BY CEO. W. BOWIIA\.
NEW SERIES.
Select soet r.
HOME, DEAR HOME.
Where burns the loved hearth brightest,
Cheering the social breast ?
Where beats the loud heart lightest,
Its humble hope possessed;
Where is the smile of darkness,
Of meek-eyed patience born,
Worth more than those of gladness,
Which mirth's bright cheek adorn ?
Pleasure is marked by fleetness,
To those whoever roam;
While grief itself has sweetness
At home I dear home !
There I end the ties that strengthen
Our hearts in hours of grief;
The silver links that lengthen
Joy's visits when most brief;
There eyes in all their splendor,
Are vocal to the heart,
And glances, gay or tender,
Fre-h eloquence impart;
Then, dost thou sigh tor pleasure,
O ! do not widely roam,
Tut seek that hidden treasure
At home ! dear home !
Does pure religion charm thee
Far more than aught below f
Wotdd'st thou that she should arm thee
Against the hour of woe !
Think not she dvvelleth only
In temple- of prayer;
For home itself is lonely,
Unless her smile- be there;
The devotee may falter,
The bigot blindly roam,
If worship less her altar
At home ! dear home !
Love over it presideth,
With rr.eek and watchful awe,
Its daily service guideth.
And shows it- perfect law !
If,there thy faith shall fail thee,
If there no shrine he found.
What ran thy prayers avail thee
With kneeling crowds around f
Go ! leave thy gift ntioffered
Beneath religion's dome,
Arid be thy first fruits profler'd
At home! dear home!
OF
Tin: STATE CENTRA!. COMMITTEE.
To THE FEon.r. OF PHVXSYLVANIA :
Fdliiiv Citizens: —The State Central Com
mittee appointed by the Democratic.convention
which assembled i.i Harrisburg, in March last,
have thought it their duty to address you on
the present aspect of politioa! affairs.
The opponents of the Democratic party and
•of Democratic policy (we scarcely know at this
moment by what name to call them) have, for
purposes connected with the approaching elec
tion, made another of those sudden changes of
•altitude which have so often heretofore tarnish
ed the political character of their leaders, and
dissatisfied the people. They have run through
•tln-ir VvFTole list of public measures. One alter
the other their principles have been condemned
by the public voice and abandoned by them
selves. A National Dank, ahout which they
■once threatened revolution, is an "obsolete
•idea." The Independent Treasury, which
they denounced so fiercely, is no longer denied
to he the safest and best mode of keeping and
disbursing the public revenues. Their Bank
rtipt Law is delivered over, with their full con
sent, to the infamy it deserves. We hear no
more from them ahout expunging the veto pow
er from the constitution. The thunders o!
alarm against the annexation of Texas are si
lent. Their execrations of the Mexican War
and the barren State of California, are no longer
heard. "The tariff of IS4-2" is erased from
their banners and omitted in their speeches.—
They seem to he ashamed (as certainly they
ought to be) of their predictions thai the coun
trv would be ruined and the treasury made
bankrupt by the tariff of IS-tfi. Even theGal
phins of the last administration have retired to
the quiet shades of obscutity, content to gorge
rtheir plunder in silence, without defending the
means bv which it was acquired.
It might naturally be supposed, from such un
toward circumstances, that these politicians
would cease their war upon the party of the
people, when their formerly avowed principles
and measures were thus abandoned. Alter
keeping the country in a commotion for so
many years, by contending for measures and
views which they now tacitly admit to be eith
er false or hopeless, it would seem that dissolu
tion was the only thing left for them. But the
natural enemies of republicanism and equality
can never be idle. The interested and ambitious
demagogue never quit his trade. They
can at least get local offices by stirring up strife
among the people, and this they seem ready to
do, as passing events abundantly verify.
We do not deny that the masses of the party
opposed to us are honest, sound and true heart
ed citizens, who desire nothing but that the
honor and interests of their Country may be
promoted and perpetuated. It is their sincere
prejudices against the Democracy, or their long
habits of obedience to party discipline which
keeps them where they are: but we confidently
trust that the time has now come, when they
will break the trammels which have heretofore
bound them, and join thg Democratic party in
a cordial support of the laws and the Constitu
tion.
