85 V EO. W. BOWI IV
NEW SERIES.
PRESIDENT'S MESSIER.
FtHow-CUizens of the Senate and House of
Representatives :
The |inst has been an eventful year, and will
he hereafter referred to as a marked epoch in
the history of the world. While we have been
happily preserved from the calamities of war,
our domestic prosperity has not (men entirely
uninterrupted. The crops, in port ions of the
country, have been nearly cut off. Disease has
prevailed to a greater extent than usual, and the
sacrifice of human life, through casualties by
sea and land is without a parallel. Hut the
pestilence has swept hy, and restored salubrity
invites the absent to their homes, and the re
turn of business to its ordinary channels. If
the earth has rewarded the labor of the husband
man less bountifully than in the preceding
seasons, it has left him with abundance for do
mestic wants, and a large surplus for exporta
tion. In the present, therefoie, as in the past,
we find ample grounds for reverent thankful
ness to the (iod offirace and Providence, fir
His protecting care and merciful dealings with
us as a people.
Although our attention has been arrested by
painful interest in passing events, yet our coun
try feels no more than the slight vibiations ol
the convulsions, which have shaken Europe.—
As individuals, we cannot repress sympathy
with human suffering, nor regret for the causes
which produced it. As a nation we are re
mind, d, that whatever interrupts the peace, or
checks the prosjierity, of any part of Christen
dom, foods, more or less, to involve our own.—
The condition of states is not unlike that of indi
viduals. They are mutually dependent upon
each other. Arnica: ie relations between them,
and reciprocal good will, are essential for the
promotion of whatever is desirable in their mor
al, social, and political condition. Hence, it
lias been my earnest endeavor to maintain peace
and fii-ndlv intercourse with all nations.
The wise theory of this government so early
adopted and steadily pursued, of avoiding all en
tangling alliances, has hitherto xeir [ t< d ;l from
many complications, in which it would other
wise have become involved. Notwithstanding
this our clearly defined and w.-J| sustained course
of action and our geographical position so remote
from Europe, increasing dispisition has been
manifested bv some ot its governments, to super
vise, and, in ceitnin respects, to direct, our
foreign policy. In plans for adjusting the bal
ance of power among themselves, they have as
sumed to take us into account, and would con
stiain us to conform our conduct to their views.
One or another of the powers of Europe has,
from time to time, undertake n to enforce arbi
trary regulations, contrary in many respects to
established principle's of international law. That
law the United States have, in their foreign in
tercourse, uniformly respected and observed,
and they cannot recognize any such inforlopa
tions therein, as the t-mpoiarv interests of oth
ers may suggest. They do not admit that the
sovereigns of one continent, or of a particular
community of Stat.s, can legislate for all oth
ers.
Leaving the transatlantic nations to adjust
their political system, in the way they may
think best for their common welfare, the inde
pendent powers of this continent may well
assort the right to he exempt from all annoying
interference on their part. Systematic absti
nence from intimate political connexion with
distant foreign nations, does not conliict with
giving the widest range to our foreign com
merce. This distinction, so cleatly marked in
history, seems to have been overlooked, or dis
regarded, by some hailing foreign States. Our
refusal to be brought w ilhin, and subjected to,
their peculiar system, has, I (ear, created a
jealous distrust of our conduct, and induced, on
their part, occasional acts of disturbing effect
ujion our foreign relations. Our present atti
tude and past course give assurances, which
should not !>e questioned, that our purposes are
not aggressive nor threatening to the safety and
welfare of other nations. Our military esta
blishment, in time of peace, is adapted to main
tain exterior defences, and to prserve order a
rnong (he aboriginal tribes within the limits of
the I ni'.n. Our naval force is intended only i
for the protection of our citizens abroad, and of j
our commerce, diffused, as it is, over all the,
sands of (he globe. The government of the U. ;
Stabs, being essentially pacific in policy, stand j
prepared to repel invasion by the voluntary ser- j
vice of a patriotic people, and provides no per- j
manent means of foreign aggression. These j
considerations should allay all apprehensions, j
that we are disposed to encroach on the rights j
or endanger the security of other States.
