Teruin ot" I'uhlioution. " " 7 . , . f .
Turn WAYSKuana Itm-i-nut ax. Office In
foyer' butldlnv, eoat of Die Court House, U pub-
llahcd avury Wednesday morning, nt 8a per
annum, m advari k, or 81 SO If nut paid with
in thej-enr. Allaabaerlptlon account mist
fcrarttlMl anauallr. No paper will be m ill
out of Che State unlvu paid for in ADYAsrfc, ami
nil hik-Ii ubnerlptloiiH will Inrurinbly be disc-on-tlmn-U
nt the expiration of tlio time for which
they are paid,
I'liiiiniuiilcntl'mxnn anlijecta nt local or general
liiterext are ivsn- -trully Ktllclta. To ensure
attention fiivnrs or tills kind must lnvnrlnblv be
aei-umintnied by tlie mime of the author, not for
liublli-.itlon, but an Kiinmnty against imposition
All letters pertaining to lmsiii..,ss"f ttig mike
roiiHt lie nd'lri'iwt'd to the Ktlltor
poetry.
WHAT 151 lit I.H;l t
Iait to go to clinrvli to-iay,
To keep devout nnj seem to pny,
And ere tu-morrow'a sun goes down
Be den ling slander tlirotigli the town 1
Does cmy sanctimonious face,
Denote llu certain reign of grace r
Uocs not a puts which seowls ut sin
Ofl veil hypocrisy within?
Is It to Inkc our daily wnlk,
And of our own good deeds to talk;
Vet often, practice secret crime,
And thus mis-spend our precious lime ?
Is it for etc! and creed to fight,
To call our zeal the rule of right,
When what wo wish Is at the best,
To see our Church excel tho rest ?
Is it to wear the clnUi.-in dress.
And love t ) all mankind profess.
To treat with si ni the humble poor,
And har ngainst thctn every door?
Ob no ! religion means not Ibis,
Its fruit more sweet find fairer is:
lis prec pis this to others do
As you would have them do to you.
It grieves to hear an ill report,
And scorns with lut.mn woes to sport j
Of others deeds it speaks no ill.
But tells of good or else keeps still.
Political,
. l-tttiiit:.Ts MtssiGt:.
Frlloir-C'itlxm of tlie Senate and llovnt
of HcpremnUitircH :
Theoontiniicd disorganization of the
Union, to which the President has so
often called the attention of Congress,
is yet n subject of profound political
concern. We may, however, find some
relief from that anxiety in the reflec
tion that this painful political situ.i
' tion, although before untried by our
selves, is not new in the experience of
nations. Political science, perhaps as
.highly perfected in our own time and
"country as in any other, has not yet
disclosed any means by which civil
wars can be absolutely prevented. An
enlightened nation, however, with a
wise and benifieent constitution of free
government, may diminish their fre
quency nnd mitigate their severity by
directing nil its proceedings in suvord
nncs with its fundamental law. When
clV4l war lias been brought to a elos ,
it is manifestly the first interest an 1
duty of the Shite to repair the injuries
which the war has inflicted, and to se
cure the benefit of the lessons it teach -s
as fully and speedily us possible.
This duty was, upon the termination
of the rebellion, promptly accepted, not
only by the Executive Department,
but by the insurrectionary States them
selves : and restoration in the first
moments of nence was believed to be
ns easy and certain as it was indispon-!
sable. Expectations, however, then''1"' elkvt, directly or indirectly ,ol sepa
o reasonably and confidently enter-
tainod, were disappointed by legisla
tion from which I felt constrained by
iy obligations to tho Constitution to
withhold my assent. It is, therefore,
source of profound regret that, in
complying with the obligation impos
ed upon the President by the Constitu
tion, to give the Congress from time
to time, information of the suite of the
Union. I ant unable to communicate
any defumte adjustment, satisfactory to
the American people, of questions,
M-kirh, since the close of the rebellion,
have agitntcd the mind. On the con
trary, candor cornels me to declare,
that all this time there is no Union,
as our fitthers understood the term,
aud as they meaut it to be understood
by us. The Union wdiieh they estab
lished, can exist only where all the
States ait; represented in both Houses
of Congress, and where one State Is
as free as another to regulate its inter
nal conecrns, according to itsownwill,
and where the laws of the central gov
ernment is strictly confined to matters
of national jurisdiction, and apply with
equal force to all people of every sec
tion, nnd that such is not the present
tatcol tlie union, it is a melancholy
fact, and we nil must acnowledgc that
the restointion of the States to their
mroncr nnd legul relations with the
Federal government, and with one an
other, according to the terms of origi
nal compact, would be the greatest
temporal blessing which God iu his
kindest Providence could bestow upon
this nauan. It becomes our impera
tive duty, to consider whoiher or not,
it is impossible to effect this most de
sirable consummation. The L monniid
institution arc inseparable, ns long ns
ono is obeyed by nil imrtiee, the other
will be preserved, and if one is destroy
ed, both must perish together. The
lcstruction of the Constitution will be
followed bv other and still greater ca
lamities. It was orduined not only in
form a more perfect Union between
the States, but to establish justice and
domestic tranquility, provide for the.
common defeuse, promote the general
welfare, and secure tho blessings of
liberty to ourselves nnd our posterity.
