fferitatinti
PEMALE POLITICIANS,
Prof. Taylor Lewis contributed to the In
dependent a very able article, wherein he sets
forth the strongest and best reasons for op
posing the movement now in progress to
raise up a generation of female politicians.
He denies that women are not without rep
resentation, and insists that, virtually, they
do already vote. We copy :
Women are not a separate class; they are
not antagonistic, unless as the present effort
on the part of some few of them tends to put
them in that attitude; they ai-e not unrepre
sented, like the condemned victims of caste.
There is no true and vital interest of the
women of this land that is not dear to the.
men of this land, taken collectively. There
is no probability of any retrogradation in
this respect; society is advancing, instead of
losing ground in its estimation of the female
sex. At all events, the argument drawn
from this consideration still stands. It never
has been answered, and we firmly believe
that, if it were put to the intelligent female
vote itself, this claim of suffrage would be
decided in the negative by a majority that
would settle the question forever.
The second and purely political reason
against female voting arises directly from
the divinely ordained idea of society and the
state, whatever outward form the latter may
assume. It comes from the intimate and
essential connection between the family and
the state as composed of families. Why
should not women vote? Since they are
governed, why should they not have a share
in the government? These questions are
the offspring of the sheerest individualism.
Tliey come, too, from an entire misconcep
tion of what is meant by representation in
the state. Why are they thus shut out ?
The answer is direct and sufficient; they are
not shut out; they do vote; they' are repre
sented, and that, too, in the safest and most
effectual way. The state, instead of disown
ing, holds them as its choicest treasure, as
lying nearest to the very heart -of political
society. They vote as all our people vote
for President. They choose their elector, or
he is provided for them by one of the most
precious ordinances of God and nature. The
husband deposits the ballot for the wife; the
father does the same for his unmarried
daughters, as he does for his minor sons.
They may differ from him, it may be said—
they may not trust him. That maybe so in
exceptional instances, but woe to the families
of the land when this is generally the case,
and woe to the land composed of such fami
lies. With a domestic foundation thus rotten
and undermined, it would matter but little
what form of government or mode of admin
istration might be preferred. . How, what
■would be the effect, in this respect, of
women’s voting ? Would it make the family
more peaceful ? Would, this extreme indi
vidualism which some are advocating tend
to the purity and harmony of this sacred
elemental structure? Would the real influ
ence of .the wjfe and daughter be, in that
case, either as healthful or as potent as it
now is? These are the questions for the
philosophic statesman. In regard, however,
to this analogy between white women and
black men, the settlement of such questions
either way would make no difference. Let
'black women be thus represented, let the
samo precious privilege of voting through
their “next friends” be extended to the
black wives, and the black daughters, and
the case, as far as the parallelism is con
cerned, is fully settled; the inconsistency
which the ultraist, whether Democrat or
Radical Eepublican, is so zealously charging,
utterly disappears.
To the case of unmarried women living by
themselves, this 'second class of reasons, or
the purely political, does not appear applica
ble ; though the first is all sufficient. In
respect to widows who are heads of families,
it may also be said, and with still more force,
that there is no reason, drawn solely from
their relation to the state, why they should
not vote. That, however, which we have
called the social or the personal reason still
retains all its force ; and the only questipn,
therefore, would be, whether the protection
of their property and other interests, or any
danger to it from their male neighbors, fur
nished an argument sufficient to outweigh
it. AYe do not think that any one can con
travene the fairness of this statement of the
case, or present a reason against it, in its
general aspect, that would not tend, if carried
out, to undermine the deepest foundation
of the political as well as tho social struc
ture.
This deepest foundation is the family ; and
all the reasoning for female suffrage comes
from an ignoring of the peculiar character
and Divine sanction of the domestic institu
tion as the real elemental unit of the state,
and the ground-work of all healthful human
society. This, however, demands a treat
ment by .itself, and may therefore be deferred
to another occasion. It involves the idea of
household suffrage as offering one solution of
a much debated and exceedingly difficult
question.