Some European powers have regarded, with I
disquieting concern, the teriitorial expansion of;
the 1 nited States. This rapid grow th has re
sulted from the legitimate exercise of sovereign 1
rights, belonging alike to all nations, and by j
many liberally exercised. Under such circum- j
sfauc.'s, it could hardly have be.-n expected that
those among them, which have, within a corn- j
paratively recent period, subdued and absorbed j
ancient kingdoms, planted their standards on e- ;
very continent, and now possess, or claim the i
control of, the islands of every ocean as their j
appropriate domain, would bxk with unfriend-I
ly sentiments upon the acquisitions of this coun- j
try, in every instance honorably obtained, or ;
would feel themselves justified in imputing our •
advancement to a spirit of aggression, or to a
passion for political predominance.
Out foreign commerce has reached a magnitude ;
and extent nearly equal to that of the first mari- i
time power of the earth, and exceeding lhaLxif
any other. Over this great interest, in which.
ot only our merchants, but all classes of citi
zens, at least indirectly, are concerned, it is the j
duty of the executive and legislative branches
°f the government to exercise a careful super
vision, and adopt proper measures for its pro
tection. The policy which I have had in view
in regard to this interest, embraces its future, as
well as its present security.
Long experience bus shown that, in general,'
so, that at the commencement of the existing
war in Europe, Great Britain and France an
nounced their purpose to observe it for the pre
sent: not, however, as a recognized internation
al right, but as a mere concession for the time
being. The co-operation, however, of these
two powerful maiatitne nations in the interest
of neutral rights, appeared to me to afford an
occasion, inviting and justifying, on the part of
the I'nited States, a renewed effort to make the
doctrine in question a principle of international
law, by means of special conventions between
the several powers of Europe and America.—
Accordingly, a proposition, embracing not only
the rule, that free ships make free goods, except
contraband articles, hut also the less contested
one, that neutral property, other than contra
band, though on board enemy's ships, shall he
exempt from confiscation, has been submitted by
the Government to those of Europe and Amer
ica.
Russia acted promptly in this matter, and a
convention was concluded between that coun
try and the I'nited States, providing lor the ob
servance of the principles announced, not only
as between themselves, but also as hetwet n them
and all other nations, which shall enter into
like stipulations. None of the other [towers
have as yet taken final action 011 the subject. I
am not aware, however, that any objection to
the proposed stipulations has been made: but on
the contrary, they are acknowledged to he es
sentia! to tiie security of neutral commerce : and
'.lm only apparent obstacle to their general adop
tion is in tiie possibility that it may be encum
bered by inadmissible conditions.
The King of the Two Sicilies lias expressed to
to our minister at Naples his readiness to concur
in our proposition relative to (mitral rights, and
to enter into a convention on that .subject.
The King of Prussia entirely approves of the
project of a treaty to the same effect, submitted
to him, but proposes an additional article provi
ding for the renunciation of privateering. Such
an article, for most obvious reasons, is much de
sired by nations ha\ing naval establishments,
large in proportion to their foreign commerce.
It it were adopted as an international rule, the
commerce of a natiom having comparatively a
small naval force, would be very much at the
mercy of its enemy, in case of war with a pow
er of decided naval superiority. The bare state
ment of the condition in which the United States
would he placed, after having surrendered the
right to resort to privateers, in the event of war
with a belligerent of naval supremacy, will
show that this government could never listen to
such a proposition. The navy of the first mari
time power in Europe is at b ast ten times as
large as that of the United States. The foreign
commerce of the two countries is nearly equal,
andabout equally exposed toh stiledepredations.