Nothing but implicit obedience to its
requirements in all parts of the coun
try will accomplish these great ends,
and without that obedience we can
look forward only to continued out
rages upon individual rights and in
cessant breaches of the public ncacc.
national weakness, financial distress,
total loss of our prosperity,vcncral cor
ruption in our morals, and -the final
extinction of popular freedom. To
save oar country front evils so appal
ling as these we should renew our ef
forts again and again.
" To me the process of reconstruction
aeemt perfectly plain and simple. It
consists merely tu a faithful applica-
JA. hAMAiS, FIRMNESS IX THE RIGHT AS GOD GIVES US TO SEE THE KIG11 T. Lhwoln.
VOL XI.
turn of tho Constitution nnd laws,
and ns the execution of the laws is not
now olistructcd or npposed by physi
cal force, there is no military or other
necessity, real or pretended, which can
prevent obedience to the Constitution,
either Xortlt or South. AU rights
and nil obligations of btatcs nnd nidi
viduals etui be protected nnd enforced
by means perfectly consistent with
fundamental law. Courts may be
everywhere open, nnd if open, their
process would lie unimpeded, and
crimes against the United Statesean be
prevented or punished by proper judi
cial authorities in n manner entirely
practicable and legal. Tnere is, there
fore, no reason why tho Constitution
.-should not be obeyed, unless those who
exercise its powers have determined
that it shall be disrejiardcd and isolat
ed as the mere naked will of the Gov
ernment, or of some one or more of its
branches, in any obstacle that can exist
to perfect the I ,nion ot till the States
on the momentous qutstion, nnd sonic
of tlie measures growing out ot it, I had
the minfortunc to differ from Congress,
and have expressed mv conviction
without reserve, though with becoming
deference to opinions of the Legislative
Department, those conviction were
not only unchanged, but strengthened
by subsequent events, and further re
flections of transcendent importance to
the subject. It will be a sutlieient ex
cuse for calling vour attention to sonic
of the reasons which have so strongly
influenced my own judgment. I hope
that we may nil finally concur in a
mode of sett lenient, consistent at once
with our true interests and with our
sworn duties to the Constitution. It
is too natural and too just to be easily
relinquished. It is clear to my appre
hension that the States lately in re
bellion are s'ill members of the
National Union. When did they
cease to be so '.' Ordinances of seces
sion adopted by a portion in most of
them a very small portion of their citi
zens were nullities. If we admit now
that they were valid and effectual for
purposes intended by their authorities,
we sweep from under our feet the
whole ground upon which wo justified
the war. Were tiiese States afterwards
expelled from the Union by the war?