Previous to the last presidential election, the
organs, orators and leaders of the party, then cal
ling itself Whig, had exhausted their list of
party doctrines. Every issue had been settled
against them. But they are seldom at a loss for
some temporary subterfuge, and on that occasion
ihey betook themselves to a most uisreputable
expedient. They exerted all their power and i
influence to excite the anger, hatred and jeal
ousy of the Catholics and naturalized voters a
gainst the Democratic party and its candidates.
Immediately upon (Jen. Pierce's nomination,
they denounced him as a bigoted Protestant,
who, if elected, would use his power to prevent
Catholics from having their just rights. A re
striction in the Constitution of New Hampshire
against this sect of people, was charged on him
as a high political offence. Certificates from
Catholics in his own neighborhood, declaring
that he was hostile to them flooded the country
—and the sanctity of the Post office was violated
for the purpose of circulating these documents
along with the religious papers read by persons
ofthat faith. On the other hand, Gen. Scott
was held upas a man for whom Catholics, a
bove all others, ought to vote. If he was not
a member ofthat church himself, it was urged
that his family were, and his daughter had,
with his consent, gone into a convent. Never
before was so hold and shameless an effort made
to rouse religious prejudices for political purpo
ses. Sensible men of all parties, sects and
classes, were deeply offended at this unblushing
system of endeavoring to carry an election by
sectarian appeals.
Still more humiliating than this, if possible,
was the flattery bestowed upon their adopted
fellow citizens. From the aged and distinguish
ed soldier who was their candidate for President,
down to the most obscure and inefficient of their
speakers and writers, all professed a becoming
zeal for the rights of foreigners. According to
their statements made then, all persons of for
eign birth had been or were about to be greatly
misus.ed by the Democracy and they were
urged, exhorted and warned to trust ri 'body
hut their true friends, the Whigs. Even the
dialect spoken by foreigners was referred to as
being superior to the vernacular language
which the native born citizen used. The "rich
Irish brogue" was music to their ears, and the
"sweet German accent" was the subject of ex
travant eulogy."
These facts, fellow citizens, are fresh in y< or
recollection. But would you believe it, that the
same politicians who were preaching this sectar
ian crusade against the Democracy, less than
two years ago, and who did all that in them lay,
to excite the jealousy of adopted citizens against
native born Americans, have recently espoused
the doctrine of prescript ion against all citizens
not native horn of whatever religious faith, and
are said to he in close alliance with a secret
and oath hoiind association which projioses to
punish men for conscience sake. In Philadel
phia the newly elected Mayor has boldly declar
ed this doctrine of proscription. That this is a
mere political manouivr 1 on the pait ol the \\ big
leaders may he confidently affirmed. That it is
a heartless attempt to make a political use of re
ligions prejudices, in which they themselves do
not participate, no one can doubt. Ascertained
facts, past and present, make it perfectly appar
ent, that these same politicians, if they could
secure votes by it, would again flatter the Cath
olics and be the champions of the rights ol our
adopted fellow citizens.
It may he asked, how shall the Democracy
meet the issues thus presented ? We answer,
just as the they have met all the other false and
anti-republican doctrines oi the enemies of pop
ular rights, bv the power of truth, by the force
of reason and argument appealing to th" con
science of the people. This mingling of reli- 1
gious and political elements cannot be appro- j
ved or endorsed by a free and libemf people in
this age and in this country. They who think
so, must be credulous and .shoit sighted indeed.
In IS")", the Democracy asked no more than
equal justice for Protestants, and now \Vhtn the
Whigs have changed their ground, we will de
mand but common and constitutional right for
adopted citizens of whatever religious belief
they may happen to be. This has ever been
the creed of tile Democratic party, as it has
ever been the policy oJ this government. They
recognize no peculiar rights in any sect or class,
but have only sought to maintain the just rights
of all, and to bestow distinction and honor as
the reward of individual merit. The constitu
tion and the law—the great principles of equali
ty which the people of this country, native horn
and those of foreign birth, fought and hied for—
freedom of conscience, which no American
christian would take from his fellow man—jus
tice to all and special favors to none—this is'
the platform of the Democracy. From this
high elevation, let us look down calmly upon
the inqxirtant struggle of those who come in con
flict with these principles. Ours is the cause of
our country, of liberty and true religion, which
can only flourish in its purity where ail are per
mitted to worship as they think right.