In war between that power and the United
States, without r<*sort on our part to our mer
cantile marine, the means of our enemy to in
flict injury upon our commerce would he ten
fold greater than ours to retaliate. We could
not extricate our country from this unequal con
dition, with such an en-mv, unless we at once
departed from our present peaceful policy, and
became a great naval power. Nor would this
country be better situated, in war with one of
the secondary naval powers. Though the na
val disparity would be less, the greater extent,
and more exposed condition of our wide-spread
commerce, would give any of them a like ad
vantage over us.
The proposition to enter into engagements to
forego resort to privateers, in case this coimtrv
should tie forced into war with a great naval
power, is not entitled to more favorable consid
eration than would he a proposition, to agree
not to accept the services of volunteers for oper
ation on land. When the honor or the rights
of our country require if to assume a hostile
attitude, it confidently relies UJSJII the patriot
ism of its citizens, not ordinarily devoted to tin
military profession, to augment the armv and
the navy, so as to make them fully adequate to
the emergency which calls them into action.—
The proposal to surrender the right to employ
privateers is professedly founded upon the prin
ciple, that private property of unoffending non
combatants, though enemies, should be exempt
from the ravages of war: but the proposed sur
render goes but little way in canyingout that
principle, which equally requires that such pri
vate property should not be seized or molested
by national ships of war. Should the leading
powers of Europe concur in proposing, as a rule
of international law, to exempt private proper
ty, upon the ocean, from seizure by public arm
ed cruisers, as well as by privateers, the United
States will readily meet them upon that broad
ground.
Since the adjournment of Congress, the ratifi
cations of the treaty between the United Stales
and Great Britain, relative to coast fisheries,
and to reciprocal trade with the British North
American provinces, have been exchanged, and
some of its anticipated advantages are already
enjoyed bv us, although its full execution was
to abide certain acts ot legislation not yet fully
performed. So soon as it was ratified, Great
when the principal powers of Europe are enga
ged in war, the rights of neutral nations are en
dangered. This consideration led, in the pro
gress of the war of independence, to the forma
tion of the celebrated confederacy of armed neu
trality, a primafv object of which was, to assert
the doctrine, that free .=!, ips make In e goods,
except in the case of articles contraband of
war: a doctrine which, from the verv commence
ment of our national being, has been a cherish
ed idea of the Statesmen of tfa is country. At
one period or another, every maratune power
has, by some solemn treaty stipulation, recogni
zed that principle, a rid it might have been hop
ed that it would come to he universally receiv
ed and respected as a rule of international law.
Hot the refusal of one power prevented this, and
in the next great war which ensiled, tirat of the
French revolution, it failed to be respected a
rnong the belligerent States of Europe. .Not
withstanding this, the principle is generally ad
mitted to he a sound and salutary one; so much
BEDFORD, PA. Fit
Britain opened to our commerce the free
nation of the river St. Lawrence, and to to
fishermen unmolested access to the shores
j l ays, from which they had been previously f.i
eluded, on the coasts of her North Ameriiai
; provinces -, in return for which she asked nj
the introduction, free of duty, into the porta a
l the United States, of the fish caught on the saw
coast ly British fishermen. This being ;h>
I compensation, stipulated in the treaty, for j#iv
ileges of (he highest importance and valuJ t<
the I nited States, which were thus voluntril)
t yielded hefiire it became effective, the recjies
| seemed to me to he a reasonable one ; bij i
could not be acceded to, from want of anth
ty to suspend our laws imposing duties upoijaL
foreign fish. In the meantime, the Treasjry
Department issued a regulation, for ascertaiifig
the duties paid or secured by bonds on sh
; caught on the coasts of the British proving,
i and brought to our markets by British
' alter the fishing-grounds had been made lily
accessible to the citizens of the United Sta-s.
I recommend to voitr favorable considerate a
■ proposition, which will be submitted to voisbr
j authority to refund the duties and cancel he
i bonds thus received.
The provinces of Canada and New Bns
wick have also anticipated the full operatiuo/
the treaty, by legislative arrangements, re-c
--; lively, to admit, tree of duty, the produefcof
i the United States- mentioned in the free lof
the treaty and an arrangement similar to at
i regarding British fish, has been trade for dies
now chargeable on the products of those >
vinces enumerated in the same free list, anci
troduced therefrom into the United States a
j proposition for refunding which will, in v
judgment, te in like manner entitled to yr
: favorable consideration.