Directly the contrary was averred by
thistiovernment to be its purpose, and
was so understood by all those who
gave their blood and tro'isure !o aid in
its prosecution. It rami"! be that t
successful war waged for the preserva
tion nt the L. moil, had the legal ellect
. j- I ' . . 1 . . . . n't . n , i
oi dissolving it. ine victory 01 tiie
nation's arms was not a disgrace of her
polity. The defeat of secession on the
battle-field was nota triumphof its law
less principle, nor could (mgrcs, with
or without the consent of the hxecu-
tiv(,i 1' anything which would hay
'"'ting the States from each other, lo
dissolve the Lnion, is lo repeal the
Constitution which holds it together,
and that is a power which does not be
long to any part of this Government
or to all of them united. This is so
plain that it has beenaeknowletlgcd by
all branches of the Federal Govern
ment. My predecessor, as well ns my-
selt and the heads ot nil the depart
nients, have uniformly acted upon the
principle that the Lnion is not only
undissolved but iiidissol liable. Con
gress sub.iiitte I a:i nniendment of the
Constitution to be ratified by the
Southern States, and accepted their
acts of ratification as a necsssary nnd
lawlul exercise of their highest func
tion. 1 f they we're not States, or were
States out of tho Union, their consent
to a change in the fundamental law of
the Union would have been nugatory
and Congress, in asking it, committed
political absurdity. Ihe Judiciary
lias also given the solemn sanction of
its authority to ttie same view of the
ease. The Judges of the Supreme
Court Have included the Southern
States in their circles, nnd thev nre
constantly.in bane and elsewhere exer
cising jurisdiction which does not be
long to them unless those States are
States of the Union. If the Southern
States nre component parts of the
Union, the Constitution is supreme law
for them ns well as for nil other States
they nre bound to obey it and so nre
we. Hight of Federal Government
of which is clear nnd unquestionable
to enforce the Constitution upon them
and impliescorrellative obligations on
our part to observe its limitations nnd
execute its guarantees. Without the
Constitution we are nothing. I5y,
through and under the Constitution
we arc what it makes us. We may
doubt the wisdom of law, we may not
approve of its provisions, but we can
not violated merely because it seems
to confine our powers within limits
najower than we could wish. It is
not a question of individual or class or
sectional interest, much less of party
forbearance, but of dutv, hip-h aud sa
cred duty, which we are all sworn to
perform. If we cannot support the
Constitution with the cheerful alacrity
of those who love and believe in it we
must irive to it at least the fidelity of
public servants who act under solemn
obligations nnd commands which thev
lure not disregard. Constitutional
duty is not only one which requires
Status to bo restored, but there is an
other Constitution which though of
minor importance is ret of great
weight. On tlje 22d of July 1861,
Congress declared by an almost unani
mous vote of both Louses that the war
should be conducted solely for the pur
pose of preserving the Union and
maintain the supremacy of the Feder
al Constitution and laws without im-1
WAYMlSlSUtti,
pairing the dignity and equality nnd
rights of States or individuals, and
that when this was done the war should
cense. I do not say that this declara
tion is personally binding on those
who joined in making it, any more
than individual members of Congress
arc personally bound to pay a public
debt created under a law for which
they voted ; but it was a solemn pub
lic official pledge of national honor. I
cannot imagine upon what grounds re
pudiation of it is to be qualified. If
it be said that we nre not bound to
keep faith with rebels, let it be under
stood that this pledge was not made to
rebels only ; thousands of true men in
the South were drawn to our standard
by it,andjhundreds of thousands in the
North gave their lives, in the belief
that it would be carried out. It was
made on the day after the first great
battle of the war had been fought and
lost. All patriotic and intelligent men
then saw the necessity of giving such
an assurance, nnd believing that with
out it the war would end in disaster
to our cause. Having given that as
surance in our extremity nnd peril, n
violation of it now in the day of our
power would be n ru do rendering of
that good faith which holds the moral
world together. Our country would
cease to liave any claim upon the con
fidence of men. It would make the
war not only it failiu-e, but a fraud.
ii-iii nun.in.-i :.im IIH-I U ih;ii lln-Sf
views are correct, I would ho tinfiiitli-
tul to my duty il 1 did not recommend
toe repeal u inose -ei.s ot Longress
which plaee ten of the Southern States
tinder the domination of military mas
ters. If calm reflection shall satisfy a
majority of your honorable bodies thnt
the acts referred to are not only a vio
lation of national faith, but in direct
conflict with the Constitution. I dare
not permit myself to doubt that "you
will immediately strike them from the
statute book to dcmonstrutetlio Union,
ami ns to the constitutional character
of those acts, 1 need do no more than
refer to their general provisions. It
must be seen at once that they are not
authorized to dictate what alterations
shall bo made in the constitutions of
the several States, to control the elec
tions of State LcgislntiiresjSt ilc officer,
and nvnibers of Congress, and elec
tors of President nnd Vice-President,
by authority declaring who shall vote
and who shall be excluded from that
privilege, to dissolve State Legisla
tures or -prevent them from assembling,
to dismiss Judges ami other civil func
tionaries of States nnd appoint others
without regard to State law, to organ
ize and operate all political machinery
of Slates, to regulate the whole admin
istration of their domestic and local af
fairs ncenrding to the mere will of
strange and irresponsible agents sent
among them for that purpose. These
are powers not granted to the Federal
Government or to any ono of its
branches, and not being granted, we
violate our trust by assuming them as
palpably as we would by acting in the
iiiec of a positive interdict, for the
Constitution forbids us to do what
ever it does not a-llirniativoly author
ize, either by express words or by
clear implication. If theauthority we.
desire to use does not come to us
through the Constitution, we can ex
cuse it only by usurpation, and usur
pation is the most dangerous of all po
litical crimes, and by that crime the
enemies of n free government, in all
ages, have worked out their designs
against public liberty nnd private
right. It lends directly nnd immedi
ately to the establishment of an abso
lute rule for undelegated power, it is
always unlimited and unrestrained.
