'.
0
Xernife oi" lullleatlon.
Ibb Wywsburo Bi!nmi.iPA!, Office in
Buyers' build ln, ecuil of the Court Hounc.ls puh
Untied every Wednewlny morning, at 9 per
annum, in advaicii, or o If not paid with
In the year. Allnulwrlpltcm nwounl muht
keMtllM nininll.v. No paper will he anl
out of the Htnte unliwi Pl'l for is advance, nnii
nil inch iilwerliitlon" will Invariably be dlacon
tnul at the expiration of the time for. which
"( w! munii''tlonon subjects of loml or nnril
I inturmt ore resneetmuy wmm ito
attention fllVor OI II! 1M Klll'l iiium iii-nriniM.v itr
Lwinpnl-1 by tin name of the author, nut for
Buhlluatlmi, but an KiiarariiyaitaliiMHiiipoalihin.
All iBtten pcrlalnlnn to hulniof the office
muut bnailclriwJ to the Editor
), - -
I Forth Repchlicam.
inB TVIO'S MISTAKE
. When we first started out to write (or Die
'papers,
Our pun, and our ftney cut all . sorts of
capers:
With ardent desires and ambition aspiring.
To bave all the sages and lasses admiring ;
We sent off a few stanzas, both tacy and
dashing,
And expected to hear a most wonderful
crabbing i
But never a sound came back from the office;
Thlnk's we, Mr. Editor, you'll hare nothing
off us,
So we sat down and wrote bun a short
spicy hitter,
And told him Urn I typos ought surely
know better,
Than discard productions ot vnluc and mciit,
And that he lacked sense, uud had better now
hear It.
Ills reply was as calm as the aim of a
gunner ;
To our high aarerutinns it was a dead
stunner,
"Your favor's received, und we doubtless
could sell It,
Httd you toiight your pun lightly to form nnd
to spell it,
i our sheet wo return, not because we
don't need It,
But, anion our plulnness, we're unable
to read It I
Moral.
Now one and all who wish to rise,
From my mUuko lake warning j
We'd rear no castles lo the skies,
While little bricks we're scoruing.
For human life's a ladder high,
Wllh m ny a toilsomo round,
One end is far beyond the sky,
Tho other,! on the ground.
And If yon woiil 1 Its summit reach,
Move cautious, sure nnd slow ;
Thus every step will something teach,
And Wisdom with you go.
Si II i no.
No. 7.
For Hie r.ni'i-ni.HAN.
1!Y A I'KISuNKl!.
The Pud OjRoc.nU was n "in
stitution" of tlic prison. And an ad
mirable Olio it was, too. I put it letter
into it in .Iiiti.', directed to Wavnes
hurg, and it reached it") destination in
February following after I had re
turned homo. A box was fitted up
by the South gitc, into which the let
ters, that were not allowed to eontain
more than one sheet, were dropped,
An incident connected with it Iish been
embodied in poetry by G. II. Ilollis
ter, of Conneetieut. It is so sad, so
liTelikc, so full of interest, that I nm
constrained to give it to my readers.
I havo witnessed almost the exact
counterpart of it.
' No blanket 'round Ills wasted limbs,
Under the rainy sky he Klept ;
While, pointing his envenomed shafts,
Around hlin Heath, thenrchor, crept ;
He dreumed of liiumur, anil held out
Ills hand to eluleli a little bread
That a white angel with a torch,
Anioim the living and the dead,
Heemcd bearing, as he went.
The vision waited him, and he spied
The post-hoy, followed by a crowd
Of fnminlied prisoners, who cried
Tor letters letters from their friends.
(,'rawllhK upon his hands and knees
He heard Ills own name called, and lo I
A letter from his wife he sees I
Clasping for breath heRhrleked aloud,
And lost In nature's blind eclipse,
Faltering amid the auppllunt crowd,
Cani;ht It and pressed It to Ills lips.
A guard who followed, red arid wroth,
And nourishing a rusty brand,
Itevlled him with a taunting oath,
And snatched the letter from his hand.
"First pay the postage, whining wretch."
Despair hud made the prisoner brave :
' Then give mo back my money ,alr !
I urn a cuptlve, not a slave t
you took my money and my clothes,
Take my life, loo but let me know
How Mauy and tiie children ore,
And I will bless you ere 1 go."
The very moonlight through his hands,
As he stood suppllculing, shone ;
And his shurp features shaped tuomaolvcs
Into tt prayer, and such a tone
Of anguish there was In his cry
For wife and ohlldren, that the guard,
Thinking uwn his own passed by,
And left hliu swooning on the sword.