There is a difference of opinion betweoiie
1 nited States and Great Britain, as to the ba
j dary line of the Territory of Washington -
joining tlie British possessions on the Part,
i which has already led to difficulties on the jt
of the citizens and local authorities of the p
governments. I commend that provision,*
j made for a commission, to be joined by ona
j the part of her Britannic Majesty, for the p
, pose of running and establishing the line!
j controversy. Certain stipulations of the ti|
| and fourth articles of the treaty concluded;
the United States and Great Britain "in IS
regarding possessory rights of the Ilndsi
Bay Company, arid property of the Pug|
i Sound Agricultural Company, have given r
; to serious disputes, and it is important to all c<j
j cerned, that a summary means of settling thi
j amicably should be devised. I have reason j
; believe that an arrangement can tie made i
, just terms, tor the extinguishment of the rigii
! in question, embracing also, the right of tj
Hudson's Bay Company to the navigation ji
the river Columbia : and I therefore .-.uggej
vour consideration the expediency of makinal
: contingent appropriation for that puiqiose. t
France was the early ami efficient ally jJ
l the United States in their struggle for iiuii
pendence. From that time to the preseij
with occasiana! slight interruptions, cordial rjr
lations of friendship have existed between l|.
j governments and people ol the two
, The kindly sentiments, cherished alike by b<i
i nations, have led to extensive social and corj
j mercial intercourse; which, 1 trust, will not j
i interrupted or checked by anv casual event j
jan apparently unsatisfactory character, l i
j French consul at San Francisco was not loir
since brought into the United States riistrij
I court at that place, by compulsory process,
j witness in favor of another foreign consul,
| violation,as the French Government conceive
| of his privileges under our consular conventi<|
1 with France. There being nothing in llie tranj
| action which could imply any disrespect I
I Fiance or its consul, such explanation has bed
j made as I hope will be satisfactoiy. Subsi
qimntlv, misunderstanding arose on the suhjej
of the French government 1 aving, as it appeal
ed, abruptly excluded the American minister I
Spain from passing through Fiance, on his w;j
from London to Madrid. But that governing
has unequivocally disavowed any design to <H
ny the right of transit to the minister of tlj
United States; and, afieT explanations to llij
effect, he has re aimed !iis journey, and actual!
returned through France to Spain. I berewil
lay before Congress the correspondence on th
subject between our envoy at Paris and tlj
minister of foreign relations of the Fiench gt
vernmenf.
The position of our afTairs with Spain n
mains as at the close of your Inst session. Ti
terna! agitation, assuming very nearly the cha
acter of political revolution, has recently coi
vnlsed that country. The late ministers wei
violently expelled from power, and men, <
very different views in relation to its interrn
affairs, have succeeded. Since this chang'
there has been no propitious opportunity to r<
sume, and press'on, negotiations for the adjus
rnent of serious ijuestions of diliirultv bet wee
the Spanish government and the United Stat'-i
There is reason to believe that our minister wi
tind the present government more favorably in
clined than the preceding to comply with on
just demands, and to make suitable arrange
merits for restoring harmony, and preset*vin
peace, between the two countries.
Negotiations are pending with Denmark t
discontinue the practice of levying tolls on on
vessels and their cargoes passing through th
Sound. Ido not doubt that we can claim ex
emption therefrom, as an atter of right. It i
admitted on all hands, that this exaction is sine
tinned, not by the general principles of the lav
of nations, but only by special convention;
which most of the commercial nations have en
tered into with Denmark. The fifth article c
our treaty of ISi26, with Denmark, provide)
that there shall not be paid, on the vessels t
the United States and their cargoes when pass
ing through the Sound, higher duties than thus
of the most favored nations.