The acts of Congress in question,
ire not only objectionable for their ns-
sumption ot unpardonable power, but i
many of their provisions are in con- Tho blacksin the South aro entitled to
flict with direct provision of the be well governed, nnd to have tlie pro
Constitution. The Constitution com- tection of just laws tor all their rights
mands that a republican form ot (,ov-:ot
eminent shall be guaranteed to all
wind in; jii.i?uii i?uau iu infix
ed of life, liliertyor property without
duo process of law, or bo arrested
O-f l.t 1..,11 l. .1 ..
without a judicial warrant, or punish
ed without a fair trial before an im
partial jury, and that the priveleges of
habeas corpus shall not be denied in
times of pence, nnd that no bill ot at
tainder shall be passed even against a
single individual. Yet a system of
measures established by these acts
of Congress, does totally subvert nnd
destroy this form, as well ns tho sub
stance of a Republican government in
the ten States to which they apply. It
binds them hand and foot in nbsolutc
slaven, nnd subject them to a strange
and hostile power, niorc unlimited and
more liUefy to be abused, than anv oth
er now kuown among civilized men. It
tramples down all those rights in
which the essence of liberty consists.
and which free government is always
the most careful to protect. It denies
mo Habeas corpus and trial by jury.
Personal freedom of property and life
if assaulted by passion, predudiec or
or rapacity of a ruler, have no security
whatever It has the effect of a bill
of attainder or bill ofpainsand tienal
ties, not upon a few individuals but
upon the whole masses, including mil
lions who inhabit and are suhioct to
the States, und even their unborn chil
dren. These wroiurs bcim exnrrsslv
forbidden, cannot Ixsconstitutionally hi
flicted upon nuy portion of our ncoule
no matter how they have como within
our jurisdiction, and no matter wheth
er they live in States, territories or dis
tricts. I have no desire to save from
proper and just consequences of their
great crime those who engaged iu the
PA., WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER II, 1867,
rebellion against the government, but
as a mode of punishment, the measures
under the constitution are the most un
reasonable that could bo invented.
Many of those people are jn-rfeet
Iv innocent; many were lovnl
to the last: many were
ineapable
of any legal offense, a largo portion of
persons, even capable of bearing iirins
were forced into the rebellion against
their will, and of those who tiro guilt
with their own consent, degrees c
guilt nre as various as the shades
their character nnd temper. Dut these
acts of Congress confound them alto
getherin vengeance upon classes, sects
and parties, or U)(fii whole communi
ties, foroflense committed by a portion
of them against the governments to
which they owed obedience, was cum-
mon iti the barbarous ages of the world;
but Christianity and civilization have
made such progress, that recourse to a
punishment so cruel nnd unjust would
meet with condemnation of nil unpre
judiced nnd right minded men. Puni
tive justice of this age, especially of
tins country, does not consist in strip
ping w hole Stales of their "liberties,
and reducingall their people, without
d f-tincii in, to the condition of slavery.
It deaD separately with each individu
al confines itself to forms of law, nnd
vindicates its own purity by nn impar
tial examinations of every enso be-
fo.-c a competent indicia tribunal. If
HUN liOCS llOt SailSlV till, ICC US COUSUiC
ourselves by reflecting that a i'reeCon-
stitution, triumphant in war. and
un-
iroketi in peace, is worth far more
to us and our children, than gratifica
tion of any present feeling. I am
aware that it is assumed that this sys
tem of government for the Southern
States is not to be perpetual. 1 1 is
true this military government is to be
only provisional, but it is through
this temporary evil thnt n greater evil
is to be made perpetual. If guaranties
of the Constitution can bo broken
provisionally to secure a temporary pur
pose, and in n part only of country, we
cm destroy them every where, mid for
nil time. Arbitrary measures often
change, but they generally change for
worse. It is tho cause of despotism
that has no halting place. Intermit
ted exercise of power brinas no sense
of security to its subjects, for they can
never know what more they will be
culled to endure when its 'red right
hand is tinned to plague them again ;
nor is it possible to conjecture bow or
why a pDiver unrestrained by law may
seek its next victims in States that nre
still ok may he enslaved at any moment
for if tho Constitution does "not pro
tect all, it protects none; it is mana
fcstly nnd avowedly the object of these
laws to confer upon negroes the privi
lege of voting, and to disfranehi.'iesiich
a number of white citizens as will give
the lormer a clear majority at all elec
tions in the Southern States. This to
the minds of some persons is so impor
tant that the violation of the Constitu
tion is justified ns a means of bringing
it abo.it. Morality is always false
when it excuses it wrong, beniuse it
proposes to accomplish a desirable end.
