy anv viciousness .
ot action grow ing out of it, a ground for an uni
versal discrimination iri political affairs, affect- j
ing permanently large masses of citizens. This
is our lirst and great objection to the American j
or Know-Nothing party: it is violating the
very principle of leligious liberty, which it pro
fesses to conserve ; and has adopted a construc
tion of that principle which strips it of all prac
tical force, leaving it a dead letter in the statute
hook, and abandoning its control over the poli
tical action of the people.
We object again to a political movement a
gainst tile Catholic church, because there is rio
necessity lor it, provided the people of this coun
try will properly employ the legitimate agencies
of opposition which are in their power. The
simple and sufficient condition of the preserva- i
tion ot the republic from the arts of Romanism
is the lull and efficient support ot the Protestant
church—the complete and animated mainten
ance of (lie domestic missionary enterprises of
the various Protestant denominations. This is
the great conservative element of our political
system : sustain anil vivify it with the vigor
ous energy whith it ought to possess, and it need
not he feared that anv ol the great social or po
litical interests that are conditioned upon it, will
ever come to harm. It is the only not less
than theonly legitimate power which can be;
effectively employed to restrain Popery, and
maintain the institutions of our government.— j
AH ooTpcwr hov<- disguised in torm '
or limited in extent, will inure to the benefit of
the body enduring it. The policy then of res
training Popery by political disabilities inflicted j
upon the individual Catholic, is suicidal in the j
extreme. Jt will concentrate and intensify the j
attachment of its members, and render them
more arid more unapproachable by Protestant ,
instruction. It will create sympathy, and thus
open wide tiie door to proselvtism, and it will
put the church in an attitude far more attractive,
as the victim of an unjustifiable crusade, than it i
is at all entitled to assume from its intrinsic j
charms. How* long is the world tope learning
the lesson and never coming to the knowledge !
of the truth, that all means hut reason and love
to affect the opinions of men, only result in ;
strengthening attachment to their original con- 1
victions ! The principle of this opposition to j
Popery is vicious, and the more completely it is j
carried into effect, the more disastrous will be j
the result. The more complete the political
victory over Popery, the more it will be bene
fitted. The only effective—as it is the only j ,
law ful, general and permanent agency of oppo- j
sition to the Popish church—is the true Protes- i .
taut church of Christ under its various forms.— ! i
We have no right to complain ofthe inefficieti- (
cv of the means until we have employed it ful- j
I V, and tested all its capacities. Let the people j
of the I nited States double their support of tin
great domestic missionary work, and they may j
safely abandon all political agitations against the j
Catholic church.
; (
We object again to the American party, tiiat I
it is condensing the Catholic and foreign t ie- i
merit in our population into a political i
distinct from the mass of our citizens, aimed c
with all their power to do mischief, and anima- <
ted by all that hostility which is natural to men |
suffering under an ostracism of their religion t
and birth, and provoked hv an attempt to dim- <.
inish their full equality with other citizens.— r
Now what does Know-Nothingism propose to 1
do for the remedy of this evil which it hascrea- |
ted ? It only proposes to render the Catholic I
and foreign citizens ineligible to office. It t
leaves them the power to vote, and the right of i
unlimited emigration in the future—the two f
great means of mischief, if thev are pleased to t
use them. There ran he no remedy for the-c
Pope's control over the Catholic vote, except t
in taking away the elective franchise altogeth- '
er. Now, it is, to say the least ol it, the most I
manlv and honest jioliey to prohibit ttie entry t
of a Catholic and a foreigner altogether, into the t
country, and to the rights of citizenship, rather a
than invite them to come and then begin to an- 11
noy them by a whole series of political disabi- j
lities, which are assumed to be essential to a I p
defence against them. Indeed, the inference of! t
the Know-Nothing creed, on both the issues it (
has raised, is a logical and a practical blunder c
from its own premises. It assumes in the I L
strongest sense of an existing fact, not as a j g
logical inference from the Catholic creed, the a
absolute incompatibility of the Catholic Church j
and th<- free institutions of this Country. This c
is its premise ; its inference is, to render the j b
individual Catholic ineligible to office ; the true a
inference from the premise as they construe it I
is, that the Catholic church ought not to lie c
tolerated at all. On the other issue, the prem- i
ise is. that the foreign element in our popula- I r
lion is dangerous 1© the government: the infe- ! n
| rence is, the reduction of a part of the rights of
citizenship —the ineligibility to office, in the
i foreigners already here, and an extension o( the
term ol naturalization. The tine inference is,
the prohibition of all emigration for the.future,
acd the avoidance of everything that would
exasparate the foreign element already in the
midst of us : the careful observance of every
thing which would tend to strengthen their
attachment tc> the institutions of the country.—
; f Imse are tlie results which logically issue from
the premises of the Know-Nothing creed, and
j which they are logically required to assume.