This may be regarded as an implied agret
ment to submit to the tolls during the continu
Freedom of Thought and Opinion.
►AY MORNING, DEC. 15, 1&54.
ance of the treaty,-and, consequently, may em
barrass the assertion of our right to "he* released
therefrom. 1 here are also other provisions in
the treaty which ought to be modified, it was to
temain in lorce for ten years, and until one
year after either party should give notice to the
oilier of intention to terminate it. I deem it
expedient that the contemplated notice should
be given to the government of Denmark.
The naval expedition, despatched about two
years since for the purpose of establishing rela
tions with the empire of Japan, has been ably
and skilfully conducted to a successful termina
tion by the officer to whom it was entrusted.
A treaty, opening certain of the ports of that
populous country, has been negotiated : and in
order to give full effect thereto, it only remains
to exchange ratifications, arid adopt requisite
commercial regulations.
Ihe treaty lately concluded between the
I nited States and Mexico settled some of our
most embarrassing difficulties with that country,
■ •ut numerous claims upon it for wrongs and in
uries to our citizens remain unadjusted, and
many new cases have been recently added to
:he former list of grievances. Our legation has
een earnest in its endeavors to obtain from
lie Mexican government, a favorable considei
ltion of these claims, but hitherto without suc
•ess. i his failure is, probably, in some mea
nre. to be ascribed to the disturbed condition of
bat country. It has been my anxious desire
o maintain friendly relations" with the M<xi
ari republic, and to cause its rights and terri
ories to lie respected, not only by our own cit
zens, but bv foreigners, who have resorted to
lie I nited States for the purpose of organizing
mstile expeditions against some of the States o?
hat republic. The defenceless condition in
rhich its frontiers have been left, has slimula
fd lawless adventurers to em! ark in these enter
•rises, and greatly increased the difficulty of
nforcing our obligations of neutrality. Re
ardmg it as my solemn duty o fulfil, .'fficient
v, these obligations, not onh towards Mexico
ut other foreign nations, I have exerted all tin'
owers with which I am invested to defeat such
riminal proceedings, and bring to punishment
mse who, by taking a part therein, violated
ur laws.
The energy and activity of our civil and mil
ary authorities hare frustrated the designs of
lose who meditated expeditions of this charac
'r, except in two instances. Cue of tlmse,
imposed of foreigners, was at first connfenanc
' and aided by the Mexican government itself,
having been deceived as to their reaf object!
he other, small in number, eluded the vigi
mce oi tile magistrates ot San I'rancisco, and
irreeded in reaching the Mexican territories;
it tile effective measures taken by this govern
eiit compelled the abandonment of the under
kin?.
file commission to establish the new line he
i'"en the 1 nited States and Mexico, according
tiie provisions of the tieaty of the 30th oT
ecember last, has been organized, and the
ork is already commenced.
Cur treaties with the argentine confederation,
id with the republics of Uraguav and I'ara
uiy, secure to us the free navigation of the
rer La Platte, and some of its larger tributa
's: but the same succ< ss has not attended our
deavors to open the Amazon. The reasons
favor of (In- free use of that river, I had oc
sion to present fully, in a former message ;
(J, considering the cordial relations which
re long existed between this government and
azil, it may be expected that pending negoti
ants wili, eventually, reach a favorable ie-
It.
Convenient means of transit between the
■ eral parts of a country, are not only desira
• for the objects of commercial and personal
inm.urncation, Tint essential to its existence im
r one government. Separated as are the At
ic and Pacific coasts of the United States by
* whole breadth of the continent, s'ill the in
diums of each are closely bound together by
nmunity ot origin and institutions, and fil
ing attachment to the Union. Hence the
istant and increasing intercourse, and vast in
cliange ot commercial productions, between
■ut? remote divisions of the Republic. At the
•sent time, the most practical and only com
diotis rentes for communication between
m, are the way of the Isthmus of Central A
rica. It is the duty of the Government to
ure these avenues against all danger of inter
>tion.