H'c nre not permitted to do evil that
good may come. Hut in this cisc the
end itself is evil ns well ns a means of
subjugation of the States to negro de
nomination, which would bo worse
than tho military despotism under
which they nre now sull'eriii';. It was
believed beforehand that the people
would endure any amount of military
oppression fbrnny length of timo rather
than degrade themselves by subjection
to the negro race; therefore they have
been left without a choice. 'Xecro
suffrage was established by mi act of
Congress, and military officers were
commanded to superintend the" process
oi doming tne negro race with
iiclto race with the
political privileges to form white men.
person and property. If it were
practicable nt this time to give them a
I .
govcrnment exclusively for their own I
under which they might manage their mauds is to degrade it and finally des
own allliirs in their own way, it would j troy its power, lor it may be safely ns
'occome a grave qii.tion whether we'stnned that no political truth is better
ought to do so or whether common hu
manity would not require us to save
them from thcmsslvcs but under the
circumstances, this is only a specula
tive point. It is not proposed merely
that they shall govern themselves, but
that they shall rule the whjte race,
make and administer State laws, elect
Presidents and members of Congress
and shape to greater or less extent the
of future destiny of tho whole country.
ould such a trust of power be sale in
such hands. Peculiar qualities which
should characterize any wdio arc fit to
decide upon the niana ;o:ncnt of public
a (fairs for a great State, that have sel
dom been combined. It is the glory
of the white man to know that they
have had these qualities in suffi
cient m asurc3 to build upon this con
tinent a great political fabric and to
preserveitsstnbility formore than nine
ty years, while inevi ry p irt of the world
all similar experiment have failed,
but if anything can be proved by these
known facts, if all reasoning upon the
evidence is not a'o tndoucd, it must be ac
knowledged that in the progress of na
tions, negroes have shown leseapacity
for self-government than any other
race of people. Xo independent gov
ernment otany form have ever been
successful in their bauds.' On the con
trary, wherever they have been left to
their own devi', they has shown a
constant tmdeucy to relapse into bar
barism. Iu the Southern States how
ever, Congress has undertaken to con
fer upon them the privilege of the bal-1
lot. Just released from slavery, it may
be doubted whether as a class, they
know more than their ancestors, or
bow to organize nnd regulate civil so
ciety. Indeed it is admitted that the
blacks of the South arc not only re-
gardless of the rights of property, but
so utterly ignorant ot public ntluirs
that their voting can consist in noth
ing more than carrying a ballot to the
place where they are directed to de
posit it.
I need not remind vou that the
exercise of the elective finnchise is the
highest attribute of an American citi
zen, end that, when guarded by virtue,
intelligence, pat riot ism, nnd proper ap
preciation of our free institutions, it
constitutes the trim basis of a demo
cratic form of government, in which
the sovereign power is lodged in the
bodv of the people. A trust artifi
cially created, not for its own sake, but
solely as a means of promoting the
general welfare, its influence for good
must necessarily depend upon the ele
vated character and true allegiance of
the elector. It ought, therefore, to be
reposed in none except those who arc
fitted, morally and mentally, to ad
minister it well; for, if conferred upon
those who do not justly estimate its
value, and w ho arc indifferent as to its
results, it will only serve as a means
of placing power in the bunds of the
unprincipled and ambitious, and must
eventuate in the complete destruction
of that liberty of which it should bu
the most powerful conservator. I have,
therefore, heretofbro urged upon your
attention the great danger to be appre
hended trom an untimely extension ol
the elective franchise to any new class
in our country ; especially, when a
largo majority of that class in wielding
the power thus placed in their band
cannot bo expected correctly to com
prehend tho tin tics nnd responsibilities
which pertain to suffrage, i esterday,
as it were, tour millions persons, vere
hold in n condition oi slavery that had
existed for generations. To-day they
are freemen, and nre assumed bv law
to be citizens. It cannot bo presumed
from their previous condition of servi
tude thnt ns a class they are ns well in
formed us to tho nature of our Gov
ernment ns tho intelligent foreigner,
who niaUes our loved homo his choice,
In the case of tho latter, neither, a
residence of five years nnd knowledge
of our institutions which it gives, nor
attachment to the principles of the
Constitution aro tho only conditions
upon w hich ho can bo admitted to citi
zenship. Jio must prove, in addition,
i it . i.i .
a goon moral cnaracter, nnu tnus give
reasonable ground lor belief that he
will bo faithful to the obligations
w hich ho assumes, as a citizen of the
Kepiibbc. Where a people, the source
ofall political power speak by their
sniir.ige, inrougii mo instrumentality
of the ballot-box, it must bo carefully
guarded against the control of those
who are corrupt in principle ami ene
mies of free institutions, for it can
only become to our political nnd socinl
system a safe conductor of healthy
public sentiment when kept free from
demoralizing influences controlled
through fraud and usurpation. An
archy and despotism must inevitably
follow. In the hands of the patriotic
and worthy, our Government will lie
preserved upon the principles of the
Constitution inherited from our fath
ers. It follows, therefore, that in ad
mitting to the ballot-box a new class
of voters not qualified for the exercise
of tho elective franchise, wo weaken
our system of Government instead of
adding to its strength and durability.