But they dare not do it : the measure they
propose to adopt—the exclusion from office—
is ridiculously incomplete as a practical expe
dient : it is a most impotent and fame conclu
sion, as a logical inference. It is absolutely ne
cessary, either to cease this political crusade
against large masses of our people, or to make
jit effectual to accomplish, not only the epds it
holds in view, but to prevent the incidental
evils the effort .it reform has created in its pro
gress. Nothing short of a far more effective
: diminution of the common rights of citizenship
than lias yet dared to assume the shape of a
public proposition, will meet the ends which
the Ameriran party are seeking to accomplish.
It is absurd to admit large classes of men to all
tlie common rights of citizenship, except one,
and that by no means the most important one.
If there is a reason why they should he deprived
jof one they should be deprived of all. II it is
right to allow them to vote, it is right to allow
them to he voted for : the one right is almost, if
not altogether, the correlative of the other. Anv
argument which would prove a man disquali
fied for office would prove him disqualified to
vote. There may be special reasons why par
ticular offices, involving the representation of
| the national character, as well as the national
policy, should be exclusively occupied by na
. tive-horn citizens: hut this is very different in
nature, and proceeds upon a wholly different
principle of political wisdom, from the univer
sal declaration of ineligibility to all office among
| large masses of citizens. That eligibility, at
i laches, as an incident, or inheres among tlie
mass of the common rights of citizenship : and
it is absurd to admit the citizenship in general,
and deny this single capacity which it involves.
This principle ol action involves the explana
tion of the difficulty raised bv the writer in the
Critic f>r May, in relation to the eligibility of
i the Chinese or a Mohammedan. This question
will he settled by the settlement of a previous
question, and that is, whether large masies of
such persons, pagans and polygamists, ate to
be admitted at all to the permanent
participation in the rights of citizetshijfjin a
Christian country? •-
It is oh this quest-on, th* great Mormon issue,
, now ripening for trial, will he determined in a
few years. Conceding this issue as determined
in the affirmative, all minor questions, such as
: eligibility to office, and propriety of voting >uch
persons into office, are settled : it is absurd to
: question tlie ordinarv proprn fy of allowing by
i vote, what is allowable by law. The whole
. question, as a general proposition, is determined
I by tlie permanent admission of large masses of
persons in view, to tlie common rights of citi
! zenship. It is one tiling to allow specific priv
ileges to individual foreigners residing on our
soil, for specific purposes-: hot it is altogether
another, to disfranchise in part, and bv a prin
ciple designed to he permanent, immense masses
of men already permanently a part of the pop
ulation, and so rccognizeff. We insi.-t, there
fore, that the whole movement must retrace its
progress, or go foiward: it is unwise in tlie
extreme to leave all their power for mischief
in their hands, resulting in part from their sim
ple existence ill the country as a part of its
population, and, in part from tlie privileges
which are still to he left them—and then ex
asperate them to use it, bv attempting to reduce
their full political equality with citizens ol
other uiith and other religious opinions.
We object in the last place, and with rl-ep
severity of conviction, to the principles of or
ganization adopted by the American or know
nothing party, and to some of the particular
features which (hey have embodied in their
order. If ever any principle wasat war with
the very foundation of the American republic,
it is tfie principle ofa secret,oath-bound organ
ization ol political parti-s. It is unnecessary,
dangerous, hostile to the fundamental maxims
of republican liberty, and, in its existing as
pect, demoralizing in a high degree. It strikes
a blow at that great fundamental maxim of the
government —the intelligence of the people—
an essential element of republican liberty.—
What matters it how much intelligence the
people may have, if political men will conceal
from them the elements upon which to employ
that intelligence, in the foundation of an opin
ion and the adoption of a policy. The duties
of a man are correlative. If it is the duty ol
the people to require knowledge of any parly
claiming their suffrages, before they endorse
them, it is the duty of that party to give it.—
No party lias the right to retire into the dark,
hind itself to secrecy under oath, unfold what
they please and conceal what they please from
the people; nor have the people the shadow of
a moral right to give lheir sanction to that, of
the propriety of which, they are not informed.