In relation to Centra! America, perplexing
-stions existed between the United States
I Great Britain at the time of the cession of
lilornia. These, as well as questions which
sequently arose concerning inter-oceanic
nmunication acioss the isthmus, were, as it
s supposed, adjusted by the treaty of April
1S:">0 ; but, unfortunately, they have been
ipened by serious misunderstanding as to the
tort of some of its provisions, a readjustment
which is now under consideration. Cur
lister at London has made strenuous efforts
iccomplish this desirable object, but has not
found it possible to bring the negotiations tc
■rmination.
is incidental to these questions, T deem it
per to notice an occurrence which happen
in Central America near the close of the last
ion of Congress. So soon as the necessity
; perceived of establishing inter-oceanic com
nrations across the isthmus, a company was
inized, under authority of the State of Nica
ia, but composed, for (he mcs! pait, of citi
s of tiie United States, for the purpose of
ning such a transit way, hv (lie river San
n and Nicaragua, which soon became an il
ble and much used route in the transporta
of our citizens and their property between
Atlantic and Pacific.
leanwhile, and in anticipation of the com
ion and importance of this transit way, a
iber of adventurers bad taken possession of
old Spanish port at the mouth of the river
Juan, in open defiance of the state or states
entral America, u hicli, upon their becoming
pendent, had rightfully succeeded to the
! 'ocal sovereignty and jursidiction o< Spain.
I hese adventurers undertook to change the
name of the place from San Juan del Norte to
Greytown, and, though at first pretending to
act as the subjects of the fictitious sovereign of
the Mosquito Indians, they subsequently repu
diated the control of any power whatever, as
sumed to adopt a distinct political organization,
and declared themselves an independent sover
eign state.
It, at the same time, a faint hope was enter
tained that they might become a stable and re
spectable community, that hope soon vanished.
I hey proceeded to a.-sert unfounded claims to
civil jurisdiction over Punta Arenas, a position
on the opjiosite side of the river San Juan,
which was in jmssession, under a title wholly
independent of them, of citizens of the United
States, interested in the Nicaragua Transit Com
pany, and which was indispensably necessary
to the prosperous operation of that route across
the Isthmus. The company resisted their
groundless claims, whereupon they proceeded
to destroy some of its buildings, and attempted
violently to dispossess it.
At a later period they organized a strong
force for thejiurpose of demolishing the estab
lishment at Punta Arenas, but this mischievous
design was defeated by tile interposition of one
of our ships of war, at that time in the harbor
of San Juan. Suseqoentlt to this, in May last,
<1 body of men from Greytown crossed over to
Punta Arenas, arrogating cn authority to arrest
on the charge of murder, a captain ol die of the
steamboats of the Transit company. Peine
well aware that the claim to exercise jurisdiction
there would be resisted then, as it had on previ
ous occasions, they went prepared to assert IJV
force of arms.
Our minister to Central America happened
to he present on that occasion. Believing that
the captain of the steamboat was innocent, fiir
he witnessed the transaction on which the
charge was founded, and believing, also, that
(lie intruding party having no jurisdiction over
the place w here they projiosed to make the ar
iest, would encounter desperate resistance if
they persisted in their purpose, he interposed,
effectually to prevent violence and bloodshed.
Ihe American minister afterwards visited
Greytown, and whilst he was there, a mob, in
cluding certain of the so-called public function
aries ol the place, surrounded the house in
which he was, avowing that they had come to
arrest lum, by order of some person exercising
the chief authority. Whilst parleying with
them he was wounded by a ntissle from the
riowd. A boat, despatched from the American
steamer "Northern Light'' to release him from
fhe perilous situation in which he was under
stood to be, was fired into by the town guard,
and compelled tr. return. These incidents, to
gether with the known character ofthe popula
tion of Greytown, and the ir excited state, indu
ced just apprehensions that the lives and pro
perty of our citizens of Punta Arenas would he
in imminent danger after the departure of the
steamer, with her passengers lor New York,
unless a guard was left fbr their protection.—
for this purpose, and in older to ensure the
safety of passengers and property passing over
the route, a temporary f.rce was organized, at
considerable expense to the United States, for
which provision was made at the last session of
Congress.