We are fully persuaded that the people of
this State are true ami will remain true to the
principles of civil and religious liberty, which
were established by the revolution. Their whole
history from The first settlement of this province
down to the vote at the last Presidential elec
tion, is calculated to inspire every reflecting
man with confidence in their good sense and pa
triotism. How much and why the principles
I of universal toleration are and ought to he valu
ed, need not he enforced by argument on this
point. The history of the world for two cen
turies is replete with incidents demonstrating
the wisdom of tiiis doctrine.
Religions toleration may he looked upon as
the fruitful parent of the infant colonies—and
the rights of conscience and of worshiping God
according to its dictates, may he considered the
stone of oiir republican institutions. The Puri
tans and Catholics of England and the Hngonots
of France fled from the persecutions of religious
intolerance at home, to the wrldsofthis West
ern world, in order that they might enjoy t hat
liberty here which was denied them in the land
of their birth. This land lias been the land a
bove all others of religious and political toleia
tion—a toleration of nil sects and creeds so
much in harmony with our republican institu
tions. It is true that here and there at the ear
ly settlement of the colonies, a contrary spirit
Freedom of Thought and Opinion. TERIttS, S2 PER YEAR.
BEDFORD, PA. FRIDAY MORNING, JULY 28, 1834.
was sometimes manifested, but it gradually sub
sided and the heaven born principles promulga
ted by Lord Baltimore in Maryland, Roger
Williams in Rhode Island, and William Penri
in Pennsylvania, have had their healthful sway
in the policy of this country. being engrafted in
the constitution of the several States. The
Quakers and Baptists were once persecuted in
New England, and the Puritan preachers and
Dissenters from the Established English Church,
in Virginia—but who would dare now to avow
publicly, sympathy with such intolerance?—
Who would .have the hardihood now to propose
an amendment to the constitution of the I nion
or of any of the States, that a person born in a
foreign land, or professing any particular reli
gious faith, shall be excluded from the rights,
privileges and immunities of an American citi
zen ! Thanks to the spirit of the age and an
over-ruling and ever wise Providence, the idea
of rights of conscience has eventually prevailed
and been permanently established, and peace
lias been introduced among men under the sanc
tion of our government and laws, 011 subjects
which had long led to cruel and bloody wars.
We are not defending the tenets ot any par
ticular sect, but the rights of all to enjoy their
own peculiar views without molestation, with
out proscription and persecution. In this lies
the safety of all, for the powerful of to-day
may be the weak of to-morrow. The same op
pressions and cruelties, visited by a dominant
religious sect upon their weaker brethren of
opposite religious views, may be returned upon
themselves with a ten fold Inry 111 the ebbs and
flows of party arid political feeling, if such ques
tions ate to be tolerated at all in political dis
cussions. The poisoned chalice may be return
ed to tile lips of those who would force others
to drir.k the liemlocji. We feel right sure, that
the adversities of the past in the history of man
kind, will not be lost upon the good sense of the
American people, and that all religious persua
sions may be permitted to carry* out the pure
and holy mission of propagating the gospel and
diffusing a sound morality among men.
Let not then, lei low citizens, the sealed foun
tains of religious controversy he opened to de
luge with bitter waters this happy country. Let
not then the unmitigated evjlsof religious leudsbe
scattered broad cast over the land, to he more
loathsome than the lice and frogs of Egypt.—
Let us not he divided in political matters, by
reason of a diversity of sentiment 011 religions
subjects, where no differences can exist in the
eye of the law on such subjects, and where all
sects and creeds are alike protected. Let us
live together 111 amity and love, with no sectar
ian, bigoted or intolerant views upon subjects
about which men never could and never will
think alike: each conceding to the other the:
right to consult his own cruises nee in
of religion, because such concession secures Lis
own ngnt to do likewise.
Let us also avoid the contracted view of hu
man rights, wiiich denies the privileges of citi
zens to those who have been born on foreign
soTL How few of us, hut can trace ancestors,
not remote, who first saw the light of day be
yond the blue waters of the Atlantic. And how
it grates upon the American ear to hear it an
nounced as has recently been done by the new
Mayor of Philadelphia, that a distinction mark
ed and manifest is to be made among the peo
ple ofthat city, not by reason of inequality in
intelligence or true worth, but by reason of the
accident of birth. The adopted citizen is no lon
ger to be considered an equal, hut an inferior.—
He can pay his taxes, enrich by his labor his
adopted country, and if need be defend her flag,
her honor, Iter interests, on the field of battle,
but he must not enjoy the emoluments of office,
must not occupy positions of public trust, oreven
exercise the right of suffrage except through
protracted years and much tribulation. He lias
cast tiis lot among us, made his home in our
midst, is identified with us in feeling anil inter
est, and by all the ties which love of country
can entwine around the human heart, but vet,
according to this modern doctrine, he belongs to
a proscribed, degraded caste.