Moreover this principle of organization will
prove utterly subversive of the Constitution of
the T'nited States, by placing the legislation of
Congress in the hands of an irresponsible asso
ciation of its members; in a body totally un
known to the Constitution, distinct from Con
gress itself, existing within but independent of,
and independent of all responsibility to, any
public or recognized law. The Congressional
council, itself at war with the Constitution, will
be under the control of the National council :
end the result will be, that the Congress of the
Cnited States will become, under the full suc
cess of Know Nothing principles, a mere reg
istry of decrees to a body in the heart of the
country, unknown to the constitution—existing,
no one can tell where—aiming at no one can
Freedom of Thought and Opinion.
BEDFORD; PA. FRIDAY MORNING, JULY 27. 1855.
tell what. It is a principle of party organiza
tion, which, by demanding the unlimited sub
mission of the minority to the majority, annihi
lates the balance-power of a Parlimentarv oppo
sition. and all the advantages that belong to it.
It extinguishes the personal independence of the
voter, destroys the jurisdiction of conscience
over the political conduct, and makes it a con
dition to the preservation of his integrity, if a
voter should happen to scruple a measure or at
man proposed by the order, that he absolutely
abandon the party altogether.
Lastly : if this principle of secrecy and ob-.
ligation under oath is legitimate lor one party,
it is legitimate lor all; every party may adopt
it : the "sag-nicbt" clubs of the foreigners of
the West are wholly justified : "and the whole
|Kditicabdestinies of the country may be con
troled by secret, oath-bound organizations—a
hybrid mixture of Masonary and a political
caucus, with all good in either spoiled by the
conjunction. Can any man in this nation con
template such a prospect—the legitimate result
of the principle of organization adopted by the
know-nothing party —without emotions of a
larm amounting to terror ? It is a principle,
legitimate in a condition of society where the
lives of men are dependent upon the fidelity of
their political associates; it is utterly abominable
in any other. Yet the accomplished writer in
the Critic, for May, would place such a prin
ciple, in point of political morality, on the same
footing with the vote by ballot!
We have only to add, that if the Nationality,
the Federal ITiion and the Protestant Civiliza
tion of this county, are dependent upon the
conservatism of this new political combination,
its past acts indicate most fearfully that gloomy
times are ahead.
Remarks of lieu. Pass at Detroit on the
FOIRTH.
MY FELLOW-CITIZEXS :—lf the birth day of
a warrior or statesman, distinguished for emi
nent services, is celebrated with demonstrations
of public rejoicing, surely the birth-day of a
Republic ought not to be forgotten. This day
seventy-nine years ago, a feeble confederation
ol thirteen remote and almost unknown colo
nies, shut in between the mountains and the
ocean, containing scarcely 3,000, OIK) of people,
decreed their seperation front the mightiest pow
er on the face of (lie globe, and asserted their
right, both by deeds and words, to enter as an
independent member, into the family of nations
—by deeds of patriotism and valor, whose mem
ory will never die, and by words of wisdom
and power, whose truth can never be gainsayed,
and which are embodied in that rehowned dec
laration of principles and purposes you have just
heard read, and which to-day, everywhere find
listening cars and responsive hearts throughout
the vast congregations of American citizens.—
It is the table ol our polilical law, not written
upon stone, but inscribed in characters of living
light upon the memory and the understanding of
a great people, who proclaimed it in their weak
ness, and maintain it in their strength.