I yield to no one in the attachment to
that rule of general suffrage which dis
tinguishes our policy a nation, but
there is a limit wisely observed hither
to which makes the ballot a priviledcc
and. trust, and which requires of some
classes a time suitable for probation
nnil preparation, and to give it iudis-
criminately to new class, wholly tin-
prepared bv previous habits and on-
bortunities to lierfonn tlm trust it. L.
. . .
established than that such indiscrimi
nate and all-embraoiug extension of
popular suffrage must end nt last in
its overthrow and destruction. I re
peat tho expression of my willingness
to join in any plan within the scope of
our constitutional authority which
promises to better the condition of the
negroes in tlio South by encouraging
them in industry, enlightening their
minds, improving their morals and
giving protection to all their just
rights ns freedmcn, 'but to transfer our
political inheritance to them would, in
my opinion, be an abandonment of a
duty which we owe alike to the mem
ory of our fathers and tho rights of
our eniiureii. ,
Tho plan of putting the Southern
States wholly, and federal government
partially, in the hands of negroes, is
proposed at a time peculiarly unpro
pitious. Tho foundations of so cicty
have been broken up by ' civil war.
Industry must bo rc-organized, Justice
re-established, publio credit maintain
ed mid order brought out of confusion.
To accomplish these ends it would re
quire all the wisdom and virtue of the
great men who formed our institutions
originally. I confidently believe that
their defendants will lx equal to the
arduous' task before them, but it is
worse than madness to expect that ne
groes will perform it for ns. Certainly
i . .i
we ougm not to osk tneir assistance
until we despair of our own compe
tency. There is a great difference De
tween tho races in phy8ical,mcntal and
EDITOR AND PVBJJSIIER.
i0. 25.
moral characteristics. It will pt.weut
an amalgamation or fusion oftLcm
together iu one lionmgeous muss. Jf
the inferi ir obtains the aseendctiev over 1
the other, it will govern with reference
only to its own interests, for it will
recognize no common interests, and
will create such a tyranny as this con
tinent m never yet witnessed. Al
ready negroes are influenced by prom
ises ofconfiscation and plunder. They
aro taught to regard as an enemy
every white man who has any respect
for the rights of his own race, if this
continues it must become worse and
worse until all order will be subvert
ed, nil industry cease and the fertile
fields of the South grow up into a wil
derness. Of all tho dangers which our
nation lins encountered, nono are equal
to those ahead which must result from
the success of an effort now making to
Africanize half our country. I would
not put tho considerations of money in
competition with justico nnd rightbut
the expenses incited to reconstruction,
under tlio system adopted by Congress
to aggravate what I rcgnril ns an in
trinsic wrong of the measure itself. It
has cost millions already, and if per
sisted in, will add largely to tho weight
of taxation already too oppressive to
be borne without just c iinplnint, and
may finally reduce tho treasury of the
nation to a condition of bankruptcy.
We must not delude ourselves. It will
require a strong standing army j and
probably more than two hundred mil
lions of dollars per annum to main
tain the supremacy of a negro govern
ment after it is established. Tho sum
thus thrown away would, if properly
used, form a sinking fund large enough
to pay the whole national debt in less
than fifteen years. It is vain to hope
that tho negroes will maintain their
ascendency thenis-'lvcs without mili
tary riowerj they nr wholly incapable
of holding in subjection tho white peo
ple of tho South. I submit to the
judgement of Congress whether the
public credit may not bo injuriously
affected by a systcin of mensurcs like
this. With ourdebt'nnd vast private
interests, which aro complicated with
it, wo cannot be too cautious of a poli
cy which might by possibility impair
tho ' confidence of tho world in our
Government. That confidence can
only lie retained by carefully inculca
ting the principles of justice'and honor
in tho popular mind, and by tiio most
scrupulous fidelity to all our engage
ments of tvory sett. Any serious
breach of the organic law, if persisted
in for it considerable time, cannot but
create fears for tho stability of our in
stitutions. Tlio hubit ial violation of
tho prescribed rules which wo bin J
ourselves to observe, must demoralize
tho people; our only standard of civil
duty would beset at naught, nnd (he
sheet anchor of our political morality
is lost ; public conscience swings from
its moorings aud yields to every im
pulse, passion and interest. If wo re
pudiate the Constitution, we will not.