Beyond tho "dead lluo" fell his head,
The eager sentry knew his mark,
And with a crash the bullet sped
Into his brain, and all was dark.
But when he turned his livid ohsok
Up towards the light, the pule lips smiled,
Kissing a ploure fair and mook
That held In either hand a child.
Flowera.
' I was sitting in the parlor alone,
when little Kate, running iu with a
handful of snow-white chrysanthem
ums in her hands that some kind lady
had given her. "Pa," said she "does
God ever forget any thing ?" '"No,
my child why do your ask?" "Be
tsause he forgot I think, to put any soul
into tho beautil'ul flowers, and yet
put one into wicked people, and the
flowers are much prettier and better
than they," I felt thero was uo
chance for argument with a child, -
The temperance clement of society
will he gratified to learn that Gen.
Grant is addicted to the use of no in
toxicating beverages, and in every
Sense of the word is a total abstinence
man. This statement is made on re
liable authority, to nail tho malicious
falsehood ; started by his' enemies
that he was an habitual drunkard.
That man lives most perfectly
whose constant happiness is found in
the conoieusness that, iu doing the best
that he can for every being that is ca
pable of having good done to it.
JAH. 11. SAYEIi.S,
VOL. XI.
detect $NUUfl.
MKTIIOD OF IMPEACH!:!'.
The formal impeachment of the ex
ecutive head of a nation is a spectacle
of rare occurrence in the history ot the
world. The monarchies of the old
world do not provide such a case. Ab
solute and constitutional monarchies
agree in planing tho acts of the mon
arch above tho law, with only this
difference, that in constitutional mon
archies the ministers arc responsible
to the legislature, for all the princely
acts which they sanction by their sig
nature. In the struggle of the Euro
pean countries for lilieral institutions,
tho principle of ministerial responsi
bility occupies a prominent place. The
concession of the principle gives to the
legislature tho right of controlling,
and, if necessary, impeaching, if not
the nominal, at least the actual heads of
tho State. The princplo was laid
down in all the constitutions which,
owed their origin to the revolutionary
movements of 1848, und was last year
reintroduced into Austria.
But though the law-makers in En-,
rope lawlessly endeavored to exempt
the malfeasances of princes from the
operation of the laws, the people have
frequently taken the right of impeach
ment into their own hands. Charles
I. of England, and Louis XVI. of
France, constitute memorable exam
ples of royal im)c;iehmouts in Europe
ami more recently Ijouis I hillippp
and his dynasty were deprived of the
throne by a solemn decree of the rep
resentatives of the French nation.
In republics the president is. only
the first executive officer of the gov
ernment and the possibility of his vio
lating the law is expressly provided
for. Still, cases of the formal im
peachment of a president are exceed
ingly rare. Instances occurred a low
months ago in tho United States oi'
Columbia, whim President Mosrpicra
was deposed and exiled, and in Ec
uador, where the president was im
peached by the House of Representa
tives, nnd censured by the Senate; but
more commonly dissatisfaction with
the president vei.ts in insnrrcion and
civil war. In the United States, the
impeachment of the President is
without precedent. Only once, in
18-h'i, an iilticmpt. was made
against President Tyler but it failed.
Thcr;' have, however, been several
eases of the impeachment of other civil
oliiccrs. In 1 7i 7 , William Blout, a
Senator front Icnncssce, was impeach
ed for having intrigued to tr.niifer
New Orleans to (Irent Britan ; in
in 1803, John Pickering, Justice of
tho District Court of the District of
New Hampshire, was impeached on
tour charges, one of which alleged that
he was a man of loose nianils and
intemperate habits ; in 1805, the im
peachment of Samuel Chase, an Asso
ciate Justice of tho Supreme Court of
the United States, was the cause of
great public excitement ; in ISoO, Jap.
II. Peek, Judge of the District Court
for the District of Missouri, was im
peached of high misdemeanors. The
latest causes are those of Judge Wat
rous, of Texas, who was impeached in
1857, and of Judge West II. Humph
reys, of Tennessee, who in 18G2 was
impeached for complicity in the re
bellion. All these cases constitute
precedents of the impeachment of the
President, which will be conducted in
a similar manner, except that at the
trial of the 1 'resident the Chicf-Juniicc
of the Supremo Court of the United
States must preside. The main points
in the procedure against the President
will, therefore, he as follows:
A committeeappointed by tho House
will appear before the bar of the Sen
ate and officially announce the resolu
tion of impeachment. The President
of the Senate will appoint a Select
Committee of the House. A report
will then be made by the Senate Com
mittee to the Senate. The Senate will
take action, nnd its action will be offi
cially communicated to the House.