SFEEOH OF THE HON. HENRY WILSON.
At New England Temperance Convention, at
Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen : I
came not into this convention of the sons and
daughters of New England, assembled in behalf
of the sacred cause of temperance, to give counsel
or speech. however, as I am to re
spond to your summons, I can hardly s.ay nay,
when called upon as I have been by this approv
ing resolve, aud these enthusiastic and generous
manifestations.
You ask me, sir, to state the condition of the
cause of temperance in the National Capital. I
say to you—and I take pleasure in saying it—that
bad as is the present condition of the cause of tem
perance in the Capital of the Republic, it is better
than ever before. [Applause.] There has heen
no House of Representatives during my acquaint
ance with Congress—and I have been there
Boston.
THE AMERICAN PRESBYTERIAN, THURSDAY, JANUARY 17, 186?.
twelve sessions—that can compare in freedom
from drunkenness with the present House of
Representatives. £ Applause.] There are very few
drunken members in that body. Nearly all the
members are temperate in the common accepta
tion of that word, and many are pledged total
abstinence men. I believe the next House will
be more temperate than the present House.
[Great applause.]
Perhaps, sir, it does not become me to speak of
the Senate of the United States, but it is a matter
of the widest notoriety, that we have some pretty
hard cases in that body. I speak of it with pro
found sorrow, for I can say that those Senators
who thus bring reproach upon the Senate and dis
honor upon themselves, by the habitual and ex
cessive use of intoxicating drinks, aTe in other
respects excellent gentlemen, and have the sym
pathy, and pity, too, of their associates. Before
the rebellion the night sessions were often dis
turbed and dishonored by drunkenness.
Sir, I derive from my experiences in the capi
tal of the nation this lesson: Hard as is the strug
gle with drunkenness—slow as is the progress of
the cause of temperance, still there is progress, sure
and unmistakable progress. [Applause.] Public
men generally indicate the progress of the masses—
generally reflect the public sentiment. Within
the past three weeks I have travelled three thou
sand miles in the West, and addressed six meet
ings upon public affairs, and I saw but one drunk
en man among the many thousands that ma.de up
these meetings. [Applause.]
The other day I attended an immense assem
blage at Rock Island, on the banks of the Missis
sippi. Thousands of the men of Illinois and
lowa were there —hundreds of returned heroes
with their battle-flags were there, and during that
day and evening I saw not one man drunk. [Ap
plause.] So much for the West. Three years
ago I addressed fifteen public meetings in Maine,
and I saw at all those gatherings of thousands
but one intoxicated man. [Applause.] It has
been my fortune during the past twenty-five years
to travel thousands of miles, attend hundreds of
political assemblages and see hundreds of thou
sands of people, and I say to you to-day—and I
say it for your encouragement —that there is a
marked improvement in the country in regard to
drunkenness; that there is less drunkenness now
than formerly. [Applause.]
This convention of the men of New England is
assembled to advance the cause of temperance
here and throughout the Republic. I have no
advice to give relating to modes of action. There
is one thing, however, in which we can all agree,
and that is, that every man, and woman too, can
be a living example by being a total abstinence
man and woman. [Applause.] Before I was
twenty years of age I took the total abstinence
pledge, and I have kept it for more than a third
of a century. * I thought when a young man, that'
when I should be fifty years of age, I might use
spirituous liquors with safety to myself and-with
out detriment to others. I have passed that age,
and I clearly see now that I cannot use intoxicat
ing liquors as a beverage with safety to myself,
nor without detriment to other's. Yes, sir, I re
alize more than ever before the necessity and the
duty of maintaining the character of a strictly
temperate man. [Loud applause.] I see young
men in the bloom of youth— I see men in the
pride of mature manhood squandering talents,
t'ftne, every thing—blasting reputa
tions and the hopes of kindred and friends—and
I would not have upon my soul the consciousness
that I had by precept or example lured any young
man to drunkenness, for all the honors of the
universe. [Applause.] The sorrows of drunken
ness glare upon us from the cradle to the grave.