bo expected to care much for mere oo-
cunutry obligations. The violation of
such a pledge as wo made on the 22d
of July, 1861, Will assuredly diminish
the market value of our other socu-
ricties. Besides, if we now acknow
ledge that the national debt was creat
ed, not to hold the States in the
Union, as tax payers were led to sup
pose, bat to expel them from it and
hand them over to be governed by ne
groes, our moral duty to pny it may
seem iiiuoli less clear. I say it may
seem so, for I do not admit that it or
any other argument in ivor of repu
diation can bo entertained as sound,
but its influence on sonic classes of
minds may well be apprehendcj.
me nnancial honor 0! this creat
commercial nation is hrgq'.y indobteJ,
ana wim a republican form of govern
ment, aiiniir.istereu by agents ot a
popular choice, is a thing of such
delicate texture, and the destruction of
it would bo followed by such an
unspeakable calamity that eve y true
patriot must desire to avoid whatever
might oxposa it to the slightest danger,
Hie great interests ot tho country
require immediate roiict trom these
enactments,
Business in the South is paralyzed
by a sense of general insecurity, bv the
terror ol connseation and the dread ol
negro supremacy. Tho Southern trade
from which the JSortlt would have
ucricu eo ureal a nront under n
j : i . .
government of law, slill languishes and
can never be revived until it ceases to
be fettered by arbitrary power which
makes all its operations unsafe. That
rich country, the richest in natural
resources the world ever saw, is worse
tl. in lost if it be not soon placed under
tnu protection ot a trca Constitution.
Instead of being its it ought to be, a
source of wealth and power, it will
become an intolerable burden upon the
rest of the nation. ' Another reason
for retracing our steps, will doubtless
be seen by Congress in late manifesta
tions ' of public ' opinion' upon that
subject. . Ave live in a . country where
popular will always enforces obedient
to itself sooner or later. It is vain to
think of opposing it with anything
short of legal authority, ' backed by
ovcnwhelming force. It cannot have
escaped your attention that from the
day on which Congress fairly and
formally presented tne proposition to
govern the Southern States by military
iotcc, wim b view to - me aiumatc
establishment of negro supremacy,
every expression of general sentiment
has' been more of' less adverse tu it.
The affections of this generation cannot
their ancestors, Their determination
' 'JLJ J-!" - J1.- ' W
, Xormw ol" AUvcrtlslMur
Af
JAR WORK.
AiivEitTiKME.NT liwrtftl at SI SO prt nor
fur tlin-e lnm-rtloiia, ami 50 renin 'r wjiiar
fkirtiiuhndililluuiil iiim-rtlon ; (ten lln orlnn
cmmtL-tU Milium All trnwiUiitmlvia-UaciurnW
to Ik paid tur liiailvanc-e. '
IH'sinkw K hicks m-t oftdur tlie lmaj or ItHUl
nrwa will bo cli.iritud Invurialiljr IU crata a Una
funnel) lusi'rtiuu. ., -
A Itlx-rnl deduction mod to rn-rwitwuidvortla-ln
hy the qnurU-r, half-year or yciir. Hpertal
notice clmrtted one-half more Minn rennlnrad
vnrtlar.mniitH. ' , , .
Jou PrnxTisiinfcviTj-klnJ In Ploinnn-'
eyeolnra; lliuid-Mtl', Hliiiik,trilM Tnu phl
e ufi-vi-rv variety ami utj li-, prlntiil u( tli
almrt-.-st nutlee. The H:?i triu.t.-AN "Ftr" lira
liuit lieeii re-lltted, nii-1 every linns in U" Frio.
Iii-.f Hue emt Ih executed in the luont urtlat:s
muniiernuil nt the luu-eHt rntel.
to prerve their inh'-ritanco ofnf'reo
government in their own bunds, uiul
transmit it undivided and Unimpaired
to their own posterity, 's loo strong to
IjesncwssfullyopposeJ. Every treakcr
passion will disappear before the? love
of liberty nnd law, for which tho
American people nre distinguished
above all others in the world.