And now those seventy-nine years have pass
ed away—y. ars of strange vicissitude in human
a flairs, both in the old world and the new : and
this returning anniversary finds the feeble con
federation a great Republican Empire, number
ing nearly thirty millions of people, with noth
ing to trouble them but themselves, and with
nothing to fear but the just judgment of God.—
An empire, stretching across tile continent, from
the coasts that look upon Europe to the shores
of the ocean of the West which separates ns from
tile time-worn kingdoms of China and Japan,
and extending almost from the northern tropic
to the Artie circle : and with all the elements of
power and prosperity in full operation, such as
no nati<ii\ ever possessed before, and whose mag
nificent results, while they startle the imagina
tion, are far beyond the reach of human sagaci
ty to estimate. And through these immense
regions free institutions rule both rulers and
people, and exert their benign influence, like
the shadow of a great rock in a weary land.—
The Government is founded upon the will of all,
administered bv the power of all, protecting the
rights of all, while all have equal access to its
honors and ils rewards. Never, in the long Iris
tor v of man, since the dispersion of the human
family upon the plains of Sliinar, never was
such a system of self-government before comrnit
led to any people. Aud it we would only rea
lize its value, and the inestimable privileges it
secures :if we would compare our lot with that
if any other country, not in a spirit of ostenta
tious rivalry, but of truth and thankfulness, we
should fie far better and wiser than we are.
We have leaxeil fnl, and prosperity has made
is presumptuous. And like the Jews of old,
iur predecessors in national ingratitude, we are
forever murmuring when we should be blessing,
ind complaining when vve should be enjoying.
Let us survey the other nations of the earth and
[earn contentment and humility.
**•* * * * *
For two thirds of a century, this government
if freedom and law has secured to its people,
individually and collectively, a greater measure
if prosperity and happiness than was ever be
fore meted out by the political institutions to the
Jescendants of Adam. It has protected me and
mine from external aggression and internal vio
ence ; and by its noble equality, joined to the
jndeserved favor of niv fellow-citizens it has
ipened to me positions of public honor and con-
Sdence, to which the circumstances of my youth
;ave me no right to look forward, and which
nv brightest dav-dreams, that sometimes came
o soften the harsh realities of frontier struggle,
lever'even presented to mv imagination : and
ivhat it has done (or me, it has offered to all.—
Well then may I be proud to acknowledge the
lold it possesses upon my gratitude and affection,
ind with the intensity of the feeling of attach
ment with which I treasure it in my heart. My
personal interest in it,indeed, is fast passing
lway. Of that lam sufficiently warned by the
ong period during which I have secured its
protection. But 1 pray not the less earnestly for
its preservation, for when, in the providence of
(Jod, my connection with it shall he dissolved,
with the dissolution of all earthly ties, I can
leave to those who are dearest to me no legacy
more precious than their share in its enjoyment.
The Latest Snake Story.
The Concord (N. H.) Patriot gives the foi
loving, and as . if conscious that few couid he
found to credit it, gives the assurance that it is
true :
"Abut two weeks since, a little girl, near six
years of'age, named Collista Hill, ol Gilmauton
Centre, was searching for berries in the field,
when her attention was arrested bv a peculiar
singing noise, and on looking up she perceived
two large black snakes, one of which was in an
erect attitude, and gazing fixedly upon her, ac
companying its vibratory motions by, as she says,
4 a most beautiful singing.' She first attempted
to run, but found Imiself utterly incapable of
doing so. She then looked at the snake until
she became so pleased with it that she took it
into her lap, and held it until she thought it
asleep, and then lied to the house. For a num
ber of days she visited the snake, unknown to
her |ia rents, w ho finally discovered her feeding
it from her hands. She continued feeding it
regularly every day, becoming more and more
attached to it, until it would wind itself around
her arms and neck, and even take food from her
mouth. Finally she was prevailed upon to
place it in a box, on condition that it should
not be hurt, and in that it is still kept, except
when being fed. Hundreds in the vicinity have
been to see it. and it is the opinion ol the medi
cal men who have seen her, that she is com
pletely fascinated, and that the death of the rep
tile would prove fatal to her. Her parents
have had many tempting olleis to peimit her to
l>e taken about and exhibited with the snake,
but, thqugh they are poor, they have sense
enough tfr-refuse all such oilers. The snake is
over four feet long."