From childhood I have seen —ay, and felt too —
the measureless evils of intemperance. Kindred
and friends near-and dear to me—kindred and
friends I tenderly love, and whose memories I
shall ever fondly cherish, have been its victims.
Anxieties for the near and loved burden our lives.
In view of these great sorrows that rest upon us,
we should be willing to make the personal sacri
fice—if it be a sacrifice—to put aside the cup of
intoxication: I have never felt it to be a sacrifice.
[Applause.]
In 1845 I went to Washington to carry peti
tions, signed by sixty thousand men of this Com
monwealth, against the admission of Texas as a
slaveholding State. John Quincy Adams, in
whose district I resided, made a dinner party for
me. Eminent men sat around that table-—one of
the number has since been Speaker Of the House
of Representatives, two have been Cabinet officers,
and two have been Foreign Ministers. I looked
up to Mr. Adams with profound admiration and
reverence. During the entertainment Mr. Ad
ams asked me to drink a glass of wine with him;
I was embarrassed —hesitated a moment-; it was
the sorest trial of my life; but I somehow suc
ceeded in stammering out —“ Sir,- I never take
wine.” [Great applause.] That answer settled
the matter for me. I have never found it hard
since to utter those words, nor to fill my glass
with cold water. I have often since sat at the
tables of Governors, Senators, Foreign Ministers,
Cabinet officers, Generals, Admirals and Presi
dents, but I have ever found it easy to decline the
proffered wine-cup. [Applause.] The real diffi
culty is not in others, it is in ourselves. Tempta
tions are ever around and about us. The only
thing for the temperance man to do is to stand
inflexibly firm in his plighted faith. He who is
ready to live by his temperance pledges will win
the respect even of men who indulge in the ex
cessive use of intoxicating drinks. [Applause.]
The holy cause of temperance must be carried
into our schools, Sabbath-schools, churches, fami
lies, every where. All must feel, realize that they
have a personal duty to perform—that they must
be examples of personal fidelity. Let every friend
of this hallowed cause ever remember that its
advancement demands individual responsibility.
[Applause.]
We intend, Mr. President, to have the Capital
free from intoxicating liquors. A public senti
ment must be created and developed that will
banish intoxicating liquors from all public build
ings, and deter public officers in the army and
navy, in Congress, the Cabinet and the Executive
Mansion, from the conversion of public buildings
into dram-shops. The way to create and develop
that sentiment is for the people to lead temper
ate lives, and through pulpit, lecture-room and
convention, and by all means sanctioned by law,
humanity and religion, let the public men of the
country, those in office and those who hope to be
in office, know that they will not longer tolerate;
drunkenness in official life. [Prolonged applause.];
THE FIRST PRAYER IN CONGRESS.
The subjoined extract of a characteristic letter
from John Adams, describing a scene in the first
Congress in Philadelphia, in September, 1775,
shows clearly on what power the mighty men of
old rested their cause. Mr. A. thus writes to
a friend at the time:
“ When the Congress met, Mr. Gushing made
a motion that it should be opened with prayer. It
was opposed by Mr. Jay, of New York, and Mr.
Rutledge of South Carolina, because we were so
divided in religious sentiments, some Episcopalians,
some Quakers, some Anabaptists, some Presbyte
rians, and some Congregationalists, that we could
not join in the same act of worship. Mr. Samuel
Adams rose and said “ that he was no bigot, and
could hear a prayer from any gentleman of piety
and virtue, who was at the same time a friend to
his country. He was a stranger in Philadelphia,
but had heard that Mr. Duche, (Dushay they
pronounced it,) deserved that character, and there
fore he moved that Mr. Duche, an Episcopal cler
gyman, might be desired to read prayers to the
Congress to-morrow morning:” The motion was
seconded and passed in the affirmative. Mr. Ran
dolph, our President, waited on Mr. Duche, and
received for answer, that if his health .would per
mit it, he certainly would. Accordingly, next
morning he appeared with his cloak and in his
pontificals, and read several prayers in the estab
lished form, and then read the collect for the
seventh day of September, which was. the 35th
Psalm. You must remember that this was the
next morning after we had heard the rumor of
the horrible cannonade at Boston. It seems as if
heaven had ordained that Psalm tobe read on
that morning.