We have for long, long years invited the op
pressed of every ctime to our shores, extended
tothem the hand of fellowship,offered them the
protection of the broad shield of our constitu
tion, to secure them in the rights and immunities
of American citizens: but all this is now to be
erected outside of and beyond the constitution,
and stronger and higher than the fundamental
law of the land. The great charter is to be trea
ted as a dead letter, so far as it recognizes the
equality before the law of adopted with native
born citizens, ami a power ali'-n to liie consti
tution and laws of the land is to be hereafter
the rule of action.
It was assigned as among the reasons of de
claring our independence, and breaking off our
allegiance to the British crown that George 111.
had endeavored to prevent the population of
these States, that he had obstructed the laws
for the naturalization of foreigners, anil that lie
had refused to pass laws to encourage their mi
gration hither.
If such were considered among the reasons
sufficient to risk a doubtful ami bloody war, "f
how much greater magnitude are those now
presented for the consideration of all liberal
minded men. The offence of (ieo. 111. was at
least at) open one. lie bad refused to pass laws
to encourage the emigration of foreigners. Hut
the new policy is a species of deception un
worthy of the American character. We leave
our constitution as it is, we make no alteration
in our naturalization laws, we invite on the
faith of these guarantees, to be seen and read of
all men, that they should leave their homes,
renounce allegiance to their native land, and
swear allegiance to our own government, when
we mean that the inducements thus held out
are mere cunning devices intended to deceive.
For it is not proposed by those who adhere to
Ihe strange dogma, enuncinated by the new
Mayor of Philadelphia, to change the settled
policy of this nation, by altering the condition
on which the people of other countries are to be
received and adopted as citizens, but a much
more dangerous and unjust ground is assumed.
Its practical workings are to be retrospective.—
It proposes to take from citizens the civil rights
which they have already acquired under the
constitution, by organizing a power to subvert
that instrument. It is an attempt to settio a
policy not recognized in any law of this coun
try, that hereafter no man born crutofthe coun
try shall hold a civil office under the govern
ment—no matter that he has come here upon
the faith of the laws of the land—llo matter
how good his character: how effective his abili
ties: how thorough his education: or how num
erous his virtues—no matter how devoted his
attachments to the constitution; nor how ortho
dox his religion—no matter though he has suf
fered and bled for his adopted country. With
such we are to have no political communion—
we must not listen to their advice nor employ
them in the public service. The standard of
honesty and capacity is to be overlooked—and
the circumstance of birth, and birth alone must
decide who shall fill the offices of the govern
ment.
Here is a disfranchisement of the most obnoxi
ous character. The alien and sedition laws
were passed under the administration of the el
der Adams in tile height of the insolence of fed
eral domination. But they were laws, while
here is a similar policy without the sanction of
law, secret in its operations, tyrannical, un
just and cruel in its results. It is in effect, an
administration of the alien law of black cockade
federalism, without the courage to place it on
the statute book. Its spirit, essence and design
are the same.
The Constitution of the Fnited States autho
rises Congress to pass uniform laws of naturali
zation. It also provides that Congress shall
make no law respecting an establishment of re
ligion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof:
and that no religious test shall ever he required
as a qualification for'any office or public trust
under the United States.
The constitution of Pennsylvania is even
more emphatic. It declares that all men have
a natural and indefeasible right to worship Al
mighty God according to the dictates of their
own consciences—that 110 man can, of right, be
corbelled to attend, erect, or support any place
of worship, or to maintain any ministry, against
his consent —that 110 human authority can, in
any case whatever, control or interfere with the
rights of conscience—that no preference shall
ever be given by law, to any religious establish
ments or modes of worship—and that no person
who acknowledges the being of a God and a
future state of rewards and punishments, shall,
on account of his religious sentiments, he dis
qualified to hold any office or place of trust or
profit under this Common wealth.
thv fabric of by
the patriots of the revolution, rv ' lo understood
what liberty, true liberty, meant, and who pe
rilled "their lives, their fortunes, and their sa
cred honor," in its maintenance. Are we to
do away with this noble feature of our govern
ment by indirection, and establish a test not
known to our constitution and laws, hut antag
onistical to both, and which ran only lead to
political and religious intolerance ?