The Speaker will appoint a Board of
Managers to conduct the Impeach
ment ; they will carry to the Senate
the articles of impeachment. The ac
tion of the House will be read to the
Senate, which then appoints the time
when it will "resolve itself into a
Court of Impeachment." Each Sena
tor takes the oath that ho will do im
partial justice. The Board of Man
agers of the House being introduced to
the bar of the Court formally present
the articles of impeachment. A sum
mons is issued to the party accused to
answer the articles of impeachment,
fixing tho day returnable, which is
served at least ten days before tho re
turn thereof, The day of the trial
having arrived, the House, resolving
itself into Coinraitte of the Whole,
proceeds iu a body to the Senate
Chamber, and is admitted. The re
turn is read by the Secretary of the
Senate. The trial being completed,
each article is read by the Secretary,
and the roll called, when each Senator
auswerivv"Guilty" or "Not Guilty,"
two-thirds being required to declare
the accused guilty. The decision is
given, and communicated to the ac
cused. If found guilty, the President
will from that moment be deprived of
his 'office, the functions of which will
devolve upou the Presidentof the Sen
ate, the Hou. Benjamin F. Wade, of
Uhio.
The trial of President Johnson will
rank in history as one of the most
celebrated . state trials of all times.
Rarely has tho world watched the
proceedings of a legislative body with
FIRMNESS IN THE RIGHT
so intense an interest as it will watch
the action of Congress in this impeach
ment case, and the decision of the
Senate, whatever it may bo, Hill make
a profound impression throughout the
world.
I.KTTI.B I RO.H Sl'CAUDR (OU'AX.
The following correspondence will
explain itself.
Washixotox, Feb. 15, 1868.
His Excellency, Gov. Baker.
My Dear Sir: I should lie glad
to accept your kind invitation, and
thus enjoy the privilege of looking into
the faces of our representative men of
our organization in Indiana, when they
come together next Thursday in their
biennial convention. But the rules of
the House does not allow its presiding
officer to be absent during its sessions,
and I must, therefore, deny myself this
gr at pleasure.
It may not lie inappropriate, on the
threshhold of the important campaien
belbrc us, to look back for a few min
utes at those deeds and triumphs of
our young and patriotic party winch
are garnered up incur national history,
and which no defamation by our ene
mies can ignore or obscure.
When the Rebellion, with its Demo
cratic President, Democratic Cabinet
officers, and Democratic Generals,
threw down the gauntlet at tile feet of
tho nation they had resolved to destroy,
and when the Democratic leaders of
the Nortfi, in reply, shouted "Xo con
cern," it was tho Union Republican
party that wrote pn its banners "The
last man and the last dollar "if need
be;" nnd tho unconquerable armies
their Congressional legislation called
to the field, finally "coerced" tho Re
bellion into subjection.
In the darkest days of the struggle,
when nt everv street-corner we wore
tauntingly tofd by Democrats, "You
can t conquer the South, there was
one party that never despaired of the
Republic; and that party was tho one
whose delegates now meet at our State
Capital.
When unprecedented and onerous
taxation became necessary to main
tain our credit, to pay nnd supply our
heroic soldiers, anil to keep our flag
flying in the field, we dared todefy the
prejudice which every Democratic
speaker and editor attempted to in
flame against the burdens of taxation;
and thus daring, triumphed.
When conscription laws because a
military necessity, to fill up our regi
ments decimated again and again by
the bul lets of the enemy and the dis
eases of the camp, the siege and the
march, aud when the land was filled
with Democratic denunoiationsof these
laws, we risked popularity, victory,
and all, by defending them as bravely
as our veterans defended the country
in the field.
When Mr. Lincoln ii last struck' at
Slavery as the cause of all our woes, as
well as the right arm of the Rebellion,
and when Democratic orators and
writers most scandalously and persist
ently calumniated us as having con
Verted the war for the Union into an
abolition war to free negroes, we fear
lessly allied our cause to that of tho
humble and the helpless ; and Provi
dence rewarded us for our fidelity by
that brilliant succession of triumphs
which gave salvation to the Union, as
well as freedom to tho slave.
When the National Convention of
onr opponents atdiicago dared to hang
out the white flag of surrender, by.
proclaiming the war a failure, and de
manding an immediate cessation of
hostilities, we promptly accepted the
issue. And the soldier with his
cartridge-box, and the vot6rs with the
ballot-box, united in stamping their in
dignant condemnation on the disgrace-
fui avowal.