“After this, Mr. Duche, unexpectedly to every
body, struck out into an extemporary prayer,
which filled the bosom of every man present. I
must confess I never heard a better prayer or one
so well pronounced. Episcopalian as he is, Dr.
Cooper himself never prayed with such fervor,
such ardor, such correctness and pathqs, and in
language so elegant and sublime, for America,
for Congress, for the province of. the Massachu
setts Bay, especially the town of Boston. It has
had an excellent effect upon every body here. I
must beg you to read that Psalm, if there is
any faith in the sortes Virgilianse, or sortes Ho
mericas, or especially the sortes Biblieae, it would
be thought providential.”
The 35th Psalm was indeed appropriate to the
news received and the exigencies of the times. It
commences: f
“Plead my cause, 0 Lord, with them that
strive with me: fight against them that fight
against me.
“Take hold of shield and buckler and stand up
for my help.
“Draw out also the spear, and stop the way
against them that persecute me: say unto my soul,
I am thy salvation.”
What a subject for contemplation does the
above picture present! The 44 members of the
First Congress, in their Hall, all bent before the
mercy seat and asking Him that their enemies
“might be as chaff before the wind.” Washing
ton was kneeling there, says the Newark Adver
tiser, and Henry and Randolph, and Rutledfee and
Jay, and by their side there stood, bowed m rev
erence, the Puritan patriots of New EnghmfL who
ah that moment had reason: to believe thst an
armed soldiery was wasting their bumble houses
holds. It was believed that Boston had been
bombarded and destroyed. They prayed fervent
ly “ for America, for the Congress, tor the province
of Massachusetts Bay, and especially for the town
of Bostonand who can realize the emotions
with which they turned imploringly to Heaven
for divine interposition and aid ? “It was enough,”
says Mr. Adams, “to melt a heart of stone. I
saw the tears gush into the eyes of the old, grave
pacific Quakers of Philadelphia.”
CLERICAL DANGER.
BY W. IV. HALL, M. D.
To preach a sermon in a cold room, especially
if the atmosphere in it be damp, is suicidal, —be-
cause the lungs are warmed by the exercise of
speaking, and in that condition large quantities of
cold, moist air are taken through the open mouth
and dashed in upon the lungs at every sentence,
the effect of which is like applying a cold, wet
cloth to a perspiring skin.
In attending funerals in the country, or at pri
vate houses in towns, ministers are often placed
in doorways or on stairs, and are thus exposed to
drafts of cold air. These, of course, chill the
body, and passing through the voice organs, cause
irritation and inflimmation, which sometimes re
sults in a loss of the voice for life. The minister
should be placed in the corner of the room, as a
general rule, but not very near the fire.
One of the most eloquent and promising young
clergymen in New England had preached a fune
ral discourse in a private house. It was a cold,
raw November day. In going to the carriage in
tended for him, he found that it was already
filled, and not wishing to put others to the trouble
of changing their seats, he took a place beside
the driver, while yet quite warm from the effort
of speaking in a close room. A piercing wind was
blowing, and in a few minutes a drizzling rain
began to fall, and he was soon chilled, and before
the burial offices were over, he became hoarse, a
heavy cold followed, which travelled downward to
the lungs, and he very soon died of throat ail and
consumption combined.
