ing train, wrote it out for The Daily Chronicle,
in which it was published next morning, with
out the slightest revision by the reverend au
thor. And I assert that never has any pro
duction been more logically and rhetorically
exact. The voice of Dr. Breckinridge is weak,
although he is not yet sixty-five; but his manner
could not be more graceful. Every word
dropped from his lips like a coin of gold, clear
cut, bright, and beautiful; and all his sentences
were begun and closed with a higher than ar
tistic skill. A few instances will suffice to prove
this last assertion. Here is one:
You have to organize this party thoroughly
throughout the United States. You have to
put it into form, in whatever form your judg
ment may suggest, that will contribute all that
wisdom, backed by energy and the most de
termined effort, can produce, to gain the
victory which I have already said was in
our power. More than that, you have to
lay down with clearness and precision the
principles upon which you will carry on this
great political contest, and prosecute the war
which is underneath them, and the glory of
the country which lies before us, if we suc
ceed. Plainly, not in a double sense, but
briefly, and with the dignity and precision of
a great people uttering by its representatives
the political principles by which they intend
to live, and for the sake of which they intend
to die, so that all men everywhere may under
stand precisely what we need; to run your
furrow so deeply and so clearly that, while
every man who is worthy to associate with
freemen may see it, and pass over it to us,
every man who is unworthy may be either un
able to pass or may be driven from us. We
want none but those who are like us to be
with us.
The way in which these sentences were
enunciated showed the practical as well as the
natural orator, and the master of his subject.
But it was when he addressed himself to the
moral issue at stake, that he rose to tho digni
ty of his theme, and thrilled the vast audi
ence, that almost hung upon his lips. Observe,
after laying down the primary duty of serving
the nation, how clearly and yet how originally,
he discusses his idea of our relations to the
Federal Constitution, and the relations to that
charter of those who formed it. There is a
rare philosophy in the following extract:
From among those principles—if you will
allow me, for a moment, to say so—the first
and most distinct is that we do not intend to
permit this nation to be destroyed. [Great
applause.] We are a nation—no doubt a pe
culiar one—a nation formed of States, and no
nation, except as the States form it; and they
are States, but they are no States except as they
arc States in that nation. [Applause.] Histori
cally they never were, and they have no more
right to repudiate the nation than the nation has a
right to repudiate them; and neither of them
have any shadow of such right, and we intend,
God helping us, so to vindicate that truth that
it shall never be disputed any more in the
world. [Great applause.] It is a fearful al
ternative that is set before us, and yet there are
great compensations for it. Those of you who
have attended to this subject know, or ought
to know, that from the foundation of the pre
sent Government using that word_ in its
Otrzr, Daily Pare.
proper sense, this present Constitution—there
have always, in every generation, been parties
that had no faith in it. The men who formed it
were doubtful of its success. The men who op
posed its formation did not desire its success,
and I am bold to say, without detaining you
upon this point, that after all the outcry about
our violation of the Constitution, this present
living generation and this present Union party
are, more thoroughly devoted to that Constitution
than any generation that has ever lived under it.
[Loud applause.]
While I say that, and while I solemnly be
lieve it—while I believe it is capable of the
clearest historical proof—l will also add that
it is a great error, which is being propagated
in our land, to say that our Federal life—our
national life—depends merely upon the exist
ence of that Constitution. Our fathers made
it, we love it, and we intend to maintain it.
[Applause.] But if it suited ns to change it.
we would change it [applause], and when it
suits ns to change it we will change it. [Ap
plause.] If it were to be torn into a thousand
pieces—broken all over—the nation would be as
much a nation as it is to-day —as much a nation
as it was before this particular Constitution
was made; —a nation which always declared
its independence as a people, and who have
lived, united until now, a nation independent of
the particular institutions under which they lived ,
and capable of modelling them precisely as the
institutions of successive generations may require.