But treating the question as one merely of
policy, without regard to constitutional right,
has not this liberal feature ot our government
thus early commenced and sanctioned by time,
been attended with the happiest results in the
development of the resources and strengthening
the arm of the nation'! Why should this liber
al policy be now rudely and harshly broken up
and abandoned ?—or why should we be h-ss
generous now when liberal and progressive ideas
in all other respects are warmly cherished as
peculiarly American '? We are aware that we
tnav be pointed to the vices and excesses of an
ignorant and destitute population, who come
into our country unprepared in some respects
for the proper enjoyment of its institutions. We
are free to admit that individuals abuse the
blessings of our government, but this is true of
all native as well as foreign—and surely is no
reason for changing the policy of the govern
ment, lor imposing new conditions upon adopt
ed citizens, or for punishing the just equally
with the unjust.
Indeed it is difficult, when examining this
subject to say who are the most benefitted bv an
influx of foreign population. Our own history
would show that much of our prosperity and
rapid advance to national greatness, has been
accelerated by the talents, energy and produc
tive industry of those of foreign birth. The
debt of gratitde is at least not all on their side.
Have we forgotten the distinguished aid of
adopted citizens and foreigners, in our revolu
tionary struggle ? Have we forgotten the chiv
alrous" services of La Fayette, Montgomery,
DeKalb, Kosciusco and others like them but of
less renown, who perilled life and property in
our behalf, and in behalf of the cause of liberty
and sound republican ideas? Did they not risk
their lives and s~hed their blood for that cause
and for this people ? Have not the labors and
the toils of the adopted citizens, who have
poured into this country in a steady and con
stant stream, made much of our previously un
cultivated lands bloom and blossom as the rose?
Have they not felled the forest, subdued the
rude and unbroken soil, constructed our rail
roads and canals, and largely extended our in
ternal commerce and the bounds of culture and
civilization 1 Are there not to be found among
them as well as among native born citizens,
men of exalted worth, brilliant talents, tow
erm<r genius, who have given us their valuable
services, in all the useful and ennobling pur
suits and profes>ions of life, and from among
whom the ranks of our artists, statesmen and or
ators have been adorned. Is it wis.-, that all
these and such as these, shall he disfranchised,
proscribed on account of their foreign birth, aiui
persecuted for their religious opinions? Have
we nothing to lose by such a policy f
But how is this policy to be administered .
how is this new test to be applied ? and by
whom ? Secretlv and without warning, by
secret, midnight political associations, bound to-
gether by extrajudicial oaths, to do that which
cnu4>£ nothing else in effect, morally, than con
structive treason to the government. They
thus attempt to do, under the clouds of the
night, and by secret political combinations what
they would be ashamed to propose in the light
of day and before the world.
Secret political societies, fellow citizens,
however commendable in design at the outsfart,
must soon degenerate into engines of tyranny
anient rage. The Jacobin clubs of the French
revolution, headed bv Danfon, Murat and
bespierre, made the nation tremble for its exist
ence, while France became drunken with hor
rid crimes, assassination and murder. What pro
tection can the mass of peaceable citizens have
agatnst their secret councils and insidious attacks?
Conspiracies and secret combinations against
the body politic, or the political rights of large
classes of citizens, are as odious in the eye of the
moralist, as conspiracies against the private
rights of the citizen are odious in the eye of the
law. One offence is political and the other pen
al, but there is little if any difference in the
•fr-ad* 1 of criminality. Roth are founded in sel
fishness and disregard of the rights of others.
We have heard much tn days gone by in
Pennsylvania, from large bodies of our people,
in opposition to Secret societies of a purely char
itable and benevolent character, having no po
litical policy or purpose in view. How much
more should that opposition extend to secret as
sociations formed for political purposes alone,
and for political purposes having for their object
the disfranchisement on account of the religious
views of a portion of our citizens.
Secret societies fornwd for political purposes,
the great and good Washington warned us
against it in his farewell address to his country
men. How well he portrays their evils in the
following paragraph.
