Lancaster farming. (Lancaster, Pa., etc.) 1955-current, December 02, 1995, Image 42

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    82-Lancaster Fanning, Saturday, December 2, 1995
Book Researches Amish Culture’s Influence On Transition
LOU ANN GOOD
Lancaster Farming Staff
ELIZABETHTOWN (Lancas
ter Co.) Amish and farming
seem inseparable.
But Amish enterprises are pop
ping up all over this county and in
more than 200 other Amish settle
ments in 22 states and Canada.
Amish and business may become
the norm in the next decade.
It’s not that Amish are deserting
the farm, but there aren’t enough
farms for the rising Amish popula
tion, which doubles every 20
years.
A newly released book, “Amish
Enterprise From Plows to Profits,”
written by Donald B. Kraybill and
Steven M. Nolt, takes an in-depth
look at the Amish businesses,
lifestyles, and how the transition
from farm to business is affecting
Amish culture.
This transition was brought on
largely by what author Kraybill
calls a population squeeze. Even if
land prices had remained low,
there simply are not enough farms
for the rising Amish population.
Approximately 14 county farms
go on the market each year
compare with 200 Amish cou
ples that marry and begin indepen
dent living each year.
They could, of course, work for
other businesses. Some do.
In the mid-sixties, many Amish
boys were going to work in local
factories. There, they faced a daily
battle with the worldly influence of
blaring music, profane language,
and organized labor. The harsh
recession of the 1970 s ended up
with many unemployed Amish. It
forced many of them to take a new
look at options.
Some families headed for new
settlements, but strong family and
community ties kept many from
seeking refuge in distant states.
It seemed more logical and con
venient to their lifestyle to start up
a cottage industry or shop at their
dwelling.
The first few Amish enterprises
in Lancaster area were closely tied
to agriculture. Blacksmiths, har
ness makers, and carpenters sup
plied items their own people
needed and couldn't buy else
where. Some soon discovered the
tourist trade was a viable venture.
The book includes an historical
account of the Amish that explores
how their culture both honed and
deterred their entrepreneural
skills.
The Amish have a long-standing
tradition of a father providing a
farm for each son. The hard work,
long hours, and belief that God
commanded one to cam a living by
the sweat of his brow contributed
to helping the Amish become dili
gent business owners.
“The brightest people in Amish
society enter business because
without high school or college they
are not able to enter other profes
sions,” Kraybill said.
A survey shows that only four
percent of Amish businesses fail
compared to 63 percent of new
businesses in the society at large as
failing within the first six years.
Amish business people typical
ly violate all the accepted assump
tions that are necessary for begin
ning their own businesses.
“They have only an eighth grade
education, do not use 110-volt
electricity, do not own motor vehi
cles or computers; and do not pre
pare strategic plans. As an educa-
Amish Find Success In Business
tor, it sounds anti-education to say
that the Amish success rate is so
high,” Kraybill said.
Among other things, he credits
much of their success to the ethic
of hard work transferred from the
farm, and the creative use of
apprenticeship to train young
entrepreneurs.
Typically Amish start with little
or no debt, use family labor at their
at-home location, and prefer to
stay small. Their austere lifestyles
allow them to put more profit back
into the business. One Amish said
that he could live on $lO,OOO with
six children.
Few Amish-owned firms
existed before the 19705. Twenty
years later, almost a thousand
shops have sprung up in the Lan
caster area. Some are part-time or
seasonal. Some began as a sideline
and developed into full-time work.
Of all full-time businesses,
more than half have annual sales
topping $lOO,OOO. One-third of the
firms with two or more employees
have sales above $500,000.
Surprisingly for the Amish cul
ture. about 20 percent of the entre
preneurs are women, most who
started making and selling foods
and quilts on the side and soon
found themselves operating a shop
and even hiring employees.
Traditionally Amish women are
expected to be full-time mothers
and not divide their energies in
seeking a career. But many wives
assist their husbands in bookkeep
ing and in some production work
Most home-based businesses
begin in the family dwelling, farm
building, storage bam or unused
tobacco sheds converted into
shops and retail space.
Sometimes Amish continue to
operate their dairy farm with the
business. But time and resources
and smelling like manure while
trying to convince a customer to
purchase something in the shop
eventually influences most to
chose one or the other.
The owners are finding great
satisfaction in running a business.
But the transition brings a whole
new set of conflicts to the Amish
community who have clung to
established rules throughout the
centuries.
Amish businesspersons are
becoming unwittingly entangled
in legal matters. The church’s
long-standing prohibitions against
litigation, politics, individualism,
commercial insurance, higher edu
cation, restrictions on technology
(motor vehicles, telephones, com
puters, and electricity) creates
almost a constant dilemna. Taboos
on pride restrain many from
advertising and promoting their
products.
As business owners, Amish now
have to contend with collecting
bad debts, shoplifting, product lia
bility concerns, work-related acci
dent worker’s compensation, and
other issues while maintaining the
Amish stance against using force
of any sort to resist evil.
Although wary of using the law
to protect their personal and busi
ness rights, they have been forced
to reach a compromise from neces
sity, especially for debt collection
and liability coverage.