The .New Hampshire Mirror adds the follow
ing :
"The little girl was asked if she was not
frightened when she saw the snake. She said
she was terribly frightened: and when asked
why she did not run, she said she tried but could
not: she also tried to scream for her mother, but
could no! speak a word. The idea is that she
was paralyzed by the magnetic power of the
snakes. The first time she remained with them
a long time—could not tell how long. After
wards daily she staid with them several hours,
lending them regularly. She said Ihey liked
sweet things best, and that she stole three cakes
of maple sugar that her mother had laid away,
and sweet gingerbread whenever she could, to
give them. The big snake would try to drive
the small one away from her when fed, and she
culled him several times, and he returned the
compliment by taking her fingers into his mouth
several times, without doing much harm. Con
sequently she don't love this snake as much as
she floes the other one, though she is generally
fond of him."
*1 House set on Fire—Six Persons Burned to
Death.
BUFFALO, July 16.—A most, horrible calami
ty occurred in the town of Brant, this eountv,
yesterday morning between the hours of one
and two o'clock.
James Thompson, a farmer in good circum
stances, was awakened by an alarm of fire, and
discovered his house to be in Harries, having
been fired by an incendiary in three places.
Mr. Thompson, who is an aged gentleman,
rushed up stairs immediately on discovering
what was tire matter, to alarm his daughters,
when becoming overi>o\vered by the smoke, lie
was unable to return, and himself, his three
daughters—Julia, Mary, and Mrs. Carr, with
the little children of the latter, perished in the
dames.
The ages of the unfortunate young ladies
ranged from IS to 24- years. The rest of the
inmates in the house, twelve in number, escaped,
u ith much difficulty.
There is not the slightest doubt whatever of
the fire being the work of an incendiary.
The most intense excitement prevails in re
gard to the ali'air.
The Ilcccnt Case of Lynching in Wisconsin.
BUFFALO, July 16.—We have a full account
of the hanging of the man Mayberiv by a mob
at Janesville, Wisconsin, last week. Jt appears
that th prisoner had been found guilty bv
Judge DooJittle, but the law only prescribes
imprisonment for life.
The sheriff undertook to remove the prisoner
from the court house to the jail, but he with his
posse had scarcely got out of the court house
when the cry arose "hang fiim !" "hang him !"
The officers were then completely overpow
ered by the crowd, the prisoner seized, a rope
placed around his neck, and notwitstanding Ins
awful shrieks and prayers, they dragged hiin to
a cluster of trees and hung him till dead.
A band of three hundred men had been or
ganized to execute the deed. The greatest ex
citement pervaded Rock rrver for over one hun
dred miles.
Destructive Fire at Manchester, JV. 11. Loss
of $350,000.
MANCIIPSTER, \. H., July 16. —The Man
chester Corporation Mill, .\'o. was nearly des
troyed by fire yesterday, together with its con
tents. The loss is estimated at $350,000. Five
hundred persons are thrown out of employment.
The insurance amounts to SIOO,OOO.
The same day twenty-two stores and dwell
ings were destroyed by fire, including Tatney's
hlock. Ihe loss is $ 100,000 with a partial insur
lnce.
A DELICATE WAY OF ADVERTISING FOR A
HUSBAND.— We extract from an English paper
the following racy advertisement, which, con
sidering it is from a young lady, comes to the :
point:
"WANTED—By a young lady, aged nineteen,.
TERRS, S3 PER YEAR.
VOL XXIII, NO. 50.
of pleasing countenance, good figure, and agree
able manners, general information ami varied
accomplishments, who ha* studied everything,
from the creation to crotchet, a situation in the
family of a gentleman. She will take the head
of the table, manage his household, scold his
servants, nurse his babies, (when they arrive,}
check his tradesmen's hills, accompany him to
(lie theatre, cut the leaves ofhis new book, sew
on his buttons, warm his slippers, and general
ly make his life happy. Apply in the first
place, by letter, to Louisa Caroline, Linden
Grove, and afterwards to papa, upon the prem
ises. Wedding ring, \o. •f,„sma!l."
From thp Janesville (Wis.) Standard, July 11.
MRDCRER 1Y IMBED 19 HlS(o\S|\.
The trial of David F. May bet rv, tor the mur
der of Andrew Alger, of Jpfferson county, in
this State has ended. The evidence of the case
was closed on yesterday afternoon, and after the
arguments of counsel and charge of the court,
the jury retired to their room about six o'clock,
when, after an absence of some fifteen minutes,
returned to the court with a verdict of
guilty.