"However combinations or associations of the*
above description may now and then answer
popular ends, they are likely, in the course of
time and things, to become potent engines by
which cunning, ambitious and unprincipled
men will he enabled to subvert the power of the
people, and tn usurp for themselves the reigns
of government, destroying afterwards the very
engines which lifted them to the unjust domin
ion."
The secret political societies of Washington's
flay, were formed to promote liberty, not to
abridge and destroy it: and yet even these he
reprobated and condemned. How much more
would he dread those of recent organization,
which seem intended to destroy the rights of a
large portion of our citizens, and to estab
lish an arbitrary, partial and unjust ruleof polit
ical and governmental action ?
How totally must associations of this con
tracted and illiberal character fail of accom
plishing any of the desirable objects of govern
ment. The policy of the nation must be aban
doned to its fate, to carry out a bigoted and po
litico-religions frenzy. Forgetting all the great
issues involved necessarily in the administration
of the affairs of this widely extended country,
with diversified interests and wants, in matters
of revenue, finance, trade, commerce, peace,
and war, t xternal or foreign relations and in
ternal police, tbev are endeavoring to bring the
exalted science of political economy down to
an unnecessary and unprofitable scramble about
creeds in religion, with which this government
lias and can have nothing whatever to do,
except to let them alone and protect each one
in its constitutional rights, and to see that mi
norities as well as majorities have the free and
full exercise of their religious opinions. It is
an attempt to introduce a test in political affairs
which must be as uncertain as it is unsatisfacto
ry to all sensible and enlightened men, no mat
ter to which of the two great political parties
they may belong. It is an effort to stultify the
country, and make it forget the history of the
past, and render it unmindful of its glorious des
tiny in the future.
With such allies as these secret associations
afford our Whig friends, many of that party
will he unwilling to co-operate, and they will
turn their faces towards the just, equitable and
uniform principles of the Democratic creed as
laid down by the wise and philosophic Jeffer
son. The principles of the Democratic paity
are benignant, and meets the wants of man in
all the diversified interests of life. They teach
man's equality with his fellow man, and at the
same time they give him humbler views of him
self, they dignify, ennoble, exalt him. They
apply fitly to him as a rational, intelligent crea
ture, who should be the object and care of all
government, and not made to be governed or
created for the government. All just govern
ment is intended for his good, not to oppress
him, but to treat iom equally with the subjects
or people of the same government. It sheds its
blessings alike upon all classes of the communi
ty, the high and the low, the rich and the poor.
Jt knows no distinctions and will tolerate none.
Like the sun in the heavens, or the dews of the
night, <>r the atmosphere which we breathe,
and which constantly surrounds and sustains us,
it isalike benignant and Imuntifulto all.
Such fellow citizens are some of the allies of
the whig party. We may have occasion to
refer to others during the progress of the present
political campaign, little less prescriptive and
intoleiant in their views: or we may perhaps
leave the various fanatical isms of the day to he
met and refuted by our Democratic friends, in
their own way, in their various localities. But
wj- mav venture the general remark, that all
collateral organizations outside of the Democrat
ic party, got up as either moral or political
movements, are soon thrown by the force of
circumstances, by tlie laws and political afliini
ties of minorities, in opposition to that party,
and have for their main object in the end the
prostration of its power and its principles. Let
no Democrat he led away from his political as
sociations, with tli. vain hope of accomplishing
greater good by other organizations. Let no
Democrat desert the standard of the Democrat
ic party—that party which has long guided the
destinies of Pennsylvania and ofthe nation—that
VOL. XXII, NO. 51.
party whose .principles have been tried in the
ore of persecution in the new and old world un
•frii they have become comparatively purified
from all dross and imperfections—that party
on which the government of this country must
ever lean, and in which it must ever confide to
meet the just expectations of the people.
The miserable mushroom associations which
spring up in a night and perish in a day, can
not withstand the public sentiment of the peo
ple of Pennsylvania, or we much mistake their
and have looked into their history in
vain. The people of Pennsylvania are loyal
to the principles of the constitution and to the
constitution itself, and they will show their
loyalty at the approaching election, as they did
in ISSI and 1852, by sustaining the Democrat
ic nominees presented for their consideration
and approval. It is idlp to disguise the fact,
that the Whig party of the North has become
swallowed up and absorbed by its amalgamation
with discordant and anti-republican elements.