[Applause.] We ought to have it distinctly
understood, both by friends and enemies, that
while we love that instrument, and are in most
respects satisfied with it, and will maintain it
—and that we will, with undubitable oertainty,
put to death the friend or foe who undertakes
to trample it under foot, if we can get rid of
them in no other way — yet, beyond a doubt, we
will alter it to suit ourselves from generation to
generation, [Cries of “good, good,” and ap
plause.]
I do not quote these passages to give a
political aspect to this sketch, but to show the
peculiar qualities of mind and conscience of a
remarkable public character. While he was
speaking he reminded me forcibly of his
nephew, John C. Breckinridge. The tones of
the two voices are wonderfully similar, and
if it be, as it is to my mind invariably true,
that the voice, like the features, may be traced
through generations, the theory was strangely
verified on this occasion. When the Doctor
was told of this resemblance he replied that
he had a son in the hall “ who was the very
spit of John.” An extraordinary family is
this of the Breckinridges. They have all been
leaders, either in politics or in the Presby
terian Church.
Fair and honest in their dealings, chivalric
and courteous in their intercourse with others, it
was reserved for the Rebellion to witness the
first real difference on public questions be
tween themselves. The eldest survivor of the
name, the Chairman of the National Union
Convention, just noticed, preserves the honor
of its progenitors, while that young man, upon
whom so many hopes were built when he en
tered Congress in 1851, and was chosen Vice
President in 1866, driven, let us believe, more
by association than by principle, forgets all
the examples and teachings of his great
uncle, and sword in hand leads the embattled
hosts of slavery. It is not difficult to suppose
that the heroic clergyman feels the defection
of his nephew most keenly. For, in truth
let it bo spoken, there was much to love
in John Cabell Breckinridge. Never have
I met a man more adapted by nature,
by education and by rearing, to be a fa
vorite among men and women. He was the
type of manly beauty when I made his acquain
tance fourteen years ago. At that time, if he
had a conscientious feeling, it was hatred of
slavery, and both of us, “Democrats” as we
were, frequently confessed that it was a sinful
and an anti-Dcmocratic institution, and that
the day would come when it must be peaceably
or forcibly removed. How could it be other
wise with him, with such a parentage and such
a schoolmaster as his uncle Robert ? But the
fascinating society of the Southern magnates
were too much for young John. They saw
that he had a bright future. And having
taken the one wrong step, he was too proud
to retract.
I shall never forget my last interview with
John C. Breckinridge. It was on the evening
of the 6th of August, 1861, being the last day
of the memorable called session which was
assembled on the 4th day of July of that year
by Presidential proclamation. Widely as we
hod differed, our personal relations were un
changed. He knew how sincerely grieved I
was when, as early as 1858, he allowed Mr.
Buchanan and the extreme South to force him
into the support of Lecompton, and how re
luctantly, in the black and bitter years that
succeeded, I felt constrained to denounce him.
In the called session he had led the opposition
to Mr. Lincoln with vehement, unjust, and un
sparing ability. And now he was going to
Kentucky. “Good bye,” he said ; “Good
bye.” “No,” I said, “not ‘Good bye,’
Breckinridge, but farewell. You will never
again take your seat in the United States
Senate.” He seemed to be surprised, as
he said: “ What do you mean ? I wilt
undoubtedly return to my post in Decem
ber.” “No, my dear sir, you will follow your
doctrine into the Confederate army ; you will
go there to show that you are with the ene
mies of your country.” To which he answer
ed, and when he spoke the words I think he
was honest: “If Igo over the lines it will be
to bring back with me my runaway son, Ca
bell, who has gone into the other army wholly
against my will; but we shall meet, if we live,
in the winter.” “I wish it could be so, my
friend,” was my reply; “but still I feel that
your good-bye will be a long farewell.” And
this was the last of John C. Breokenridge.
His oath to support the Constitution of the
United States, like Hester Prynne’s scarlet
letter, burns an eternal reproach on the reoord
of the Senator. His sword is with Slavery
and Rebellion.