After the verdict of the jury was known, pub
lic indignation burst out, and evident signs of
an interest on the part of the people without
the Court House, to take the administration of
justice in their own hands, became apparent.—
Between eight hundred and a thousand people
were assembled on the hill side. When the of
ficers appeared will) the prisoner, a rush was
made for him—a noose was thrown by some
one over his neck, but bv the dexterous move
ment of his right hand it was cast off, and
caught by one of the officers—when prisoner,
officers, and crowd rushed upon a full run to
the jail. The door of the jail was immediately
closed and the officers stationed themselves at
its front. Speeches were made against "mob
law," but with little apparent effect. From 7
o'clock until 11 last night, demonstrations were
made of an intent to break the jail and bring
out the prisoner, but no .serious attempt was
made.
This morning, at eight o'clock, the prisoner
was brought from the jail to the Court House,
a distance of about ten rods, for the purpose of
receiving his sentence. A larger concourse of
of people was assembled inside and out of the
Court House than were present last even
ing, and the most intense ■excitement prevail
ed.
After the sentence was pronounced, a special
police of about thirty of our citizens was sum
moned to assist the officers in re-conduciing the
prisoner to jail. In the meantime the crowd
without was collecting and becoming more furi
: ous in their clamors for the prisoner.
Judge Doolittle came to the portico and made
1 a very impressive address to the populace, re
monstrating against the spirit which seemed to
actuate them, and in favor of thp supremacy of
the laws. He was listened to respectfully, and
at this juncture a more quiet spirit seemed to
prevail. This was about 11 o'clock, A. M.—
About 1 o'clock the crowd thinned out, and the
officers deemed it a fitting time to proceed with
the prisoner to the jail.
We were startled by the cry of "Hang him,
hang him!" when, on stepping to the window,
we saw the officers and prisoner coming toward
the jail surrounded by the infuriated mob. A
rush was made for the jail, the door of which
was barricaded at one? by the crowd, arid the
approach of the officers cut off. The officers—
though resisting the populace with all the ener
gy they possessed, and protecting the prisoner
to the utmost of their power—were borne down
and overpowered.
The prisoner was then almost alone; but he
defended himself with superhuman strength.—
He fought with the utmost desperation and pos
sessing a most athletic physical frame, for some
ten yards the crowd fell like chaff before him.
A blow, however, with a bludgeon, from behind,
felled him to the ground, and he was powerless.
A rope was then passed round his neck, seized
by the crowd, and a rush made down Court
street. The prisoner, though dragging in the
dust, caught the rope with his hands, and thus
prevented strangulation at once. Arrived in
front of our office, a desperate effort was again
made by the officers and citizens to rescue him.
The rope was cut three times by Mr. Orrin
(iurnsev, who exhibited the most determined
bravery in his behalf, but as often was thrust
aside, and the rope re-adjusted.
At this time a scrip almost indescribable was
exhibited ; a crowd of between three and tour
thousand persons was swayed to and fro. In
the centre was the doomed prisoner lying on the
ground—above him stood friends, begging and
struggling for his life—while a far greater num
ber were intent upon his death. This state of
things lasted about ten minutes, and as we looked
from our window the hope predominated that
tlie friends of law and order might yet prevail.
Hut it was a vain hope.
The fearful crv of "Hang him!" rose louder
than before, and a rush with the prisoner was
made to the cluster of trees on the public square,
the rope readjusted upon his neck, the other end
thrown over the limb of a tree, and for the first
time in our life the horrible spectacle of a hu
man being hanging by the neck until he was
dead, met our view.
The circumstances which attended the murder
of A Iger were of the most aggravated kind.—
It was a cold blooded and atrocious deed. It
was unattended by a single mitigatory circum
stance.
As IMPORTANT LAND QI-E&TION DECIDED.
It lias been decided at the General Land office
tliat, under the sth section of the bounty land
act of March 3d, 1855, land warrants issued
under that act can be located on any of the
public lands, which are subject to entry at
private sale at either of the minimum or lower
graduated prices at the time such warrant or
warrants maybe presented for location. Lands
directed to be sold for the benefit of Indians are
not so located.