Hew far tho duty of tho President,
"to pri serve, protect, and defend tho
Constitution," requires him fo go in
opposing an unconstitutional act of
Congress, is a very serious and impor
tant question, on which I have delibe
rated much, and felt ox treuicly an xion
to reach a proper conclusion. Whcro
nn act has been passed according to
the forms nf the Constitution hy tho
supremo legislative authority, niid is
regularly enrolled among the publio
statutes of tho country, Executives re
sistance to it, especially in times of
high pnrtv excitement, would bo like
ly to produce violent collision between
the respective adherents of tho two
branches of tho Government. This
would be simply civil war; and civil
war must bo re-tot 3d to only, a th-i
last remedy for the worst of evils.
Whatever might tend to provoke it
should bo most carefully avoided. A
faithful nnd conscientious Alatn.-trato
will concede very much to honest error,
nnd something even to perverse mal
ice, before he will endanger the publio
peat ; and he will not adopt forcible
measures, or such ns might lead to
force, ns long us those which are peace
able remain open to him or to his con
stituents. It is true that cases may
oceur in which the Executive would
be compelled to stand on his rights, and
m lintum them, regardless of nil conse
qiU'iiecs. If Congress should pass an
net which is not only in palpable con
flict with tho Constitution, but will
certainly, il'cifrie.1 out, pr.Kluca im
inedlat'.' un.r ii'i'qina'uiu injury to tho
organic structure of tlie Government,
and if there bo neither judicial remedy
for tin wrongs it iniliets, nor power
in the people to proleet themselves
without the official aid of tiioir elected
d.-feiider ; if, for instance, tho Legisla
tive Department should pass nn act
even through all tho forms of law to
abolish a co-ordiiinto . depart
ment of the Government in such a
caso tho President must take tlio high
responsibilities of his otliee, and save
tlio lifj of tho nation nt nil hazards.
Tho so called reconstruction nets,
though as plainly unconstitutional as
any that can bj imagined, were not
believed to bo within tho class last
mentioned. The people wero not
wholly disarmed of the power of solf-
dofenee. In all tho Northern States
they still held iu thejr h indstho sacred
right of tho ballot, and il was safe to
beiicvo that iu duo tima they would
como fo tho resenoof their institutions!.
It gives mo plcnsuro to add t'.at tho
appeal to our common constituents
was not taken in vain, and that my
confidence in their wisdom and virtue
seems not to have been iiiis-iplaccd.
It is well and publicly known that
enormous frauds have been perpetrated
on the Treasury, and that colossal
fortunes have been made at the public
expense. Ihisspeoics of corruption
has increased, is increasins, nnd if not
diminished will soon bring us into total
ruin and disgrace. Tho public credi
tors and tho tax payers arc alike
interested in un honest administration
sfthe finances, and neither class will
endure the lanro-handcd robberies of
tho recent w., yor this discreditable
state Oi things there are several cartses. '
ome of the taxes arc so laid as to
present an irresistible temptation to''
evadu payment. The great sums1
which oilijers may win by eiinniv'rtncc .
ut fraud create a pressure which is '
more than the virtue of many can'
withstand j and there can be no doubt
that the ' open disrfgard of the
constitutional obligations avowed by :
some of the highest and most influential
men in the country has greatly
weakened tho moral Sense of those
who servo in subordinate' places.
Tho expenses of the United" States,
including interest on the public debt
are more than six times as much as
they were seven years ago. To col-'
Ixt and disburse this vast amount re
quires careful supervision as well as
systematic vigilance. The system,'
iii'ver perfected, was much disorgan
ized by tho "Tenure of Office. Bill,"
which has almost destroyed ollicial ac
countability. Tho President may be
thoroughly' convinced tliat nn officer is
incapable, dishoucst, or unfaithful to
the Constitution, put uuder the law'
which I have named, the utmost he can
do is to complain to the Senate, ami
ask the privilege of supplying' his '
place with a better man. " Iff-" the
Senate be regarded as persorrally1 or:
politically hostile to tho President, it
is natural; an 1 not " ftltowthot
unreasonable, for" tNc officer to ' fjxpect'
that it will ta'40 his part as1 far. aV
possible reitr.ro him to his 'nhiiiil
give him a '.riumph over hisExermrive
superior. ThootHcerhasotherchances;
Vj.,mP0 0lt7 ' arising from .aceidentnr
defect, of evidonoo,' the -'mode of
investigating it, and the secrecy of the
hearing.1 It is ' no wonderful : that
Official malfeasance' should : IW.ruii
bold in prtrtiori'as tho; delinquent
learn to think themselves safe,""! am
entirely pesuM,'that under : snohr a)
rale Ihe President eantiot perform Uau
si""'j B-wigiicu to aim ot seeing
thftlaws faithfully twecuted, and that
it Kbles him' most es:i3cia.llv
enfoHiii that ririd
0f the revenue iaws.