Amish mothers face the conflict
of knowing children should come
fust-but a customer must not be
kept waiting. An in-home business
does not automatically mean that
the children’s needs have their
parents’ full attention.
Church leaders fear that young
people who no longer have farm
chores seven days a week arc
ending up with too much time and
too much money.
At the same time, the church
leaders have become tolerant of
telephones, air and hydraulic pow
er. electrical inverters, and fork
lifts to do business—but not in the
house.
“The Amish have long stressed
the importance of separation from
the outside world, but now they are
doing business with the world—a
world that once persecuted them
and in the process the world is
transforming them and their tradi
tional values,” Kraybill said.
More than ISO Amish entrepre
neurs were interviewed for the
book, which details some of these
businesses by name and others by
occupation.
Photographs of the businesses,
taken by Dennis Hughes, a Lan
caster photographer, are also scat
tered throughout the 300-page
book published by Johns Hopkins
University Press.
Kraybill is a sociologist at Eli
zabethtown College. Nolt, a histo
rian, is also the author of “A His
tory of the Amish” and lives in
Indiana.
“Amish Enterprise From Plows
to Profits” is available in book
stores or may be purchased by call
ing Johns Hopkins University
Press at 1-800-537-5487. The pap
er back version sells for $14.95
and the hardcover for $45.
Study Indicates Amish In
Lancaster County Buying Farms
ELIZABETHTOWN (Lancas
ter Co,) —A newly released study
shows that the Amish in Lancaster
County bought 10,564 acres of
farm land from 1984 to 1994.
The results are contrary to the
generally accepted belief that
Amish are leaving Lancaster
County because of the high price
of farm land, the extensive devel
opment of farm land for residen
tial and commercial purposes, and
the volume of tourists who invade
the county to see, among other
things, the Amish.
Conrad L. Kanagy, Ph.D.,
assistant professor of sociology at
Elizabethtown College, did the
study. Here are the results.
Summary Report
Farmland Sales and
Religious Affiliation in
Lancaster County, PA,
1984-1994
This is a study of 1,092 farm
sales in Lancaster County from
1984 to 1994. The religious affili
ations of farmland buyers and sell
ers were obtained through church
directories as well as telephone
directories and subsequent phone
calls. Corporations were identified
in land deeds. The religious affili
ation of 60% of the sellers was
identified along with 72% of the
buyers. The remainder were coded
as “Unidentified.” Only farms of
25 acres or more were included.
Traditional Plain Groups include
Old Order Amish and Menno
nites, most who drive a horse and
buggy, receive an eighth grade
education, and use technology
selectively. Progressive Plain
Groups are Mennonites and Bre
thren who drive automobiles,
embrace technology, and operate
their own high schools and col-
ig a popt _n rest . enou^
farms for newly-established households each year. Conse
quently, many Amish are venturing Into developing their
own businesses and finding success.
leges. English arc those with some
other religious affiliation or no
affiliation. Corporations are de
velopers and businesses. Key
findings of the study include:
• Traditional Plain Groups
gained 154 farms during the past
decade while Progressive Plain
Groups and Unidentified lost
farms. Outside of Traditional
Plain Groups only Corporations
had a substantial gain (Table 1).
• Traditional Plain Groups
gained 12,911 acres since 1984
while all others except Corpora
tions lost acres (Table 2).
• The Amish gained more than
6 times the acres gained by Coipo
rations during the past decade
(Table 2).
• Traditional Plain Groups
gained almost 79 million dollars
of farmland during the past ten
years while Progressive Plain
Groups lost farmland valued at 22
million dollars (Table 3).
• Corporations gained nearly 19
million dollars worth of farmland
(Table 3).
• From 1984-1988 the Amish
gained 10 farms annually. This
number increased to 13 for the
period 1989-1994.
• Annually, Traditional Plain
Groups are adding 14 farms. Pro
gressive Plain Groups are losing 4,
the English and Unidentified are
losing 13, and Corporations are
gaining 2.
Homestead
NOTES
• Corporation growth in farms
boomed from 1988 to 1990 with a
gain of 26 farms but has slowed
substantially since.
• Yearling, the Amish are gain
ing 960 acres. Corporations are
gaining 151 acres.
• Traditional Plain Groups gain
1,173 acres each year. Progressive
Plain Groups lose 329 acres, En
glish and Unidentified lose 998
acres, and Corporations gain ISI
acres.
• Amish have the highest rate of
within-group farm sales. Since
1984, 82% of Amish farms sold
have stayed in Amish hands. The
rate is only 27% for Mennonites
end 24% for English. The latter
are selling the majority of their
farms to outsiders.
• Of all Plain Groups, Menno
nites sold the highest percent
(34%) to English, Corporations,
and Others. The Amish sold less
than half that amount (IS%) to
outsiders.
• Of all farm transactions since
1984, 13% were Amish to Amish
sales.
• The Traditional Plain Groups
gained 49 farms from the Progres
sive Plain Groups during the past
decade. The Traditional Plain
Groups gained 105 farms from the
English, Corporations, and
Unidentified.
• During the past two years,
(Turn to Pago B 4)