It is for the people in their sovereign capacity,
to decide between such materials and the ever
constant and truly liberal Democratic party and
■ policy of the country. It Cannot be doubtful
how that decision will be made by intelligent
freemen.
J. ELLIS BON HAM, Chairman.
George C. Welker, Secretary.
Destruction of Vermin.
Mr. Gordon, the superintendent of the orna
mental department of the London horticultural
society's garden, has ascertained, it seems, that
water heated to a temperature of J4-0 degrees
Fahrenheit, will >stroy the "scale insect,"
with all its young ones, including the eggs: and
this too, without the slightest injury to the hark
of the tree on which the insect feeds. The
method of applying it, is to wet a sponge in the
water, and apply it to the parts of the tree on
which the scab s appear; or with a common sy
ringe.
The following recipe for destroying eater
pi Hers and other similar insects inlesting fruit
trees, was originally announced by Mr. Tatan,
who was rewarded for bis- discovery, nearly
one hundred years ago, by the society of Paris.
Take of common black, or "bar soap," of the
very best quality, 1£ lbs.: flour of suipher, 1J
lbs.; rnushroons of any kind, 2 lbs.; and rain or
river water, 15 gallons. Pour one-half of the
water into a barrel of convenient siz>*, and stir
in tiie soap till it becomes dissolved, and then
add the rnushroons', after tbev have been crush
ed. Next tie up the suipher in a coarse
cloth, with a stone of sufficient weight to cause
it to sink*, and boil it in the other half of the
water, for the space of twenty minutes. While
boiiing, stir the liquid freely, and squrt-ze the
bag of suipher thoroughly, before you take it
out. As soon as the water is taken off the fire,
pour it ir.to tile barrel with the other ingredi
ents, with which it must be well mixed. Stir
the compound at least once a dav till it becomes
fetid in the highest degree, for expei ience has
demonstrated that the older and more offensive
the liquid is, the more rapid and effectual will
be its action. The barrel should be closely
covered at ail times, except when stirring the
liquid, or applying it to the trees. W'hen it is re
quired to use the mixture, it is only necessary
to sprinkle it over the plants or trees, which
may be done very effectually with a garden en
gine or a syringe.
The Suicide in East Abington-
In addition to the particulars published in the
Journal of yesterday, says the Boston Journal,
relative to the suicide of Mr. Nash and Miss
Sampson, in East Abington yesterday morning,
we learn that the deceased were seen walking
together, apparently in a contemplative mood,
between the hours of one and two yesterday
morning, on the margin of the pond in which
they were subsequently found drowned. The
following is a copy of the letter left by Miss
Sampson in her chamber in Stoughton :
My Dear Friend : —lt is with my right mind
that I write these lines and also that which I
am going to do. lam tired of this world, and
so is my own dear friend, so I must say that to
morrow morning I shall be in another world,
but, dear friend, I thank you for your kindness
toward me which has been very great: call on
my spirit.
Our bodies will be found in the East Abing
ton pond, where my own clear companion will
accompany me to another world ; life may be
sweet to you, but I must go v. here my own love
goes. Tell Mr. Morton I thank him also for
his kindness. My best wishes I leave to ail the
children. I did not dream of this, this morning;
but please send this to aunt Chloe which I
leave, and some of them will conie here and
get what money I left to get them here. It is
with pain that I start from here, but I must say
good bye.
My Aunt Chloe and sisters I now leave this
world to yourselves, which 1 hope you will en
joy. Don't think of me only that 1 have gone
with my companion to rest and to meet my Fa
ther, I hope. Here pre mv rings and his in my
trunk, hut all of you need not think you have
led uie to this :it is my own self. Mother, I
hope you will think of Father and me ; so good
bye. Aunt Chloe, T have not forgotten your
kindness, which I guess none of us will doubt.
Don't think of ipe. Good bye Maddy and Jen
ny. We sign our names,
ADRTANNA B. SAMPSON,
ISAAC r. NASH.
At a hotel, a short time since, a girl en
quired of a gentleman at the table if his cup
was out. "No," sifc he, "but my coffee is."
The poor girl was considerably confused, but
determined to pay him in his own coin. While
at dinner, the stage drove up, and several com
ing in, the gentleman asked, "Does the stage
dine here?" "No, sir," exclaimed the giri,
"but the passengers do."