. When the Government was com
pelled to issue bonds by the hundreds
of millions for the preservation of our
national existence, Democrats ridiculed
them as worthies, and cautioned the
people against risking their means in
them. But the loyal people were deaf
to their warnings ; and now the same
party denounce them as having made
too good au investment in their pur
chase. When "greenbacks'' were authoriz
ed by a Republican Congress, w ho can
forget the Democratic predictions that,
it would ultimately take a hatful of
them to buy a hat? And now they
have the assurance to seek to make
political capital out of their popularity.
When the XXXIXth Congress re
jected the President's policy of recon
struction, and insisted on one which
should embody constitutional guaran
tees for the future, with full protection
for all who loved the flag and the
Union, our enemies denounced us as
wishing to postpone reconstruction.
Abie these same Democrats, with their
ally the President, are striving to put
every possible stumbling-block in the
way of the return of theso self-exiled
States.
When "the XIYth Article" was
proposed as an amendment to the Con
stitution embodying no mandatory
suffrage enactment, but protecting
equally the civil rights of all, native
born and naturalized j making a voter
in Indiana just as potential as one iu
South Carolina, and no more ; nnd
barring the door of the Treasury
against any payments for emancipated
slaves or tho Rebel debt the whole
Denioeratio party denounced it, and
urged the South to spurn it, as they
did. Now the two Democratic States
of Kentucky and Maryland demand
payment, out of the people's taxes in
AS GOD GIVES lis T(J lH THE
WAYALSBUtG, PA., WEDNESDAY, MARCH 4, I.
tho Treasury, for the sluves the nation
emancipated ; and tho two Demo
cratic Legislatures of Ohio und New.
Jerey endeavor to withdraw the assent
ot those states to the beneficent Con
stitutional Amendment, leaving the
door open for tho presentation ol these
Democratic claims if a Pemoeratio
Congress could bo chosen.
I will not extend this letter by a
defense of the Congressional policy of
Reconstruction, for Senator Morton's
able vindication of it has covered the
whole ground unanswerably. Suffice
it to say, that Congress, having au
thorized the suffrage of every free man
in tho Southern States, Rebels aud all,
except those who, by violating ollieial
oath, had added perjury to treason,
and the Denioeratio party having de
nounced us for this limited and tempo
rary disfranchisement, the same pnrty
shouts its rejoicings over the fact that
the remainder of the unrepentant
Rebels in Alabama have recently aud
voluntarily ditfrimJiid theawlrea, in
the vain attempt to prevent the re
organization of that State on a loyal
basis.
Nor is this all. Tho President
now in full tynipatLy with the same
Democratic party which opposed his
election tne samo person, who, ns
a candidate, declared that treaso-j
should be made odious, but who, Chief
Magistrate, is the hope and admiration
of every Reliel in the land whose
oath binds him "to take care that the
laws be faithlnlly executed," and who
keeps it by striking down officer after
officer for the performance of this duty
who retains in office aud under
salary as his Attorney General a
gentleman who says publicly that he
will not appear before the Court to
defend "tho laws" from hostile attack
(despite his aiiti-Stauton message, in
which ho claims that these Executive
officers should be in unison with him)
stand at last self-convicted before the
country as having striven to induce
the General of our Armies to defy a
law he did not himself dare to resist.
Signally failing in this, his Democratic
supporters unite in hitter denunciations
of that single-hearted and illustrious
officer, with epithets which I will not
soil these pages by repeating. But the
heart of the country, always generous
and just, turns toward thisgallant ami
slandered commander, with even more
affection than before, and longs for the
hour when, at tho ballot-box, the
people will vindicate his fair fanii
from tho-o malignant a-persions, and
call him to that seal of power and
responsibility which lias been honored
by the Father of the Country that our
greatest soldier saved.
And the Congress, to whoso fidelity
and inflexible fmiiiicvs the nation,
despite the criticism of friend or foe,
owes the .prevention of Rebel recon
struction in the South, will, instead ot
taking any backward step, "speak to
the people that they go forward "
until every star on our banner paled
though they may have been by treason,
shall shine with that brilliancy which
only loyalty insures. Very tritely
youre, Schuyler Colfax. "
.r.uno-Ni -pRF.si.it'Y.
It is now forty cr fifty years since
the possession of property as a qualifi
cation for voting was generally abolish
ed. From that auspicious day, this
country has been ruled, not by its
wealth, but by its laboring white mass
es. The great majority of this class
have owned little or no property be
yond their household cfl'eets ami the
implements of their several vocations.