The effort necessary in conducting church ser
vices warms the body much above its natural
temperature, and if in this condition the speaker
sits down without the protection of extra cover
ing, the body not Only cools top rapidly, but the
effort of speaking having left it somewhat weaker
than usual, the circulation is less vigorous, and
less able to repel the influence of cold.' Thus it
often happens that before leaving the'pulpit the
clergyman finds himself chilled, and days, if not
weeks of discomfort follow. A man can no more
become used to cooling off too quickly than his
finger will get used to being put in the fire, so
that pain does not result. Therefore they are
wise who will habitually take the easy precaution
of having an overcoat always at hand, to throw
over the shoulders the moment a sitting position
is resumed, even if they remained seated but five :
minutes. If the weather is at all cool, or the
building is not comfortably heated, glpves-shouldi
be drawn on the hands also; for-if they are unco-
vered, the heat of the body is rapidly earned
away by the insensible perspiration arising from
them. If the head is thinly covered with hair, a
handkerchief should be thrown over it.
Many a good man’s life has been lost by Tiding
home after a sermon, especially if the atmosphere
is damp and a very little air is stirring,—while no
such result would have occurred if the speaker
had remained in church ten or fifteen minutes,
to let the temperature of the body gradually cool
down to its proper standard. The man who
preaches while he is hoarse may almost be called
a suicide, especially if every word be an effort, and
every sentence give pain. , When it is considered
how many long years of study it requires to pre
pare for the ministry, and what a large amount of
money is also expended, it is surely worth while
to take the precaut'ODß suggested, especially as the
“harvest is plenteous, but the laborers are few.”
REMINISCENCE OF DR. WAYLAND.
I was a freethinker. I read Rousseau and
Lord Byron, and believed in them. Religion I
judged of by the long, stereotyped prayers and
ascetic looks of some ill-bred Christians. I
hated orthodoxy as I saw and heard it from the
stand-point I had, in my proud imagination, taken,
and I came to consider every one professing it
sold under the hard bondage of fanaticism.
In this mental status 1 took my seat in the
lecture room of Dr-. Wayland. He was then dis
cussing the powers and functions of “ the moral
sense.” His course of argumentation was so keen
and clear that I soon began to listen. I began to
question, to argue, to present objections in order
to drive him from his position. It was like dam
ming up the waters of the Nile with bulrushes.
His logic, unfolded in his perspicuous, yet laconic
style, quite overwhelmed, confounded me. I saw
that I was standing on a foundation of shifting
sand; I saw that I was a miserable sinner, and
nothing but.a miserable sinner, in the sight of an
offended God.
I went to my room to pray; my knees were
stubborn, the load upon my heart was crushing
me. What must Ido to escape the wrath of the
Almighty? Hope seemed to have taken its ever
lasting flight.
I arose and went into, the presence of Dr. Way
land. He was in his study, reading his old, well
worn copy of the Sacred Word. He received me
kindly, and I at once made known to him the
anguish of my soul. I felt and said, “My sins
are so great and so many, that God cannot pardon
me.”
Fixing his keen black eyes, beaming with ten
derness, on me, this good man said, and never
till my dying day can I forget the earnest solem
nity, the eloquence of the tone, “ When he was
yet a great way off his father saw him, and had
compassion on him, and ran and fell on his neck
and kissed him.”
I felt that the case was mine, and Hope, re
viving Hope, came winging then her joyous flight
to me, to gild my pathway through this checkered,
transitory state.
Dr. Wayland then knelt down and prayed with
me and for me, and on leaving him he lent me
his well-thumbed copy of Bishop Wilson’s Sacra
Privata, asking me to read that and Edwards’
“ Life of Brainerd,” Instead offßyron, and
“ If I met with trialß and troubles on the way,
To cast myself on Jesus, and not forget to pray.’’
I never knew till that never-to-be-forgotten
night, the full meaning of that great English
word, — Friendliness. I never knew Jesus Christ
till then.
JlkteMiSjmeirte.
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