I'll is pretended community, a heterogeneous
assemblage gathered from various countries, and
composed, for the most part, of blacks and per
sons ol mixed blood, had pieviouslv given oth
er indications of mischievous and dangerous pro
pensities. Early in the same month, property
was clandestinely abstracted from the depot of
the transit company and taken to Greytown.
The plunderers obtained shelter there, and
their pursuers were driven back hv its people,
who not only protected the wrong-doers arid
shared the plunder, but treated with rudeness
arid violence those who sought to recover their
property.
Such, in substance, are the facts submitted
fbr my consideration, and proved bv trustwor
thy evidence. I could not doubt that the case
demanded the interjiosition of this government.
Justice required that reparation should he made
fbr so many and such gioss wrongs, and that a
course of insolence and plunder, tending, direct-
It to the insecurity of the lives of numerous
travellers, and ol the rich trea.-ure belonging to
our citizens, passing over this transit" way,
should he peremptorily arrested. Whatever it
might be in other respects, the community in
question, in power to do mischief, was not despi
cable. It was provided with ordnance, small
arms, and ammunition, and migh' easily seize on
the unarmed boats, freighted with millions of
property, which passed almost daily within its
reach. It did not profess to belong to any reg
ular government, and had, in fact, no recogniz
ed independence on, or connection with, any
one to which the United States or their injur
ed citizens might apply for redress, or which
could be held responsible, in any wav, for the
outrages committed. Not standing before the
world in the attitude of an organized political
society, being neither competent to exercise the
l ights nor to discharge the obligations of a gov
ernment, it was, in tact, a marauding establish
ment, too dangerous to be disregarded, and too
guilty to pass unpunished, and yet incapable of
being treated in any other way than as a pirati
cal resort of outlaws, or a camp of savages, de
predating on emigrant trains or caravans on the
frontier settlements of'cnilzed states.
Seasonable notice was given to the people of
Greytown that this government required them
lo repair the injuries they had done to our citi
zens, and to make suitable apology fbr the insult
if our minister, and that a ship-oi-war would he
lespatched thither to enforce the compliance
with these demands. But the notice passed un
teeded. Thereupon, a commander of the navy,
i) charge of the sioop-of-war ('vane, was order
ed to repeat the demands, and to insist upon a
rompliance therwith. Finding that neither the
lopulace, nor those assuming to have authority
J\ er tlmm, manifested any disposition to make
TEKIttS, S3 PER TEAR.
he required reparation, or even to offer excuse
or their conduct, he warned them by a public
proclamation that, if they did not give satisfac
ion vvithin a time specified, he would bombard
he town. By this precedure he afforded them
jpportunity to provide for their personal safety.
lotho.se also who desired to avoid Joss of
properly, in the punishment about to be inflict
ed on the offending town, lie furnished the
iieans of removing their effects, by the boats of
lis own ship, and of a steamer which he procur
ed and tendered to them for that purjose. At
length perceiving no disposition on the part of
the town to comply with his requisitions, he
lppealed to the commander of her Brittannic
Majesty's schooner "Bernuda," who was seen
t > have intercourse and apparently much influ
ence with the leaders among them— to inter
pose and persuade them to take some course
calculated to save the necessity ol resorting to
the extreme measures indicated in his procla
mation : hut that officer, instead of acceding to
tlie request, did nothing more than to protest
against the contemplated bombardment.
"NO steps of any sort were taken by the peo
ple to give the satisfaction required. No indi
viduals, if any there were, who regarded tlieiii
>e|\esas not responsible for the misconduct of
the community, adopted any means to seperate
themselves from the fate of the guilty . The
several charges on which the demands" for re
dress were (bunded, had been publicly known
to ail for some time, and were again announced
to them. I hey did not deny any of these
charges : they offered no explanation, nothing
in extenuation of tlieir conduct : hut contuma
ciously refused to hold any intercourse with the
commander of the "Cyane." By their obsti
nate silence they seemed rather desirous to pro
voke chastisement than to escape it.