Generally possessing the rudimen's of
learning, treipientiy well educated, and
often exhibiting rare intellectual at
tainments, they have been guided in
their political action by keen instincts
and common sense, which have more
tha supplied the place of the lore
taught at the uuiversiiies. Mingling
among and sympathizing wiih this
class, have been seen not a little of the
genius and culture of the country, also
poor in this world's goods, but rich in
those inierishable gifts and acquire
ments that wealth cannot buy. To
these two classes, possessing no appre
ciable property, and especially to the
labeling masses, the Republic is in
debted for its rapid growth, its vast
resources, its gigantic power, its bril
liant fame, and the success wherewith
it has vindicated the wisdom and ener
gy of a political system that protects
alike the poor and the rich, the weak
and the strong, and confers equal
rights upon all.
In the future as in the past, the
destiny of this country will be con
trolled by the white laboring mosses.
Those who assert that it is about to be
subjected to the rule of the black race,
pay a poor compliment to the solid
sense and superior numbers of those
who have governed it so long and so
well. Let us impale this bugbear on
nine digits. ',
The number of voters in tho United
States is about 5,800,000. This ag
gregate is obtained as follows : The
votes cast by the loyal States ior Presi
dent in 1854 were 4,Q?4,80. The
number given in 1360 by the 11
rebel States that did not vote in 1SG4
was 1,047,500. Add to these two
sums 100,000 for the increase iu the
North since 1864, and 730,000, the
estimated number of negroes recently
enfranchised, aud Uie aggregate is
,912,289. Deduct therefrom 100,000
for rebels temporarily disfranchised,
and the balance is 5,812,289. .
Now the whole number of negro
voters in the United States does not
BIGHJMo.
exceed 800,UOOv Hence the white j
votera exceed th Muck full 0,000,000
or in tn propurtiok of more than 0
In the NorlrV, rtero voters are so
few as not to be an appreciable quan
tity. "When tho Southern whites
abandon, ;os thev will at the earliest
opportunity, their Eiiicidul policy of
non-voting, there will not -be more
than one State South Carolina and
aftea short time not even one, where
in tho black voters will not be in a
minority, while in nearly all of theui
the whites will be in a large majority.
In the 10 old "slave Stntes,,J. their
majority will be full G00.000, or near
ly 2 to'l the white vote being about
1 ,350,000 ; nnd the black about 730,
000. So stand tha figures to-day. For
obvious reasons, the difference in fa
vor of tho whites will rapidly increase
from year to year. These facts laugh
to scorn the simulated tear taut me i '.am mar. it wouiu ue put. iicuee,
whole Union, or any section of it, is in j we earnestly protest against all taxing
the i-lightest danger of being subjected ; and repudiating devices, because tney
to "negro supremacy." And thus wc ' tend inevitably to prevent o ir ftiiid
wesec'tliat.whcn dragged into the light, 1 ing the Debt at the I nvest po-: ib!e
this horrid snectro turns oat to be the ! rate.
veriest phsnton ever conjured up
morbid imagination.
rixAXX-ruiiT TBvriis.
bv
As questions of Finance have be
come of primary importance in our
Government, and are destined to be
largely influential in our politics, we
desire to fix in the public mind cer
tain elemental truths w hich all citizens
should know and comprehend. These
truths are briefly set forth as follows:
I. Our country owes a National j
Debt of about Twenty-five Hundred
Millions of Dollars, most of which.
was incurred in putting down the
Slaveholders' Rebellion, A small
portion was incurred fifteen ' years
earlier, in prosecuting a War with
Mexico ; but most of it is the cost of
our gigantic War for tho Union.
II. A largo minority of our people
condemned, and still condemn, that
War as needless and aggressive. Presi
dent Buchanan's Attorney -General
Black (now "squat like a toad" at the
ear of Andrew Jonson) officially der
clarcd that, though no State had a
constitutional right to withdraw from
the Union, still, if a State saw fit to
withdraw, there was no constitutional
power in the Government to prevent
or resist it, And a very large pro
portion of what u now called the
Denioeratio party held that it was
unjust and unconstitutional to "coerce
the ".South." Those who so thought
and felt who believe that the Con
stitution was violated in putting down
the liebcllion, ami who recognize in
the loans made by citizens and aliens
to our Government an indispensable
clement of "coercion" will naturally
be disposed to get rid of paying the
Debt if they can. They will catch at
every pretext and magnify qvery ex
cuse for defrauding tho public credi
tors. III. The National Debt is mainly
due to our own citizens, though a con
siderable proportion of it lias been
transferred to Europe. Whoever
holds National Bank notes is indirect
ly a public creditor, since the payment
of those notes is secured by a deposit
of" Government bonds). Every widow
or orphan who has property iu the
hands of executors, administrators, or
trustees, is deeply interested in the
Debt ; lor the Currency must neces
sarily he debased us the Debt is likely
to be repudiated. Let it be officially
declared that the Debt is payable in
greenbacks, and that these are to be
augmented in volume in order to
make such payment easy, and cun
ning, crafty, unprincipled men will
enormously enrich themselves by pay
ing oif th"ir trust obligations at twenty
to thirty cents on the dollar. Every
one w ho has money in a savings bank,
or in bonds of any kind, haia direct
and vital interest in the maintenance
of the public faith pledged to the
bondholders. It will not be found
possible to repudiate the Debt without
unsettling and . upheaving all the
foundations of property nnd industry.
Every man who has anything to lose,
or who tries to live by honest indus
try, has a vital interest in the main
tenance of the Public Faith.
IV. The Debt is too large to be
conclusively repudiated. A popular
voto to cheat the public creditors
might stop tho payment of principal,
and even of interest, for a year or two
if might destroy the public credit
and deeply disgrace the National char
acter but the Debt would neverthe
less remain, and would ultimately be
paid for this, if for no other reason,
that more pemon trou'd lozthan
would gain by it rtpudiution.
V. Our own decided choice was
and would be to pay the Debt prompt
ly. We have no faith in financial
expedients or devices. We do not
believe a National Debt to be a bless
ing any more than any other debt.
Incidentally, it may havo some good
influences j nevertheless, we regard it
as a burden, to be borne with patience
while it must, and paid off so soon as
it can be. Aud we have proved that
it need not be a perpetual burden, by
paying off Two Hundred and Fifty
Millions of principal since the War
ended. We havo done this while
struggling under a heavy load of local
debts for bounties, &o., which we have
also in good part paid off. At least
Five II und red Millions of War Debts.
local and general, have been paid off
since the Kebel armies surrendered,
m so.
V.
though oar -pwraent". forvbouiitieB
to soldiers, eco., A fxve ..uho been
large. At least ono -eighth; n pro,.
bably one-sisth, of til the put)
aonis coniiuciea during tnu v ur
have since been paid. We would
prefer to go on paying, so as to have
paid ott tlic last cent before 1880.
But the clamor for reduced taxation
prevail?, nnd wo submit.
VI. Siueo it is settled that our
National Debt is not to be paid off
directly, our first care should be to
fund it at the lowest possible rate of
intere.it. I ho diuereuce betweeu bix
per cent, and four per cent, interest, if
employed as a sinking fund, would
pay off the principal within the next
thirty years cerLainly, inside of forty.
Great "Hritain could readily fund her
entire Debt to-morrow at four per
cent,, and h's is larger than ours.
Wo ought to bo able to fund ours at
four percent, if it were perfectly ccr-
VII. Tlii Debt is now mainly
funded in "Five-Twenties" that is,
bonds which pay six per emit interest
in coin, aud which the Government
may pay off when they have run five
years respectively, but need not pay
off till they shall have run twenty
years. Tho five years is now begin
ning to expire; so that the Govern
ment may pay oil' these bonds so fast
as it can borrow the money at lower
rates Whenever it can borrow at 5, at
4 i, or at 4 per cent., it. can say, in
perfect good faith, to every holder of
a "Five-Twenty" which has run more
than five years, "Surrender your
bonds, and take instead new ones nt
the lower rat-.i of interest we otl'i r, or
we will borrow of others and pay you
oil'." Aud, so long as tho new bonds
an above par, every holder of Five
Twenties will noea-sirily tu!;o these
new boad i rather than bo paid oil',
because, if hu doe, not choose to hold
them, he can sell them and pocket the
premium. And tho process of fund
ing may thus go on, so fast as the five
years expire, until, within three or
four years nt furthest, our cntivc
National Debt will be drawing
iweniy, iiurty, or rorty iuiiiioiis
less interest than now, according as it
shall he funded at 4, 41, or 5 per cent.
VIII. The dodge of paving uli' the
D-'bt in Greenbacks will, of coilrsc,
i crush out all hope ot this. Nobody
will lend us money if they sec that we
are bent on cheating our present cre
ditors. Some 1'ivclo Eight Hundred
Millions of our Debt are now held in
Europe,by capitalists who never saw a
greenback, ciiui-ot use a greenback,
and took our promiso to pay so many
dollars in the sense which the words
bear throughout the civilized world.
True, some of them bought our bonds
at a heavy discount ; but they did so
when wc were struggling dubiously,
desperately for National existence-,
an') when our prospects were gloomy
indeed. They took the risk of our
success, when nine-tenths of their daily
associates believed and predicted that
we should go down, and that our
Debt would never be paid. Let us
treat them now with good faith, and
we can borrow at favorable rates
should wc ever again be iu need.