1 here is ample reason to believe that this
conduct of wanton defiance, on their part, is
imputed chief.y to the delusive idea that the
.-iinerican government would be deterred from
punishing them, through fear of displ-asing a
lonnidahlp foreign power, which, thcv presum
ed to think, locked with complacency upon
their aggressive and insulting deportment to
wards the I riited States. Jhe "Cyane" at
length fired upon the town. Before mucb in
jury had been done, the fire was twice suspend
ed, in order to afford opportunity for au ar
rangement ; but this was declined. Most ol the
buildings of the place, of little value generally,
were, in the sequel, destroyed; but, owing to
the considerate precautions takeu by our naval
commander, there was no destruction of life.
VY hen the "Cyane" was ordered to Central
America, it was confident!v hoped and expect
ed that no occasion would arise for "a resort to
violence and destruction of property and loss of
life. Instructions to that effect were given to
her commander. And no extreme act would
have been requisite had not the people them
"*lves by th.-ir extraordinary conduct in the af
fair, frustrated all the possible mild measures for
obtaining satisfaction. A withdrawal from the
place, the object of his visit entirely defeated,
would, under the circumstances in which the
commander of the Cyane found himself, have
been absolute abandonment of all claim of our
citizens for idemnification, and submissive ac
quiescence in national indignity. It would
have encouraged in these lawless men a spirit of
insolence and rapine most dangerousto the lives
and property of citizens at Punta Arenas, and
piohahlv emboldened tliern to grasp at the
treasures and valuable merchandize continually
passing over the Nicaragua route. It certainly
would have been most satisfactory to me if the
objects of the "Cy'ane's" mission could have
hem consummated without any act of public
force ; but the arrogant contumacy of the otfend
ers rendered it impossible to avoid the alterna
tive, either to break up iheir establishment, or
to leave them impressed with the idea that they
might persevere with impunity in a career of
insolence and plunder.
I his transaction has been the subject of com
plaint on the part of some foreign powers, and
has been characterized with more of harshness
than of justice. Jf comparisons were to be in
stituted, it would not be difficult to present re
peated instances in the history of states, stand
ing in the very front of modern civilization,
w here communities, far less offending and more
defenceless than Greytown, have been chastis
ed with much greater severity, and w here not
cities only have been laid in ruins, but human
life has been recklessly sacrificed, and the blood
of the innocent made profusely to mingle with
that of the guilty.
Passing from foreign to domestic affairs, vour
attention is naturally directed to I fie financial
condition of the country, always a subject of
general interest. For complete and exact in
formation regarding the finances, and the vari
ous branches ot the public service connected
tiierewith, I refer you to the report of the Se
cretary ot the Treasury : from which it will ap
peal, that the amount ol revenue during the
last fiscal year, from ali sources, was seventy
three million five hundred and forty-nine thou
sand seven hundred and five dollars ; and that
the public expenditures for the same period, ex
clusive of payments on account of the public
tlebt, amounted to fiitv-one mill ion eight thou
sand two hundred and forty-nine dollars. Dur
ing the same period, the payments made in re
demption ol the public debt, including interest
and premium, amounted to twenty-four million
three hundred and thirty-six thousand three
hundred and eighty dollars.
io the sum total of the receipts of that year
is to be added a balance remaining in the trea
sury at the commencement thereof, amounting
to twenty-one million nine hundred and forti
two thousand eight hundred and ninety-two
dollars; and at the close of the same year, a
corresponding balance amounting to twenty
million one hundred and thirty-seven thousand
nine hundred and sixty-seven dollars of receipts
above expenditures, also remained in the trea
sury. Although, in the opinion of the Secreta
ry of the Treasury, the receipts of the current
fiscal year are not likely to equal in atnouut
VOL XXIII, NO. 18.