Nothing contributed so much to blast
the credit of the Confederacy as the
fact that its President bad helped
repudiate the Public Debt of Missis
sippi. IX. Thousands are now winking
nt the greenback dodge, who would
not like to be caught with stolen sheep
on their ba'.ks. They think they
mean to be honest after a fashion ; but
they know it is a sorry fashion. They
have a notion that they tun stop when
half-way down Niagara and float up
again if they will. But, iu fitet, if wc
cntewupon a carer of Repudiation, wc
shall not stop hrtlf-wav. The National
Debt will either be wliolly repudiated
or honestly paid. Wc insist that it
will have to be paid, even though we
should cover ourselves with disgrace
by attempting to repudiate it.
X. Finally, whenever the Ameri
can People de-ido to repudiate, they
wilt intrust the job to the Democratic
party, as they should.- Any Repub
lican who co'piotts with this form of
villainy will find when too late that
he is fielping the Sham Democracy
Linto power. Tribune.
huldirm run.
Among the "wild Irishmen" in the
Union regiment known as tho Na
tional Zouaves, was one Fitzgerald a
decided original,.- and better known
among his comrades as "Dublin."
One evening after retreat roll-call
the orderly serge int gave the usual
order: "Without doubling, right
face."
All faced as ordered, except Fitz
gerald. The sergeant then demanded his
reason for not obeying the com
mand. ,
Said he: "Ba labors, an' ye said,
'without doublin 'right face,' au' I
thought, shure, yes meant without
mc." . -
Feom Be I'eUa Oazdla wa .learn
that "de Mcthediste Gemcentehield 1.
1. Dingsdag avond Kirk tot midder
nacht toe i zij duchten zeker I .'Het
eind goed allee good I -,
. M$ BeecheB's Norwood will bj
issued in book form by C. Scribner &
Co., New York for $1 50,
Tenus ol Advcrtlslngr .
AND . . , I
J O B W O R K . U
Anvfuthhmfxt Imti rtr,) nt fcl !fl per !qnr
fvr lhr imwritrtrtu, end W en p-r frttiftr
fttrwh adtiitional inn-mont un linn rr If
eounirl a iniu-iv, AH transient ailrertlsemtmttf
to pa'd for in adVRiiC' ... .. - .
l:rsTs-rs Krytrw ct mi'Mr lh hfpt r.f Inpftl" '
nen will he chnrcci Invariably xo crntat Una -j
for Pm-li lniortlon. -
A IMwi-nl dtluiM ton made lo rwrsoh RilwrtlK.
lnKhyit'." qiiHrti'r, halM-fnr or yenr. p--otut
nut-4 Wituq,4 ouu-luiir aiuv tliauu&uiurad
vt itl?.'mrn3. '
Job FKijiiixnnfcvrryklr.d !n PlMiund rn
y aitnm; IlnndHH, Bbnko.fVrrt Pamphl '
t, nt' every variety ami styl, pilntrdnt t))
Bhirtpirt Tho RT:mi.trAN Ornrr hia
Just ln re-mtM, and I've ry thinu in tlie l'tiri
In? lire pnn v pxtvntrd In th nvl urthUo '"'
manncrt'n.i nt t ;to lowest mw
. y mmmm i ! -mmnm tmmmm rmmm wi mtm
From tli SouiR.1 Fiuxkd.
inr ir.tE,
Mrr from n snlilini !n ! Wfr
.v.i 111 V 1 1 V tJW
tltMuk' "IfitWert will go Demo
Cr'!"! rf aioritv, on account
rtliesMUh.nibrTlgh on this Con
gross M Act 1Kfl I1(;s rlein. and
will go ,u. hrtu.. mon wm wahrivo
them bounties aUvh those tlmE
waited to the end of the rt. , ; 5.j
We ask, in all fairnws yf 'th'ij.j; , .
diem of tho great West, Tv-ftv'?
If it be, it sinnuuta fiuipiy to this, - ,
that the patriotic, hemic, rtrohitc nun .
whit cnlibied because tlity were heroic
mid resolute, proptwe to sell f'tnn-
i selva to the party that spit upon them
lelused to let them vote because they
were soldiers refused them aid where ,
they could niaks a refusal good for ,
anything ; dciionneed them as hirlir.y;.i
ninrik'tcrs, freehooteis, and invaders;
cneouraced the eiicinv by tverv nrti-
j lice iu their power, and kept ii a lire ;
in the ivar l.y vints, burnings', ami
murders tit home. These "Boys in
Blue," huvir.g letiirned to their homos
now propose to Congress to give them
au additional bounty thn amount is
not stated,) iu order to buy thrir t ote '
for the jvu iy of union, fiecdoiu, and
peace. If this Congress, in the pres-
,ent embarrassing condition of the
commerce, linancc, and industry of
the country, hsnn!cs at the task of
adding two or three hundred millions
ofdolhii's perhaps five hundred mil
lions to the debt, these men will sell ,
themselves to their enemies fur .(lair
promise to ioy aaadditionul bt unty!
Is it true, .John A Logan ? Is is true,
Stephen A. Ilurlliuit '.' Is it true,
illiam T. Sherman? Shades of Ly
on, and Baker, and McPherson! Is
it true, comrades of i lie West,
We have on our table the La Crotsc
Democrat. Its liteary stylo is capable
of improvement. As to its politics,
we submit a few ot comments on Pres
ident Lincoln, iu order to show our
readers what the lending organ of "De
moe.acy" says s ' -
Lincoln is theembodimetit, entomb- '
cd, of all that is vile, cruel, tyrannical
bloody, infamous, damnable ; the in
carnate tlend of lladical treason, sent
to his account with all his crimes upon
his head, a sacrifice to appease the an
ger and satisfy the vengeance of a be
trayed, insulted, and outraged peo
ple. Returning his sardonic thanks to a
Union editor for something iu which
allii:oii was made to thcasassin Booth
ho says :
John Wilkes could do it "more
graccfullcr" than wc; but Johnny, for
obvious reasons, is absent from tho
Republic he so signally arid gloriously
befriended ; therefore on us devolves
the pleasing task of saying, "Thank ;
you."
Hero is a "Demooratio tribute to
Abraham Lincoln, a man who?o heart
melted with pity over every human
woe, and stouped to hear the pl"a of a
child, the petition of ti poor slave, tho
sigh and prayer of a widowed mother
of a soldier; and in all the cares and '
burdens of. his olliec, could hear the .
whispers of mercy and love, as ho
sought to deal gently with the enemies
of ins country. . ;
From the hour the infamous Snn
gaiuinon fanatic sneaked through Bal
timore, like a coward, to trifle, with
perjured lips, Im outli ol ntti.v, to tho
timo when, w it h (jjaiicilin grin, he"
d from a theatre-box on the anni
versary night of the death of our sa-
viour of men, he was heartless heart
less ho lived, heartless he died.
These arc hut straws blown by tho
pestilential breath of La Crosse De
mocracy over the prairies of the West.
Is it true that her heroic legions, who
have rendered the soil eaercd with
tiieir blood, mingled with that of their
eomradis who laid down their lives,
will now swell the recruiting parties
of a political enemy whoso flag floats
over such a camping-pound as this.
Is it true? lie do not believe it, but
shall be glad to hear from our friends.
At this present moment, we, are in
clined to say that any soldier, West
or East, is to opted by the promise of
su. h u party to p iy a hundred or two
dollars, und is wining, to work for it
the sooner lie goes over the better.
But if he cares a straw for his own
pride, he hud better secure a contract
written in blood, that the same party
will not pay a "larger bounty to tho"
"Boys in Gray," against whom he ,.
fought. Poor fellows! They havo
not had any bounty yet ; and the man
who wc uld denounce Uu.on Soldiers aa :
"Hell-hounds" would take good care '
that his favorite friends of whom,
Booth was the "gentlemanly represcu ,
tativo, should get their "rights.
Ou'l'ii.Uy aP.9:mualast, Mr. B. P. Pajmn,
wlil'c ttnuding at tho ennutur. In Mr. Jolip CJ,
Jolmsou'i btora, hi Mor; intuwu, way. cf.
duntally ht bv a Mr. Brent, rihl WM f'
examining a pistol, tiik( who bu'. 'cocVeJ It
cj stumped to cock It, but 'wIwm thum t
sllppca off ilia cock. Tug ball eatcrsd. the 1
rigni iiuo. passing turnup bi, bxl CBUslD t
hi dent It in half hop-.. TUe s'.r.t w. nPuiJ .
acrt'lcnlHl. . Unles-A'i a nl'tud fourchlldreo
ber cf tli Uaptij cuurcn.-JfcrjM
Poit.
. ' .' ' ;
Tns td':,rof th9 Morgantown Jh$t 1st
benib,.)WB Pfriaw-of bat!ul marhte,
UYi)td lu Pundleumooauty , It U of I
.ight grevj, coior tM(Jer ai flner ihaa
IUlUa marblti." It la said that Uiero is 4
mut.atala of this vnstble, covsrieg a baas of 1
I, wo torts, and rising lo hlght of Soo ft